USGS Logo Geological Survey Professional Paper 669
The Colorado River Region and John Wesley Powell

THE BOOK OF REVELATIONS

In mid-March of 1869, the Powell party broke camp and through deep snow made their way across the mountains into Browns Park and thence to Fort Bridger, Wyo. The Powells went east, while the rest of the party remained in camp on Green River. Major Powell returned on May 11. He had been to Washington and obtained a renewal of the 1868 order authorizing Army posts to issue rations; he had obtained funds from the Illinois State Natural History Society, Illinois Industrial University, and the Chicago Academy of Sciences; he had arranged with a master boat builder in Chicago to build four boats in accordance with his own design, and he had had them shipped by rail to Green River City, Wyo.

As they made ready to leave Green River City on May 24, Major Powell wrote to the Chicago Tribune that the purpose of the trip was "to make collections in geology, natural history, antiquities and ethnology" and "to add a mite to the great sum of human knowledge." During the summer they would study the geography and geology of the valley of the Colorado. They would make a map showing the course of the river, determining the directions of each bend by compass and estimating the distances between bends, measuring altitudes by barometer, and determining astronomic stations every 50 miles. In addition, they would study the rocks exposed along the river and prepare geologic sections.

Ten started out: four guides from the preceding summer, Jack Sumner, Oramel Howland, William Rhodes Hawkins, and William Dunn; Walter Powell, the Major's youngest brother; Seneca Howland, Oramel's younger brother; George Bradley, whose release from the Army had been arranged by the Major; Andy Hall, 18-year-old veteran mule driver, bullwhacker, and Indian scout; and Frank Goodman, Englishman in search of adventure. Major Powell had planned a leisurely trip. They were equipped with 10 months' rations, and with guns, ammunition, and traps to add to their supplies, ample clothing, tools to build cabins for the winter and to repair the boats, and a variety of scientific instruments. These supplies were divided among the four boats, so the party would not be seriously crippled by the loss of one boat.

There were minor mishaps at the start, but the men soon settled down and moved down the river, naming the features as they went. On May 30 they passed through Flaming Gorge into the first series of canyons, and on through the Canyon of the Rapids, Kingfisher Canyon, and Red Canyon, by Ashley Falls, where they had the first long portage, to Brown's Hole. On June 8, shortly after they entered the Canyon of Lodore, one of the boats capsized and was dashed to pieces; with it went the clothing of the crew, one-third of the rations, and one-half the messkit, as well as some of the instruments and the map of the river to that point. Nine days later they lost most of the rest of the messkit in a mad dash to get away from a fire.

On June 18 they reached the junction of the Yampa and the Green and rested for a bit in Echo Park; 10 days later they arrived at the junction of the Uinta and the Green. A few supplies were obtained at the Indian agency, and some mail, and the Major had a chance to visit an old Indian chief and to inspect the Indians' fields. Frank Goodman left, having had enough adventure.

They started down the river again on July 6, through the Canyon of Desolation, and on the 16th arrived at the junction of the Grand and the Green. Major Powell had planned to stay at this point to observe the eclipse on August 7, but the rations were in such poor condition that they had to move on as soon as they determined the latitude and longitude.

On July 28, after passing through Cataract and Narrow Canyons, they came across the mouth of a stream not shown on any of their maps, and named it the "Dirty Devil." It was, according to Jack Sumner, "filthy as the washing from the sewers of some large, dirty city." The next day they took time to climb up the cliffs to explore the ruins of some old Moqui (Hopi) houses, high on the canyon wall, that had last been inhabited perhaps a century or two before. On the last day of July they arrived at the mouth of the San Juan. By now, they were short of all rations except flour, coffee, and dried apples, and there was much grumbling, so after 2 days making observations, they pushed on, through Monument Canyon (later renamed "Glen Canyon"), past the Crossing of the Fathers, and the mouth of the Paria, which they did not recognize.

They stopped to observe the eclipse on August 7, but the weather was cloudy and it started to rain. The going became increasingly difficult as they continued down the river. About noon on the 10th the Major concluded that they had already passed the Paria and were coming to some other stream, and at 2 o'clock they reached it, the Chiquito or Little Colorado. By now, everyone except the Major was discontented. He was still happily studying the geology.

After 2 days in camp, on Friday, August 13, they started into the Grand Canyon. They had about a month's rations left—flour, a little rancid bacon, a few pounds of dried apples, and a large sack of coffee. Almost immediately they encountered long and difficult rapids. Then to make matters worse, it started to rain. The sun came out briefly, enabling them to dry out, but then the rain began again. The boats were leaking and had to be calked often. The river turned toward the northeast, and they feared they were headed back for the starting point. After they had come 120 miles (the Mormons had estimated the total distance as 70-80 miles) they began to wonder how much farther they had to go. On Wednesday, the 25th, they opened the last sack of flour.

On Friday, the 27th, after 2 weeks in the canyon, they came to a rapids that was as bad as any they had seen. All afternoon went by as they tried, and failed, to find a way around it. And below it they could see three more. There was food for only 5 days, and an unknown distance lay ahead of them. They had no choice but to try to run the rapids. The Howland brothers and Dunn refused to go on; the next morning, therefore, the guns, ammunition, and the few remaining provisions were divided, the small boat and the collections were cached. The three who were leaving climbed up the cliffs to go overland toward the settlements at the head of the Virgin River. The rest piled into the two large boats, and with all the courage they could muster dashed into the boiling waters, rowing as long as they could, and came out at the bottom of the rapids, soaked but right side up.

By 10 o'clock on Sunday morning they were out of the granite, the country began to open up, and a little after noon on Monday, August 30, they arrived at the mouth of the Virgin River, where three white men and a boy were fishing. The ordeal was over. The canyon had been conquered.

The expedition officially disbanded 2 days later. Major Powell and his brother left for Salt Lake City by way of St. Thomas and St. George, seeking word of the three who had left. The others continued down the Colorado, which was well known from this point to its mouth. The Major arrived in Salt Lake City on September 15 to receive a hero's welcome. By now, the word of his exploits had been front-page news in the newspapers of the country and the professor from Illinois was a national figure. In Salt Lake City, he learned that the Howlands and Dunn had been killed by Shivwits Indians. He stayed long enough to lecture to a large and appreciative audience about what he had seen on the Colorado, and then left for the East. He had already decided on a second expedition.

A third trip to Washington was more successful; Congress appropriated $10,000 for the exploration of the Colorado River and a strip of land along both sides during the year ending June 30, 1871. More important, Powell was assured that he could count on continued support.

Preparations for the second expedition were more thorough. First, Powell asked his brother-in-law, A. H. Thompson, to be the chief topographer and left with him notes from the first trip from which a preliminary base map could be prepared. Then, with F. M. Bishop and Walter Graves, who would be topographic assistants of the second expedition, he went West. Instead of carrying all the rations in the boats, they would have supplies brought down to the river. They knew of two points at which the river could be reached from settlements in Utah, but they were close together, and additional points would be needed. Jacob Hamblin, a Mormon who had spent many years in promoting peace with the Indians and who knew the country as well as any man, except perhaps the Indians, was hired as guide and interpreter, and with his assistance a second route to the mouth of the Paria was established. A council was held with the chiefs and principal warriors of the tribes so Powell could explain to them the purpose of the trip. All great and good white men, he told them, are anxious to know very many things; they spend much time in learning, and the greatest man is he who knows the most. The Indians named in Kapurats, meaning "One-arm-off," and agreed to be friends, to share their food with him, and to show him where to obtain water.

Then, although another route to the river should be found, the Major could not resist the opportunity to learn more of the Indians. Hamblin was going to visit the Moqui villages to the southeast and the Major went with him. After several weeks among the Indians, learning their language and observing their ways, he returned by way of Fort Defiance where he helped Hamblin establish a long-desired pact of friendship with the Navajos. To Hamblin he left the task of finding a way to the mouth of the Dirty Devil as the third supply point.

The second expedition left Green River on May 22, 1871. Except for Major Powell, none of the 1869 crew went on the trip. The new crew included—in addition to Thompson, Bishop, and Graves—E. O. Beaman, a professional photographer; Fred Dellenbaugh, a young man with artistic abilities; S. V. Jones, student of mathematics and surveying; J. F. Steward, an army acquaintance of the Major's and amateur geologist; Andrew Hattan, another army friend; Walter Clement Powell, the Major's cousin, and Frank Richardson, a family friend. Jack Hillers of Salt Lake City was a last-minute replacement for Jack Sunmer who was snowbound. The boats were new, but similar to those that had served the first party. Rather than using a small lead boat, as in the first expedition, the Major had obtained an armchair which was lashed to the middle bulk head of the Emma Dean, and from this perch he kept a lookout for danger ahead.

Remembering the trials of the first trip, the Major proceeded cautiously, and they reached the mouth of the Uinta almost without incident. Now and then while the current permitted, the three boats had even been lashed side by side and allowed to drift as the Major read to the men. At the Uintah Indian Agency came the first hint of trouble. A message from Hamblin said that it was not possible to take supplies to the mouth of the Dirty Devil. The Major took off for Salt Lake City, returned briefly to report that the river which Hamblin had thought was the Dirty Devil was actually the San Rafael, put Thompson in charge of the river party, and then took off again, determined to find a route down the Dirty Devil.

He rejoined the river party at Gunnison's Crossing at the end of August, without having found a practicable trail to the mouth of the Dirty Devil. The supplies were getting short, and the party again had to press on without adequate time for observations. One boat was cached at the mouth of the Dirty Devil, and they went on through Glen Canyon in two boats, noting to the northwest the "Unknown" Mountains, which were later named the "Henry Mountains." On October 6 they arrived at the Crossing of the Fathers where rations were waiting. The Major left for Kanab to make preliminary arrangements for the winter's work while the rest went on to the mouth of the Paria where they cached the other two boats.

As soon as they settled in winter camp, Thompson began preparation for the topographic map of the Kaibab and Kanab Plateaus and was occupied until February 21, 1872, measuring a 9-mile base line and setting up monuments for triangulation. Meanwhile, Major Powell and another party found a trail by which a pack train could reach the Grand Canyon at the mouth of the Kanab, thus assuring the food supply for the river party of the following summer.

Early in February, the Major left for the East, ostensibly to seek a new appropriation, but before leaving, he secured Thompson's promise to stay on even without salary if necessary. During this trip he not only secured the needed appropriation, but also made his first appearance at the Philosophical Society of Washington, where he presented an elaborate classification of valleys on the basis of his studies in the Colorado region, purchased a home in Washington, sold the home in Bloomington, and resigned from the university. He had settled on his life's work—to understand the West, first the land, and then those who inhabited the land.

While Powell was in the East, Thompson completed the preliminary map of the Grand Canyon region and at the end of May started out with several others for another try at the Dirty Devil route. He found the headwaters of the stream that should be the Dirty Devil, and the canyon was too steep to go down. Then from a point on the ridge, he observed that this stream turned east, cutting through the mountains, and then southeast to join the Colorado just above the San Juan. It was not the Dirty Devil. Both river parties had passed by its mouth without noting it. Thompson named it the "Escalante" in honor of the Spanish padre who had led an expedition from New Mexico to the region of Great Salt Lake and back in 1776. It was the last river added to the map of the United States.

Several days later, they found the true course of the Dirty Devil, and on June 22 passed down the long-sought route to the Colorado. The river was 15 feet higher than it had been the year before. Four of the party took the boat they had cached down to Lees Ferry at the mouth of the Paria while the rest went back to Kanab.

Powell arrived in August and took command of the party through Marble Canyon and into the Grand Canyon. Because of the greater height of the river, the boats were almost impossible to control, so when they reached Kanab Wash on September 7, Powell decided not to go on, and the second expedition through the canyons of the Colorado ended.

For the rest of the season Thompson continued the systematic mapping of the lower canyons, but Powell, after a brief study of Long Valley, went off riding around the district with the new Indian agent. He had already acquired a reputation for being able to deal with the Indians.

During most of 1873, Thompson continued in charge of the mapping while Powell was engaged in a study of the Indians. He had been appointed a special commissioner to visit the Indians of Utah and eastern Nevada and to help get them established on reservations. Between July and November, he visited all the bands known to live in the area, making a careful census of their numbers and condition and adding to his store of knowledge of their languages and customs.

The report of the special commissioners disclosed the unexpected fact that there were only 5,500 Indians in the whole territory. Because of the influx of white settlers who had occupied the best areas, the Indians had had to split into smaller and smaller bands in order to obtain the barest subsistence, and they were on the verge of extinction. Reservation sites were selected, but the commissioners pointed out that a reservation was not the whole answer. The reservation was not a pen where a horde of savages was to be herded but should be a school of industry and a home. The Indians should be taught trades and skills, and they should also be taught English, for the ideas and thoughts of civilized life simply could not be communicated to them in their own language.

The commissioners' recommendations of reservation sites were accepted and acted upon, but the rest of the report was ignored. The commissioners had really not expected anything else. Congress and the American public were not yet ready to accept responsibility for Indian welfare.

Once the Indian report was out of the way, Powell concentrated on completing the report on the exploration of the Colorado River. The competition for appropriations was keen, and becoming keener. Four surveys were now operating in the West (six, if one counted the Land Office surveys and the Coast Survey with its newly authorized geodetic work in the interior), and Powell's was the smallest and newest. Both the King and Hayden surveys had published substantial volumes, and the Wheeler survey had published several preliminary reports and maps.

The manuscript was completed and delivered to Secretary Joseph Henry of the Smithsonian Institution in June 1874. Its full title was "Exploration of the Colorado River of the West and Its Tributaries Explored in 1869, 1870, 1871, and 1872 Under the Direction of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution." The contents included what was purported to be a journal of the exploration of the Green and Colorado in 1869, an account of Powell's land exploration of 1870, and a report by Thompson on his trip to the mouth of the Dirty Devil. A second part contained Powell's geologic descriptions and discussion. The book is exciting reading still, but the journal of the exploration is actually a composite of the two river trips, and events have been switched around to heighten the drama, so it cannot be read as history.

The geologic discussion is another matter. In this, and in the "Report on the Geology of the Eastern Portion of the Uinta Mountains," which was published a year later, several important principles were first clearly stated.

The Major delighted in classifying the facts he observed. As he later explained, every stage in the progress of knowledge is marked by a stage in the progress of classification. He had proposed a classification of valleys to the Philosophical Society in 1872, two orders with three varieties in each, based on the relation of the stream to the dip of the rocks. From this classification he went on to a classification of valleys in relation to the stratigraphy or structural geology of the region, proposing the term "antecedent," for drainage established before, or antecedent to, the folding and faulting; "consequent," for valleys whose directions were dependent on the "corrugation"; and "superimposed," for those valleys whose present courses were determined by conditions in rocks that had since been removed by erosion.

The classic description of an antecedent stream is that of the Green River cutting its way through the Uinta Mountains:

"To a person studying the physical geography of this country, without a knowledge of its geology, it would seem very strange that the river should cut through the mountains, when, apparently, it might have passed around them to the east, through valleys, for there are such along the north side of the Uintas, extending to the east, where the mountains are degraded to hills, and, passing around these, there are other valleys, extending to the Green, on the south side of the range. Then, why did the river run through the mountains?

"The first explanation suggested is that it followed a previously formed fissure through the range; but very little examination will show that this explanation is unsatisfactory. The proof is abundant that the river cut its own channel; that the cañons are gorges of corrasion. Again, the question returns to us, why did not the stream turn around this great obstruction, rather than pass through it? The answer is that the river had the right of way; in other words, it was running ere the mountains were formed; not before the rocks of which the mountains are composed, were deposited, but before the formations were folded, so as to make a mountain range.

"The contracting or shriveling of the earth causes the rocks near the surface to wrinkle or fold, and such a fold was started athwart the course of the river. Had it been suddenly formed, it would have been an obstruction sufficient to turn the water in a new course to the east, beyond the extension of the wrinkle; but the emergence of the fold above the general surface of the country was little or no faster than the progress of the corrasion of the channel. We may say, then, that the river did not cut its way down through the mountains, from a height of many thousand feet above its present site, but, having an elevation differing but little, perhaps, from what it now has, as the fold was lifted, it cleared away the obstruction by cutting a cañon, and the walls were thus elevated on either side. The river preserved its level, but mountains were lifted up; as the saw revolves on a fixed pivot, while the log through which it cuts is moved along. The river was the saw which cut the mountain in two."

Although there are some differences of opinion now whether the Green is an antecedent stream, later generations of geologists have used and developed this concept.

The second fundamental concept for which Powell must be credited is that of the "base level of erosion." In discussing the agencies and conditions that produced the more important topographic features in the valley of the Colorado, he pointed out that the primary agency is "upheaval" and the second is erosion. The latter depended on the character of the displacement in the upheaval, the texture and constitution of the rocks, and the amount and relative distribution of the rains. The higher the region the greater the amount of rainfall, and hence the eroding agency increased in some well-observed ratio from the low to the high lands. Moreover, the power of running water in eroding and transporting material increased with the velocity of the stream so that the degradation of the rocks increased with the inclination of the slopes.

"We may consider the level of the sea to be a grand base level, below which the dry lands cannot be eroded; but we may also have, for local and temporary purposes, other base levels of erosion, which are the levels of the beds of the principal streams which carry away the products of erosion. (I take some liberty in using the term level in this connection, as the action of a running stream in wearing its channel ceases, for all practical purposes, before its bed has quite reached the level of the lower end of the stream. What I have called the base level would, in fact, be an imaginary surface, inclining slightly in all its parts toward the lower end of the principal stream draining the area through which the level is supposed to extend, or having the inclination of its parts varied in direction as determined by tributary streams.) Where such a stream crosses a series of rocks in its course, some of which are hard, and others soft, the harder beds form a series of temporary dams, above which the corrasion of the channel through the softer beds is checked, and thus we may have a series of base levels of erosion, below which the rocks on either side of the river, though exceedingly friable, cannot be degraded. In these districts of country, the first work of rains and rivers is to cut channels, and divide the country into hills, and, perhaps, mountains, by many meandering grooves or water-courses, and when these have reached their local base levels, under the existing conditions, the hills are washed down, but not carried entirely away."

William Morris Davis, who called Powell "one of the bolder explorers on the high seas of theory," said that this idea of base level had been more or less consciously present in the minds of geologists, but its actual definition was of the greatest service to physiographers.



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Last Updated: 22-Jun-2006