6. Tom Dye and David W. Steadman, "Polynesian Ancestors and Their Animal World," American Scientist 78, no. 3. (May-June 1990): 207-15; [Dorothy Barrère, Paul J. F. Schumacher, Charles W. Snell, and John A. Hussey], Hawaii Aboriginal Culture, A.D. 750-AD. 1778, The National Survey of Historic Sites and Buildings, Theme XVI: Indigenous Peoples and Cultures (Washington: National Park Service, 1962), pp. 6-7.
10. Peter H. Buck (Te Rangi Hiroa), An Introduction to Polynesian Anthropology, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 187 (Honolulu: The Museum, 1945), p. 107; Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, 1778-1854, p.3. Buck was part Maori from New Zealand and was a medical doctor before becoming interested in Pacific ethnology. He based his work on traditional Hawaiian sources.
12. T Stell Newman, "Man in the Prehistoric Hawaiian Ecosystem," in E. Alison Kay, ed., A Natural History of the Hawaiian Islands: Selected Readings (Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii, 1972), pp. 561-62; Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, p. 286.
15. Paul H. Rosendahl, Archaeological Salvage of the Hapuna-Anaehoomalu Section of the Kailua-Kawaihae Road (Queen Kaahumanu Highway), Island of Hawaii, prepared for Department of Transportation, State of Hawaii, Bishop Museum Report 72-5 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1972), p. 9.
16. Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, p. 298; State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawai'i, Volume I: The Historical Summary (Honolulu: Department of Land and Natural Resources, 1976), p. 4; Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," pp. 8, 30-31.
17. Samuel M. Kamakau, Na Hana a Ka Po'e Kahiko [The Works of the People of Old], trans. Mary K. Pukui, ed. Dorothy B. Barrère, Bishop Museum Special Publication 61 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1976), p. 95 (hereafter cited as Works of the People of Old); Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, p. 300.
20. Ibid., pp. 303-5. A wide range of estimates has been suggested for the population of the Hawaiian Islands at the time of Western contact. These range from less than 100,000 to at least 800,000. Interesting discussions of the question are found in David E. Stannard, Before the Horror: The Population of Hawai'i on the Eve of Western Contact (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, Social Science Research Institute, 1989). This work shows that the demographic history of Hawai'i is a subject that still provokes stimulating controversy.
33. Ibid., pp. 303-6. Ku, a deity of war, was one of four major gods in the Hawaiian religious hierarchy. The ahupua'a resembled a pie-shaped wedge running from the interior of the island to the sea, cross-cutting all environmental zones and resources.
35. Rose Schilt, Subsistence and Conflict in Kona, Hawaii: An Archaeological Study of the Kuakini Highway Realignment Corridor, Hawaii Historic Preservation Report 84-1 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1984), p. 290; Benjamin B. c. Young, "The Hawaiians," chapter 2 in John F. McDermott, Jr., Wen-Shing Tseng, and Thomas W. Maretzki, eds., People and Cultures of Hawaii: A Pyschocultural Profile (Honolulu: John A. Burns School of Medicine and The University Press of Hawaii, 1980), p. 5; Dorota czarkowska Starzecka, "Hawaii," chapter 5 in Hugh Cobbe, ed., Cook's Voyages and Peoples of the Pacific (London: British Museum Publications Ltd., 1979), p. 109; William H. Davenport, "The 'Hawaiian Cultural Revolution': Some Political and Economic Considerations," American Anthropologist 71 (1969): 4.
Davenport questions whether priests actually constituted a distinct social class. Although definitely a conspicuous and influential segment of society, they may have been simply an occupational category spanning social classes. In the broadest sense, a priest was anyone who by inheritance and/or training could practice any of the many rituals required in Hawaiian society. The lower order of priests concerned themselves with divining, sorcery, curing, and crafts, while the "true' priests conducted the rituals to the major gods. The latter type was divided into hereditary orders, each one serving a particular god. Many priests were full-time religious specialists. "Hawaiian Cultural Revolution," p. 4.
37. Ibid.; Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," pp. 29, 41; Davenport, "Hawaiian Cultural Revolution," p. 3. The highest ranking ali'i were the "first-borns of first-borns all the way back to the demigods and the gods," either men or women. Ibid., p. 7.
41. Edwin H. Bryan, Jr., Ancient Hawaiian Life (Honolulu: Advertiser Publishing Co., 1938), p. 18; E. S. Craighill Handy, Kenneth P. Emory, Edwin H. Bryan, Peter H. Buck, John H. Wise, Ancient Hawaiian Civilization, rev. ed. (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Co., Publ., 1965), p. 77; E. S. Craighill Handy and Elizabeth Green Handy, Native Planters in Old Hawaii, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 233 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum Press, 1972), pp. 284, 287; Tuggle, "Hawaii," p. 182.
47. Hiram Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands; or, The Civil, Religious, and Political History of Those Islands . . ., 3d ed. rev. (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1969), pp. 115-16.
48. Tuggle, "Hawaii," p. 178. Because kapu forbid the sexes from eating together, several commoner households often shared a men's house, which provided them with a leisure, religious, and eating facility. Commoner women who ate indoors probably did so in the sleeping house. Cordy, A Study of Prehistoric Social Change, pp. 73-75.
66. Yvonne Kami Ohira, "Fishing Kapu & Rituals: Their Relationship to conservation Past & Present," in Dorothy Hazama, ed., Culture Studies: Hawaiian Studies Project (Honolulu: State of Hawaii, Office of Instructional Services, 1978), pp. 42-43; Bryan, Ancient Hawaiian Life, p.17; Handy, Ancient Hawaiian Civilization, p. 105; Herb Kawainui Kane, "Hawaiian Fishponds: the Fascinating History of Hawaiian Aquaculture,' Historic Hawai'i 14, no. 6 (June 1988): 5.
69. J. Halley Cox with William H. Davenport, Hawaiian Sculpture, rev. ed. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1988), p. 14; W. D. Westervelt, "Ancient Hawaiian Fishing," Paradise of the Pacific 4, no. 12 (December 1902): 72; Titcomb, Native Use of Fish in Hawaii, pp. 1, 35-36.
72. William K. Kikuchi, "Hawaiian Aquacultural System," Ph.D. dissertation (Anthropology), University of Arizona, 1973, cited in Russell A. Apple and William K. Kikuchi, Ancient Hawaii Shore Zone Fishponds: An Evaluation of Survivors in Historical Preservation (Honolulu: National Park Service, 1975), p. 7.
173. William K. Kikuchi and John C. Belshe, "Examination and Evaluation of Fishponds on the Leeward Coast of the Island of Hawaii," compiled for the Hawaii County Planning Commission, Hilo, Hawaii, November 22, 1971, pp. 9-10.
75. Apple and Kikuchi, Ancient Hawaii Shore Zone Fishponds, p. 2; Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, p. 214. Historian Marion Kelly, on the other hand, believes fishponds did not become the private property of the king or the chiefs until the Great Mahele. Although the chiefs directed the work of the people in building the ponds, all Hawaiians earned use rights in the fishponds through their labor, enabling them to catch and eat certain of the fish in the pond. She believes that these ponds were an integral part of the Hawaiian land division (ahupua'a) system of land-sea cultivation. Marion Kelly, "Loko Kuapa O Hawai'i Nei," Historic Hawai'i News 5, no.4 (April 1979): 1,6; Carole McLean, "Endangered Species: Hawaiian Fishponds," Historic Hawai'i 14, no. 6 (June 1988): 6-7. Kelly's view contrasts with Kikuchi's belief that natural resources such as water and agricultural and aquacultural lands remained the complete domain of the elite, control of these resources giving them power over their subjects. Ibid., p. 7.
77. Apple and Kikuchi, Ancient Hawaii Shore Zone Fishponds, pp. 7, 45; Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, pp. 212-13; Robert C. Renger, "Human Adaptation to Marginal Coastal Environments; the Archaeology of Kaloko, North Kona, Hawaii," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1974, p. 160. According to Kamakau, both pu'uone and taro patch ponds belonged to commoners, land holders, and land agents. Farmers especially desired the pu'uone ponds near the sea and stocked them full of fish. Works of the People of Old, pp. 49-50. Catherine c. Summers states there were two types of pu'uone. Smaller ones were usually built by farmers who used them in addition to cultivating fields; chiefs used larger ones that covered up to several hundred acres and required much labor in their construction. Hawaiian Fishponds, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 52 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1964), p. 19.
85. Kane, "Hawaiian Fishponds, p. 5; Apple and Kikuchi, Ancient Hawaii Shore Zone Fishponds, pp. 51-52; Valerio Valeri, Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Society in Ancient Hawaii, trans. Paula Wissing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), p. 22.
101. Barrère et al., Hawaii Aboriginal Culture, pp. 36-37; John W. Coulter, Population and Utilization of Land and Sea in Hawaii, 1853, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 88 (Honolulu: The Museum, 1931), pp. 6-8; Tuggle, "Hawaii," p. 172.
107. Newman, "Man in the Prehistoric Hawaiian Ecosystem," pp. 561-62. According to Research Associate Marie Morin, fossil evidence indicates numerous birds were present in early Hawai'i that are now extinct. Morin to Francis Kuailani, Sr., November 25, 1992.
110. According to Kikuchi, "Hawaiian Aquacultural System," the ali'i-nui was the great chief, or mo'i, who ruled over an entire island or several islands. The ali'i-'ai-moku were the second rank chiefs who ruled over a district or sometimes an island. Below them were the ali'i-'ai-ahupua'a, who ruled that land division. p. 100. Davenport states that added stability adhered to the office of paramount chief if that person was of the highest sacred rank because of the special reverence he was accorded as a "divine being." "Hawaiian Cultural Revolution," p. 7.
111. Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, 1 778-1854, pp. 9-10; State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawaii, Vol. I, pp. 8-9; Davenport, "Hawaiian Feudalism," p. 17; Handy and Handy, Native Planters in Old Hawaii, pp. 279, 321; Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," pp. 43-45.
118. Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," p. 11; Jeffrey T. Clark and Patrick V. Kirch, eds., Archaeological Investigations of the Mudlane-Waimea-Kawaihae Road Corridor, Island of Hawaii, Departmental Report Series 83-1 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1983), p. 9; Hommon, "Formation of Primitive States," p. 229. Hommon states that the ahupua'a as a unit of economic exploitation is the most efficient way to encompass the greatest range of natural resources in the smallest space." p. 57.
119. Renger, "Human Adaptation," p. 39; Kelly, "changes in Land Tenure," pp. 18, 20, 22-25; Hommon, "Formation of Primitive States," pp. 55-57, 67-68; Handy and Handy, Native Planters in Old Hawaii, pp. 48-50.
122. State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawai'i, Vol. I, p. 10; E.S.C. Handy and Mary Pukui, The Polynesian Family System in Ka'u, Hawaii (Wellington, New Zealand: The Polynesian Society, 1958), cited in Renger, "Human Adaptation," p. 40.
127. Starczeka, "Hawaii," p. 110; Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," pp. 38-39. By the end of the sixteenth century, the Makahiki festival began to include sports, war games, and contests of strength. As warfare developed into an increasingly important activity, this festival provided an opportunity for chiefs to identify and select those young men who would be the best warriors. The role of the ceremony thus expanded to include a warrior training and recruiting program. Ibid., p. 39.
129. Starzecka, Hawaii: People and Culture, p. 16; John F. Mulholland, Hawaii's Religions (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1970), pp. 11-12,14-15; cox and Davenport, Hawaiian Sculpture, pp. 16, 19; State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawaii, Vol. I, p. 12; Kenneth P. Emory, "Religion in Ancient Hawaii," in Aspects of Hawaiian Life and Environment (Honolulu: The Kamehameha Schools Press, 1965), p. 86; Davenport, "Hawaiian Feudalism," p. 19; Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom. 1778-1854, p. 7.
131. Davenport, "Religion of Pre-European Hawaii," p. 21; State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawaii, Vol. I, p. 11; Emory, "Religion in Ancient Hawaii," p. 87; E. Ellsworth Carey, "The Ancient Hawaiians and the Tabu," The Californian 3, no. 5 (April 1893): 542; Barrère et al., Hawaii Aboriginal Culture, p. 30; Hommon, "Formation of Primitive States," pp. 109-10; C. F. Gordon Cumming, Fire Fountains: The Kingdom of Hawaii, Its Volcanoes, and the History of its Missions, 2 vols. (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1883), 2:22. To perhaps more clearly explain the term kahuna, Cox and Davenport state it was applied to "a group of highly trained male artisan-priests." The name specifies
Hawaiian Sculpture, p. 12.
135. Abraham Fomander, An Account of the Polynesian Race: Its Origin and Migrations, 3 vols., reprint (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle, 1969), 1:113-14. William Bryan, Natural History of Hawaii (Honolulu: Hawaiian Gazette Co., Ltd., 1915), pp. 46-47.
142. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, pp. 281-82; William D. Alexander, "Overthrow of the Ancient Tabu System in the Hawaiian Islands," reprinted in the Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society for the Year 1916 (Honolulu: Paradise of the Pacific, 1917), pp. 37-38; Bryan, Natural History of Hawaii, p. 46. See Jocelyn Linnekin, Sacred Queens and Women of Consequence.' Rank, Gender, and Colonialism in the Hawaiian Islands (Ann Arbor: The university of Michigan Press, 1990) for a discussion of the role of women in Hawaiian society. Linnekin concludes that Hawaiian women did view the kapu restrictions as burdensome and devaluing and did not always passively acquiesce to their constraints.
156. Barry M. Gough, ed., To the Pacific and Arctic with Beechey: The Journal of Lieutenant George Peard of H.M.S. 'Blossom,' 1825-1828 (Cambridge, England: Published for the Hakluyt Society at the Cambridge university Press, 1973), p. 135. During the early wave of enthusiasm among the Hawaiians for everything new and foreign, many chiefs assumed foreign names. Kuakini, perhaps due to some physical resemblance to the great American statesman, assumed the name "John Adams." He is more frequently referred to in the literature as "Governor Adams" than by his Hawaiian name. Emma Lyons Doyle, comp., Makua Laiana: The Story of Lorenzo Lyons (Honolulu: Advertiser Publishing Co., Ltd., 1953), p. 44.
158. Marion Kelly, ed., Hawai'i in 1819: A Narrative Account by Louis Claude de Saulses de Freycinet, trans. Ella L. Wiswell, Pacific Anthropological Records No. 26 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1978), p. 78.
165. Thomas G. Thrum, "Hawaiian Temple Structures," reprint from Special Publications of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum No. 7 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1921), pp. 86-87; David Kalakaua, The Legends and Myths of Hawaii, ed. R. M. Daggett (New York: Charles L. Webster & Co., 1888), p. 39.
166. William Shaler, "Journal of a Voyage between China and the North-Western Coast of America, Made in 1804," in The American Register, 7 vols. (Philadelphia: C. and A. Conrad and Company, 1808), vol. 3, pt. 1, p. 167.
168. "A View of the Sandwich Islands," in Letters from Missions to Islands of the Pacific. undated MS (ca. 1818?), American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 19.3, v. 6, in Haughton Library, Harvard university, Cambridge, Mass., p. 21.
175. Folder 1 of 3, box 8.33, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, Heiau notes, Stokes p. 1; Folder 1 of 2 (pre-1919), box 9.47, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, Hawaiian Heiau MS, Kamakau pp. 4 and 6, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Honolulu.
178. Folder 2 of 2 (pre-1919), box 9.48, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, Hawaiian Heiau MS. Stokes p. 6. Older temples frequently underwent alteration, sometimes every year. There might even be a complete change in the structure to induce good luck. Rather than remodelling older temples, new ones might be built and the old ones abandoned or used for another class of worship. If not rebuilt, temples might be rededicated annually so that the name of the latest king to dedicate it would be associated with it as the builder. "Static condition of institutions not necessarily maintained, " folder 3 of 6, box 9.25, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, "Puuhonua and Honaunau p. 1.
179. Folder 1 of 2 (pre-1919), box 9.47, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, Hawaiian Heiau MS, Malo pp. 1-2, Kamakau p.4; "Concerning the Luakini (draft of Chapter 37), folder 3 of 3, box 8.35, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, Heiau notes, pp. 1, 5-6; folder 1 of 3, box 8.33, Gr. I, Sc Stokes, Heiau notes, Stokes p. 1; Shimizu, "Architectural Analysis of Hawaiian Heiau," pp. 16-22; Davenport, "Hawaiian Feudalism," p. 26; David Malo, Hawaiian Antiquities (Moolelo Hawaii), trans. Nathaniel B. Emerson, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 2, 2d ed. (Honolulu: The Museum, 1951), p. 176; Native Historian John Papa I'i describes a slightly different arrangement of structures that will be presented in the section on Pu'ukohola Heiau. Shimizu believes that the stone walls and platform defined the heiau boundaries (and certainly in many cases provided the massive authority of the structures), but that the true essence or image of the temple was created by such features as the towers, images, houses, and wickerwork objects that are now gone but whose placement and construction were planned with great care by the priestly architect of the temple, "Architectural Analysis of Hawaiian Heiau, p. 15.
Usually high-ranking prisoners of war or those who had violated a kapu became sacrificial victims. Women were never selected for this "honor." William D. Alexander, A Brief History of the Hawaiian People (New York: American Book Co., ca. 1891), p. 51. Rebellious nobles were also a source of sacrifice. Historian Samuel Kamakau states that
Ka Po'e Kahiko: The People of Old, ed. Dorothy B. Barrère, trans. Mary Kawena Pukui (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1964), cited in Shimizu, "Architectural .Analysis of Hawaiian Heiau, p. 13.
The Reverend William Ellis states that when a sacrifice was needed,
Journal of William Ellis, p. 112.
The oratory was the place in which the prophets received information from the gods. E. Ellsworth Carey surmises:
"Ancient Hawaiians and the Tabu," p. 544.
183. Barrère et al., Hawaii Aboriginal Culture, p. 26. After completion of one of these ritualistic ceremonies specifically conducted to alleviate a pestilence or famine or bring success in some war-related venture, a luakini was often abandoned. Its site would, however, as mentioned earlier, be used repeatedly. A ruling chief maintained at least one functioning luakini near his residence that he ceremoniously revisited and reconsecrated each year. Ibid., p. 27. Shimizu suggests that
"Architectural Analysis of Hawaiian Heiau, p. 14.
187. Kamakau, Works of the People of Old, p. 135. According to Kamakau, this laborious heiau construction work fell on the people of the district, not on the whole island. Thomas G. Thrum, "Heiaus: Their Kinds, Construction, Ceremonies, Etc.," trans. from writings of S.M. Kamakau and others, in Thos. G. Thrum, comp., Hawaiian Annual for 1910 (Honolulu, 1909), p. 58.
"Memoir of Keopuolani," Box 1 :20a, Andover Newton Theological School Mss., Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass., p. 15.
Cumming, Fire Fountains, 2: 56.
199. George Vanderbilt, "Human Sacrifice" (October 9, 1 955):A4; "Polynesian Prelude" (September 11, 1 955):A4; and "Getting Right with Ku" (October 2, 1955):A4, in Honolulu Advertiser. Kamakau, Works of the People of Old, pp.136-37; Davenport, "Hawaiian Feudalism," pp. 25-26.
201. Nathaniel Portlock, "Voyage of Captains Portlock and Dixon to King George's Sound and Round the World," in William Marvor, Historical Account of Voyages, Travels and Discoveries from the Time of Columbus to the Present, 20 vols. (London, n.p., 1796-1801), 8 (1798): 285.
210. Toni L. Han, Sara L. Collins, Stephan D. Clark, and Anne Garland, Moe Kau A Ho'oilo: Hawaiian Mortuary Practices at Keopu, Kona, Hawai'i Bishop Museum Report 86-1 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1986), pp. 12, 21.
211. Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, pp. 237-38, 240, 242; Han et al., Hawaiian Mortuary Practices, p. 18. Interment of these four groups of people in heiau probably reflects their close relationship with Hawaiian religious practices.
214. Bryan, Ancient Hawaiian Life, pp. 58-59; Kelly, Hawai'i in 1819, p. 77; Kamakau, "Hawaiian Antiquities: Customs at Death," pp. 104-5, 108-9. Embalming of bodies involved cutting open the corpse, removing the inner organs, and filling the cavity with salt. In other instances, relatives stripped off the flesh, saved particular bones and the skull, and threw the rest of the body in the deep ocean. Kamakau, People of Old, pp. 33-34. Han et al., Hawaiian Mortuary Practices, p. 14, state that the practice of offering oneself as a "death companion" might have been mostly a ritual process, suicide not being a prevalent aspect of ancient Hawaiian society.
215. State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawai'i, Vol. I, p. 12. Because skeletal material remains indefinitely, "in essence, bones represent the immortality of an individual, as well as a link between the living and their progenitors." The treatment and safe-guarding of bones after death, therefore, comprised a very important part of the burial procedure. Han et al., Hawaiian Mortuary Practices, p. 13.
217. Journal of William Ellis, p. 272. The Reverend Lorenzo Lyons noted in 1833, however, that "Though coffins are sometimes used now, the dead are generally merely wrapped in mats. . . . Graves are not numerous in this part of the islands. caves are converted into sepulchres. . . ." Doyle, Makua Laiana, p. 69. The Reverend Lorenzo Lyons (1807-1886) and his wife Betsey arrived in Honolulu in 1832. Working out of the mission station at Waimea on the island of Hawai'i, his district included Kawaihae and Hamakua. He kept busy translating books and composing hymns while he counseled and preached. He built fourteen churches in his district before dying at Waimea. Biographical Notes, in Hawaiian Mission Children's Society (Lela Goodell, Elizabeth Larson, David Forbes), "Keola Hou Church, Kawaihae," 1969, p. .
218. Frederick D. Bennett, Narrative of a Whaling Voyage Round the Globe, From the Year 1833 to 1836, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1840), I:224. Reprint ed., Bibliotheca Australiana #46 (Amsterdam: N. Israel; New York: Da Capo Press, 1970).
219. Alexander, Brief History of the Hawaiian People, pp. 44-45; Carey, "Ancient Hawaiians and the Tabu," p. 278; Marion A. Kelly, "Report 12: Annotated List of Pu'uhonua in the Hawaiian Islands," in Edwin H. Bryan, Jr., and Kenneth P. Emory, The Natural and Cultural History of Honaunau, Kona, Hawaii, Departmental Report Series 86-2 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1986), p. 152.
221. Charles Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition During the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, 5 vols. (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1845), 5:46. Sledding activity will be discussed more fully later in this report. These slides were monumental construction projects that probably came late in Hawaiian history.
7. Daws, Shoal of Time, p. 26. Also see the discussion of Cook's relationship to the Hawaiians in Marshall Sahlins, Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities: Structure in the Early History of the Sandwich Islands Kingdom, Association for Social Anthropology in Oceania Special Publications No. 1 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1981).
9. John Ledyard, A Journal of Captain Cook's Last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean and in quest of a North-West Passage, Between Asia & America; Performed in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1779 (Hartford: Printed by Nathaniel Patten, 1783), pp. 136-39.
10. Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," pp. 53, 55. Lieutenant King suggested that the Hawaiians generosity with their resources was because they thought Cook was from a drought-stricken country lacking food. In any case, the amount of food and water supplied to the ships was prodigious. For example, one of the ships took on a total of nine tons of fresh water on the first day alone, and hundreds of hogs were butchered, salted down, and placed in casks for their use.
17. The Russians even restocked their fur hunting parties from the islands. Isaac Iselin, Journal of a Trading Voyage Around the World, 1805-1808 (New York: McIlroy and Emmet, n.d.), p. 67. Fur traders Nathaniel Portlock and George Dixon visited Hawaii in 1786; Commander J.F.G. de la Perouse anchored off Maui at about the same time. Captains Colnett and Duncan arrived in 1787 and Captain Douglas in 1788. Captain John Meares was at the islands in 1787-88, Henry Cox in 1789, and Etienne Marchand in 1791. The ill-fated Captain Thomas Metcalf stopped at Hawai'i in 1789. Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, pp. 38-39.
The first Hawaiian arrived in America in 1788, and it was not long before Hawaiians were regularly hired on as sailors. Thomas French, The Missionary Whaleship (New York: Vantage Press, 1961), p. 51.
18. George Dixon, A Voyage Round the World... in 1785, 1786, 1787, and 1788, in the King George and Queen Charlotte, captains Portlock and Dixon (London: Geo. Goulding, 1789), pp. 264-65. According to Dixon, breadfruit, potatoes and plantains were then the most plentiful vegetables, and there were great numbers of fine hogs and fowl available to the traders.
1. The story of Davis's and Young's detainment in Hawai'i can be found in a variety of sources, with minor variations in detail: Fornander, Account of the Polynesian Race, 2:231-35; Kamakau, Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii, pp. 145-47; charles H. Barnard, A Narrative of the Sufferings and Adventures . . . during the Years 1812 . . . 1816 (New York: Printed for the author by J. Lindon, 1829), pp. 224-28. This is supposedly Young's own account of the events; Washington Irving, Astoria, or Anecdotes of an Enterprise Beyond the Rocky Mountains, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1835) 1:69-71; Henry B. Restarick, "John Young of Hawaii, an American,' Twenty-Second Annual Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society for the Year 1913 (Honolulu: Paradise of the Pacific Press, 1914), pp. 28-29; Hopkins, Hawaii, pp. 120-22; and Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, pp. 39-40.
4. Mamie Bassett, Realms and Islands: The Worid Voyage of Rose de Freycinet in the Corvette Uranie, 1817-1820.... (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 157. In fact, Vancouver states that when he gave Young and Davis their choice of taking passage with him back to England or of remaining on the island, the latter decided,
After mature consideration, they preferred their present way of life, and were desirous of continuing at Owhyhee; observing, that being destitute of resources, on their return home . . . they must be again exposed to the vicissitudes of a life of hard labour. . . .
George Vancouver, Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1967) 3:65. After all, in Hawai'i they had achieved respect as chiefs, possessed considerable property, and lived in peace and plenty.
14. Russell A. Apple, "History and Significance of South Kohala," MS for "Historical Notes," in Belt, Collins and Associates, Ltd., The Kohala Coast Resort Region/Island of Hawaii: A Land Development Plan (Honolulu: Olohana Corporation, 1967), p. 7.
16. Charles-Victor Crosnier de Varigny, Fourteen Years in the Sandwich Islands, 1855-1868, trans. Alfons Korn (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii and the Hawaii Historical Society, 1981), p. 21. De Varigny, who lived in Hawai'i for many years, served as Minister of Finance and Minister of Foreign Affairs for King Kamehameha V while remaining a citizen of France.
19. Menzies, Hawaii Nei, p. 96. Occupants of the H.M.S. Blonde at Honolulu in 1824 believed that Young's "constant attachment to his native country, though for twenty-four years absent from it, has doubtless been the cause of the great attachment of the Sandwich Island government to the English." Maria Graham, comp., Voyage of H.M.S. Blonde to the Sandwich Islands, 1824-1825, Captain the Right Honourable Lord Byron, Commander (London: John Murray, 1826), p. 123.
23. Ebenezer Townsend, Jr., "The Diary of Mr. Ebenezer Townsend, Jr., the Supercargo of the Sealing Ship 'Neptune'..., Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society 4 (New Haven, Conn.: Printed for the Society, 1888), p. 62.
25. John Papa I'i, Fragments of Hawaiian History (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1959), p.79. I'i continues later that after his untimely death, "many chiefs and notables mourned Davis, including Kamehameha and the company of warriors who watched over him." Ibid., p. 83.
36. J.[acques Etienne Victor] Arago, Narrative of a Voyage Round the World, in the Uranie and Physicienne Corvettes, Commanded by Captain Freycinet, During the Years 1817, 1818, 1819, and 1820... (London: Treuttel and Wurtz, Treuttel, Jun. and Richter, 1823), pp. 115-16.
40. Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," p. 82. These foreigners (estimated to number between 100 and 200 persons) were described as vagabonds and wanderers, "the very dregs of society." French, Missionary Whaleship, p. 55.
48. However, according to Rose de Freycinet, "the gascon Rives" was somewhat of a scoundrel and would later prove an embarrassment to the Hawaiian government. Victor S.K. Houston, "Madame de Freycinet in Hawaii 1819," Paradise of the Pacific (February 1937): 12.
52. Kamakau notes that Vancouver's advice to the chiefs was: 'Stop making war; live in peace; be friends with each other." Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii, p. 164. Vancouver also used his influence to effect a reconciliation between Ka'ahumanu and Kamehameha following her purported infidelity with another chief. Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, p. 44.
53. Marion Kelly, "Some Problems With Early Descriptions of Hawaiian Culture," in Genevieve A. Highland, Roland W. Force, Alan Howard, Marion Kelly, and Yasihiko H. Sinoto, eds., Polynesian Culture History: Essays in Honor of Kenneth P. Emory. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 56 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1967), pp. 404, 407.
54. Iselin, Journal of a Trading Voyage, p. 68. Most of the stock Vancouver brought to the islands died, but were replaced by those brought by other traders shortly thereafter. Captain Richard Cleveland introduced the first horses to the islands in 1803. Other imported animals included geese and turkeys. Fruits like the guava and the mango were brought in, along with eucalyptus and kiawe trees. Sheep, goats, and mixed breeds of pigs were also available to traders by this time, thanks to Vancouver.
61. Iselin, Journal of a Trading Voyage, p. 75. Mention of the first liquor on the islands having been produced by escaped convicts from Australia is also found in "History of Hawaii," typed ins., undated, on file at Pu'ukohola Heiau NHS (hereafter cited as PUHE), p. 1.
81. Vancouver is usually credited with bringing cattle to the islands. However, according to one author, all those Vancouver brought from California died except a bull and a cow, and the cow died shortly after landing. Hopkins, Hawaii, p. 127.
84. In later years the plants and animals introduced by the foreign visitors would have a serious impact upon the "native" fauna and flora of these genetically isolated islands. (Of course, the plants and animals introduced by the Polynesians had already impacted the indigenous flora and fauna.)
87. Within a single day after the Hawaiians observed ironworking aboard one of the ships, they set up their own smithing apparatus and began fashioning their own weapons and tools. Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, 1778-1854, p. 17, fn. 14.
4. It has also been conjectured that Kamehameha's lather may have been the chief Kahekili of Maui. Richard A. Wisniewski, The Rise and Fall of the Hawaiian Kingdom: A Pictorial History (Honolulu: Pacific Basin Enterprises, 1979), p. 13. (Kamehameha's lineage will be discussed again later.)
15. Daws, Shoal of Time, p. 36; Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-one Years in the Sandwich Islands, pp. 40-42. This sacrifice was characteristic of Hawaiian conquest warfare. If the defeated warrior was not killed in battle, he "was sacrificed to a god of war by the victorious alii nui in a heiau ceremony." Hommon, "Formation of Primitive States," p. 142.
19. Kelly, "changes in Land Tenure," pp. 67, 73. Kelly notes that Kamehameha's military success was aided by the "powerful chiefs who rallied to his support, to a degree attributable to Vancouver's encouragement in 1794."
32. Thereafter, he used the existing land system and seldom exercised his prerogative to revoke land ownership. Marion Kelly suggests that Kamehameha patterned his new form of government after the Western feudal governments described to him by foreigners. Kelly, "Some Problems with Early Descriptions of Hawaiian culture," p. 402.
47. John Turnbull visited the Sandwich Islands in the early 1800s and traded at several of the ports. Goods on Hawai'i cost from three to six times as much as on the other islands. A voyage Round the World, in the Years 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804, 2d ed. (London: A. Maxwell, 1813), p. 222.
53. The German-born doctor Georg Anton Schaffer, mentioned earlier, an employee of the Russian-American Company, had come to the islands in 1815 hoping to secure the sandalwood trade for Russia. His efforts failed when his agreement with Ka'umu'ali'i foundered.
54. Excessive Chinese port duties and an extravagant captain contributed to Kamehameha's losses. However, this experience may have given Kamehameha the idea of establishing harbor fees in the Hawaiian Islands.
8. Hopkins, Hawaii, pp. 181-82; Laura Fish Judd, Honolulu: Sketches of Life in the Hawaiian Islands from 1828 to 1861, ed. Dale L. Morgan (Chicago: R.R. Donnelley & Sons, 1966), p. xxvi; Kalakaua, Legends and Myths of Hawaii, p. 432.
10. Information in the above paragraphs has been drawn from Hopkins, Hawaii, pp. 184-89; Kalakaua, Legends and Myths of Hawaii, pp. 432-37; Dorothy Barrère, Kamehameha in Kona: Two Documentary Studies, Kamakahonu: Kamehameha's Last Residence; "The Morning Star Alone Knows ...": A Documentary Search for the Bones of Kamehameha, Pacific Anthropological Records No. 23 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1975), pp. 33-34; Ellis, Polynesian Researches, p. 99.
12. Ross H. Gast and Agnes C. Conrad, Don Francisco de Paula Marin (Honolulu: The university Press of Hawaii for the Hawaiian Historical Society, 1973), p. 234. Marin (1774?-1837), as mentioned earlier, came to Hawai'i as a young man and turned to agriculture and cattle raising. He introduced and raised a variety of European fruits and vegetables and home manufacturing processes and also produced wine. He was a close friend and advisor to both Kamehameha I and II.
15. Malcolm C. Webb, "The Abolition of the Taboo System in Hawaii," Journal of the Polynesian Society 74, no. 1 (1965): 23. These lesser, local chiefs joined the opposition because they realized that if the sacredness of kinship relationships sanctioned by the present system lost their importance, no one outside governmental circles would have any power or status. P. 34. Webb and others have pointed out the interesting similarity between Kekuaokalani's role, as keeper of the war god, relative to Liholiho and Kamehameha's role relative to his cousin Kiwala'o, whom he replaced as ruler. Webb states that "the division of power upon the death of a supreme chief into 'secular' and 'sacred' aspects, leaving the two heirs either to fight it out between themselves or to accept a reversion to a rather more decentralised condition may well have been a basic pattern of Hawaiian society." P. 34. The idea that two individuals in these positions might share equally and support each other rarely occurred. In fact. this continual rivalry between contenders for the throne, and the fact that possession of power came to depend more on arms and power than mana, might have served to stimulate thinking on the need for a different system that would lead to the "legitimate" consolidation of power, which could only be secured by the overthrow of the kapu system.
28. Webb, "Abolition of the Taboo System in Hawaii," p. 21; E.S. Craighill Handy, "cultural Revolution in Hawaii," The Friend (January 1932): 310. See discussion of the kapu abolition and the roles of various people in it in Linnekin, Sacred Queens and Women of Consequence, pp. 69-73.
32. Webb, "Abolition of the Taboo System in Hawaii," p. 25; Levin, "Overthrow of the Kapu System in Hawaii," p. 405. See Robert Redfield, The Primitive World and Its Transformation (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1953).
40. Ibid. By 1819, the need for soliciting Ku's help was definitely past. In fact, after the cession of Kaua'i in 1810, Kamehameha had been able to devote himself to peaceful pursuits. The state-level Ku rituals were not only unnecessary, but took time away from important commercial endeavors.
70. This timing was crucial, for it would allow the missionaries to accomplish here in a relatively short period what had taken their colleagues fifteen years to achieve elsewhere in the Pacific. This missionary group was the first of fourteen (some 150 persons) that would come to the Hawaiian Islands over the next thirty-five years, which would include in their ranks ministers, physicians, farmers, printers, teachers, and businessmen.
72. American missionaries Artemas Bishop and Elizabeth Edwards Bishop arrived at Kailua in 1824, and Doctor Seth L. Andrews and Parnelly Pierce Andrews in 1837. The Reverend Isaac Bliss, Emily Curtis Bliss, and Edward Bailey were at Kohala by 1837; the Reverend Elias Bond and Ellen Howell Bond came in 1840. Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, n.p. (appendix at end of book). The phrase quoted is from Hiram A. Bingham, "Arrival of the First Missionaries," in Gerrit P. Judd, ed., A Hawaiian Anthology (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1967), p. 23.
The young Hawaiian converts Hopu and Kanui played an important role in helping the missionaries communicate with the native Hawaiians and in smoothing diplomatic relations with Hawaiian leaders.
78. Taylor, Under Hawaiian Skies, p. 252, and Arthur Nagasawa, introduction to Theodore-Adolphe Barrot, Unless Haste is Made ..., trans. Rev. Daniel Dole (Kailua, Hawaii: Press Pacifica, 1978) p. x. Taylor also notes that the clerics evidently overlooked the moral courage of a people who had overthrown their own gods, burned their temples, and destroyed the kapu and the feudal power of their leaders.
82. However, because the missionaries imposed such rigid standards, and because the natives did not understand the Western concept of sin, few natives were actually admitted info the church during the first few years. The missionaries felt they had to first destroy the old Hawaiian standards before the natives could comprehend sin and the need for Christ. Wisniewski, Rise and Fall of the Hawaiian Kingdom, p. 30.
86. The missionaries evicted the first Catholic priests to arrive in the islands in 1827. By 1840, however, the Catholic Church had established a foot hold in the islands. Mormon missionaries soon followed. Albert W. Palmer, The Human Side of Hawaii: Race Problems in the Mid-Pacific (Boston: The Pilgrim Press, 1924), pp. 50-51.
89. Owen, Story of Hawaii, p. 117. Missionary Elisha Loomis went to Kawaihae to teach Kalanimoku and his wife and some of their favorite youths. Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, p. 99.
90. Because of his familiarity with the Polynesian languages, the Reverend William Ellis played an especially important role in developing written Hawaiian. Wisniewski, Rise and Fall of the Hawaiian Kingdom, p. 29. As the Hawaiian language became more intelligible to the missionaries, a better understanding gradually developed between them and their pupils. Taylor. Under Hawaiian Skies, p. 253.
95. Francisco Marin served as interpreter for the government. Jean Rives served as private secretary to the king. and Dr. Law was the king's physician. After Kamehameha's death, John Young continued to serve the Hawaiian monarchy, but his role diminished as he grew older. Charles Samuel Stewart, The Hawaiian Islands in 1822, Old South Leaflets No. 221 (Boston: Old South Association, ca. 1910). p. 13.
100. Richards taught the king and chiefs political economy and "helped them to formulate their thinking in accordance with western practices." Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure," p. 125. Richards was entrusted with negotiating for recognition of Hawai'i's independence in 1842. Sahlins and Barrère, "William Richards," p. 18.
109. The missionaries were convinced that changes in land tenure would improve the labor situation, because "the labor due the chiefs interfered with the operation of the wage labor system of free enterprise." Ibid., p. 137.
112. Also, the Hawaiians did not always receive full value for their sandalwood many of the ships bought were rotted or badly worn. One author suggests that the missionaries tried to curb some of the excesses, insisting upon fair treatment for the Hawaiians. As a result, the enormous profits made by the sandalwood traders dropped considerably. Dodge. New England and the South Seas, p. 122.
114. Owen, Story of Hawaii, p. 117. During the early 1820s, the traders brought two brigs to the islands and traded them for sandalwood. Shortly after, the young king acquired the famous yacht Cleopatra's Barge in exchange for an amount of sandalwood said to be valued at between $50,000 and $90,000. Morison, Maritime History of Massachusetts, pp. 262-63.
116. Between 1826 and 1849 the British, French, and Americans all sent warships to the islands several times to collect debts claimed by traders. When the king rejected French demands, the French took possession of the Hawaiian fort, pillaged and destroyed government property, and confiscated the king's yacht. They replaced an earlier treaty with a new one that was much less advantageous to the Hawaiians. As foreign governments intervened to collect traders' debts, the Hawaiian government became increasingly afraid that one of the foreign countries would take over the Hawaiian kingdom. Marion Kelly, "Land Tenure in Hawaii," Amerasia Journal 7, no. 2 (1980): 59.
121. Ralph G. Ward, ed., American Activities in the Central Pacific, 1790-1870 (Ridgewood, N.J.: The Gregg Press, 1967), pp. 140,182; and Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, p. 134.
123. Honolulu harbor could accommodate more than 100 ships and had a wide range of docking and repair services. However, it was easier to obtain fresh foodstuffs in Lahaina, and fewer problems arose between the sailors and the local population there. Kealakekua served as the port of entry for whaling vessels. Golda Pauline Moore, "Hawaii During the Whaling Era, 1820-1880," MA thesis, University of Hawaii, 1934. pp. 14, 37.
136. State of Hawaii, Historic Preservation in Hawaii, vol. I, p. 55. By the summer of 1825 it had become apparent to the foreign traders that the missionaries could count on the support of the regency in their quest for reform. Bradley, American Frontier, p. 172.
142. "Sandwich Island Mission: Journal of the Missionaries, Tenure of Lands," Missionary Herald 18 (July 1822): 207. It is possible that the missionaries' altruism may also have been influenced by their desire to own land in the islands.
146. The term "Great Mahele" has been used specifically for the 1848 act and collectively for a series of acts passed in the mid-1840s that marked the transition of Hawaiian land ownership from traditional right of use to private property.
151. Ibid., pp. 64-65. Kelly suggests that "70 per cent of the adult male population, along with their wives and children, were rendered landless as a result of the 1848 Mahele and the 1850 Kuleana Act." in effect, the ali'i, who comprised less than one percent of the population. acquired control of nearly all the land. Ibid., p. 66.
1. Harold T. Stearns and Gordon A. MacDonald, Geology and Ground-Water Resources of the Island of Hawaii, Bulletin 9 (Honolulu: Hawaii Division of Hydrography in cooperation with U.S. Geological Survey, 1946), pp. 4-5.
2. T. Stell Newman, "Cultural Adaptations to the Island of Hawaii Ecosystem: The Theory Behind the 1968 Lapakahi Project," in Richard J. Pearson, ed., Archaeology on the Island of Hawaii, Asian and Pacific Archaeology Series, No. 3 (Honolulu: Social Science Research Institute, University of Hawaii, 1969), p. 14. Again, various estimates of population figures at Western contact have been made. See, for instance, Stannard, Before the Horror.
11. Francis K. W. Ching, The Archaeology of South Kohala and North Kona From the Ahupua'a of Lalamilo to the Ahupua'a of Hamanamana, Surface Survey Kailua-Ka waihae Road Corridor (Section III), Hawaii State Archaeological Journal 71-1 (Honolulu: State of Hawaii, Division of State Parks, 1971), p. 33.
13. Lloyd J. Soehren and Donald P. Tuohy, Archaeological Excavations at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park, Honaunau, Kona, Hawai'i, Departmental Report Series, Report 87-2 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1987), p. 2.
14. Dorothy Barrère, "Notes on the Lands of Waimea and Kawaihae," Report 2 in Clark and Kirch, Mudiane-Waimea- Ka waihae Road Corridor, p. 25. The three National Park Service cultural areas that are the subject of this study are located in the Kohala and Kona districts.
19. Holland, "Land and Livelihood," p. 32. The long-term decomposition of grasses and weeds growing in cracks in the lava flows eventually formed a soil that supported limited agricultural activity near the coast. Dixon accompanied Captain Nathaniel Portlock, master of the King George, on a trading voyage between America's West Coast and China in the 1780s.
30. Francis K. W. Ching, The Archaeology of South Kona from the Ahupua'a of Kahauloa to the Ahupua'a of Honaunau, Surface Survey, Napoopoo-Honaunau Road (Alt. 2), Hawaiian Archaeological Journal 71-1 (Lawai: Archaeological Research Center Hawaii, 1971), p. 17.
32. Holland, "Land and Livelihood," pp. 16-17, 23. When Liholiho moved his court to Honolulu, he left Kuakini, a high chief and brother of Ka'ahumanu, in control of Hawai'i Island. Barrère, Kamehameha in Kona, pp. 7-8.
35. Bryan, Natural History of Hawaii, p. 50. Bryan states that the older Hawaiian temples were constructed with mortarless rough stones arranged as a "low, truncated pyramid, oblong in shape," supporting an altar, grass houses, idols, and other sacred images and objects. That form later evolved into a structure comprising four high walls of stone, surmounted with images and enclosing an area filled with more statues, oracles, and altars.
37. Paul H. Rosendahl, Archaeological Salvage of the Ke-ahole to Anaehoomalu Section of the Kailua-Kawaihae Road (Queen Kaahumanu Highway), Island of Hawaii, with Appendix B by Marion Kelly, "Historical Background of Kekaha, North Kona, Hawaii," Hawaii Historic Preservation Report 73-2 (Honolulu: State of Hawaii, Department of Transportation, 1973), pp. 60, 74. Robert Renger points out that the interest of businessmen in developing the Kona Coast area has precipitated several archaeological and historical surveys in the Kekaha region. "Human Adaptation," p. 217.
45. Thomas H. Creighton and George S. Walters, The South Kona Coast Historic and Recreation Area, Island of Hawaii, prep. for the Department of Land and Natural Resources, State of Hawaii (Honolulu, 1969), p. 21.
49. Barrère, Kamehameha in Kona, pp. 5-6. The author points out that usually the king allowed only limited provisioning on Hawai'i Island, requiring ships to finish the process at either Maui or O'ahu, possibly because his court was already making heavy demands on the countryside for food and other goods.
53. Doyle, Makua Laiana, pp. 271-73. Liholiho resided at Kawaihae before moving to Maui and then returning to Hawai'i Island at Hilo. He was living in Kailua in time to greet the Protestant missionaries arriving in the spring of 1620. Barrère, Kamehameha in Kona, p. 7.
56. Ching, Archaeology of South Kohala and North Kona, p.35. Ellis noted that near Kawaihae, 'The coast was barren; the rocks volcanic; the men were all employed in fishing; and Mr. Thurston was informed that the inhabitants of the plantations, about seven miles in the interior, were far more numerous." Quoted in Lloyd J. Soehren, An Archaeological Survey of the Shores of Ouli and Kawaihae, South Kohala, Hawaii (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1964), p. 4.
2. Clark and Kirch, Mudlane-Waimea-Kawaihae Road Corridor, pp. 43-44; Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, pp. 18, 36; Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, p. 175; Melinda S. Allen, Archaeological Inventory Survey of Hawaiian Home Lands, Kawaihae I, South Kohala, Hawaii (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1987), pp. 15-16.
3. J.C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery, 4 vols. (Cambridge, England: University Press, 1967), 3 (The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery, 1776-1780), pt. 1, p. 525.
19. Ellis., Journal of William Ellis, p. 299. Marion Kelly suggests the bathing place in Kawaihae that Ellis is describing is the kapu bathing pool John Papa I'i referred to as "Alawai." She also notes that an informant pointed out to her a site called "Waiakape'a" near the Pelekane area, about twenty feet inland, where water bubbles to the surface. Reportedly its once warm waters had curative powers. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 28.
Beyond the Purdy house are the Kawaihae salt ponds. When the tide is in, water flows into the first, where it evaporates in the sun until the next high tide. Then a portion is bailed into the next pond, at a slightly higher level. There the water is more concentrated. Bailing is tedious, for the gourd holds hardly a gallon. In the same way the water is bailed to the third, and yet again to the fourth and smallest pond, each a little higher. Now it is so concentrated that crystals of salt keep forming. These, at first minute cubes at the surface, tend to sink; and they form clusters of crystals, perhaps half an inch broad, finally reaching the bottom. Every day the crystals are raked on to a clean, flat rock, where they dry completely in the sun. Then they are packed into lauhala bags, making bundles. . .
Emma Lyons Doyle, "Historic Kawaihae Port Enters Modern Age," Honolulu (HI) Advertiser (Jan. 18., 1959): A18.
23. Kalanimoku was the presiding chief of the Kawaihae area, serving as the king's treasurer, land overseer, and war leader. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 29. He was also Kamehameha I's prime minister. Kawaihae was his primary residence, where he served as chief until his death in 1827. Russell A. Apple, "Bouncing Boundaries of Kawaihae," talk presented at Fourth Annual Land Surveying Seminar, Hawaii Section, American Congress on Surveying and Mapping, Ala Moana Hotel, Honolulu, Hawaii, January 1 19, 1979, pp. 3, 6.
29. Ibid., p. 48. Pulu is the silky, brown fibrous material from the base of the fronds on the Hawaiian tree fern and in buds on the trunk. They were gathered by natives under contract to local traders who shipped them to California for use in stuffing pillows and mattresses. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 30.
33. James J. Jarves, Scenes and Scenery in the Sandwich Islands . . . . Observations from My Notebook During the Years 1837-1842 (Boston: J. Munroe and Co., 1843), pp. 218-19. William French, a wealthy Hawaiian merchant from New England, had a store in Kawaihae, as well as establishments in Honolulu and Hilo. Kelly, "Changes in Land Tenure.," p. 110.
36. "Ports of the Sandwich Islands--No. 2," Pacific Commercial Advertiser (Honolulu, Jan. 29, 1857), cited in Alfons L. Korn, The Victorian Visitors (Honolulu: The university of Hawaii Press, 1958), fn. 47, p. 320.
39. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 34. Other buildings in the vicinity of the landing by 1883 consisted of a woolshed, store, boathouse, and jail; by 1903 there was also a hotel there. See redrawn George E. Gresley Jackson map of Kawaihae Bay, 1883, and A.B. Loebenstein map, 1903 (Illustration 31), in ibid., pp. 13, 17.
47. Walter C. Day, Project Tugboat: Explosive Excavation of a Harbor in Coral, Technical Report E-72-23 (Livermore, Calif.: U.S. Army Engineer Waterways Experiment Station, Explosive Excavation Research Laboratory, 1972), p. 13.
49. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 40. A U. S. War Department informational booklet of 1893., for instance, stated that "On approaching the anchorage [of Kawaihae] a good landmark is a conspicuous mound [presumably Pu'ukohola Heiau] situated a short distance south of the village. Another conspicuous landmark is a white tomb in the form of a pyramid." U.S. War Department, Military Information Division, Informational Booklet A60 #1, "The Hawaiian Islands.," with maps and charts (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1893), p. 23.
The civil war among the supporters of Kamehameha and Kiwalao, which ended in 1790, was the last military campaign to be fought solely with traditional weaponry. Muskets and cannons greatly increased the costs of war. Kamehameha's speedy adaptation to the new technology, including Western men-of-war and advisers, accounted for much of his success.
"Hawaiian Kapu Abolition of 1819," p. 195. Seaton also raises the question of whether Western seamen and merchants consciously promoted Kamehameha's use of firearms to assure a stable environment in which to trade. Ibid.., fn. 4, p. 204.
55. Thomas G. Thrum, "Heiaus of Kohala, in "Tales from the Temples. Part II," The Hawaiian Annual for 1908 (Honolulu, 1907), p. 67. Soehren interprets the data as suggesting that Kapaukahi believed that both the restoration of Mailekini Heiau and the construction of Pu'ukohola Heiau were necessary to win Ku-ka'ili-moku's favor. Lloyd J. Soehren, "Selection of Site Descriptions from 'An Archaeological Survey of the Shores of Ouli and Kawaihae,' South Kohala, Hawaii," Exhibit A in Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 58.
58. Fornander., Account of the Polynesian Race, 2:120-22, quoted in Thrum, "Tales from the Temples. Part II," pp. 66-67. The details of the latter stages of this campaign, which mention that the rebels decided to encamp at Haleokapuni at Kawaihae and attempt to occupy Puukohola, from which eminence they could shower rocks down onto Lono's troops, verify the importance of this area both logistically and politically in early Hawaiian history. Instead, Lono attained the hill during the night and was able to repulse his enemies. Abraham Fornander, Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-Lore, trans. Thomas G. Thrum, Memoirs of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 6 vols. (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1916-20), 5(1918-19): 324, 326.
61. Kamakau, Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii, pp. 154-55. It is believed that Kamehameha wanted to keep his younger brother ritually pure, that is, uncontaminated by manual labor, so that he could preside at the consecration ceremony of the completed structure. Taylor, "Puukohola," p. 6.
63. Fornander, Account of the Polynesian Race, 2:328. Kamaka Paea Kealii Ai'a writes that during construction of the heiau, as the men passed large stones from hand to hand, the women gathered smaller stones in baskets and passed them along the line. Even children did their share, returning the baskets to the beach to be refilled. Womb to the Tomb, p. 7. This author's facts are open to question, because he also states that Keoua was the first and only human sacrifice made at this heiau. Obviously, however, several had been offered during construction as part of the ritual process of building a luakini. In addition, it is generally acknowledged that Keoua's companions in death were also offered on the altar of Pu'ukohola.
65. Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, 1778-1854, p. 38. Whether or not the official dedication of Pu'ukohola was held at the end of construction or whether it was delayed until Keoua's arrival is unclear. However, completion of the heiau and Keoua's death ultimately occured so close together in time that Kapoukahi's prophecy seemed to have been fulfilled., assuring Kamehameha's undivided supremacy over the island. Taylor, "Puukohola," p. 7.
67. Kaoleioku is said to have been Kamehameha's first-born son, explaining why Keoua assumed his rival would spare the boy's life. Ibid. Marion Kelly states that Kaoleikou was reportedly conceived while Kamehameha was with Kalani'opu'u's court in Ka'u. Not all scholars believe there is truth in this legend. Kalani'opu'u raised Kaoleioku, whatever his parentage, as his son. Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 7. Kaoleioku was interred in the Hale-o-Keawe at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau in 1818.
68. Various sources have Keoua killed by a hurled spear (Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, 1778-1854, p. 38; Thrum, "Heiaus of Kohala, in "Tales from the Temples. Part II," p. 68-69; Fornander, Account of the Polynesian Race, 2:334; Kamakau, Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii, p. 157) or by drowning (Fornander, Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-Lore, 5:692). William Ellis states that Keoua had come to Kawaihae to surrender to Kamehameha, but that one of Kamehameha's chiefs, despite his leader's objections, waded into the water and stabbed Keoua to death with a knife as he sat in his canoe. Journal of William Ellis, p. 157. Another version of the story holds that John Young and Isaac Davis, standing on the shore with Kamehameha, shot Keoua. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 7.
69. Fornander, Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-Lore, 5:472. The Reverend Lorenzo Lyons stated: "I have it from the mouth of Mr. Young who was present that at the time of dedication thirteen human victims were sacrificed." Doyle, Makua Laiana, p. 68. Young, however, told William Ellis the number was eleven. (See Ellis's description of Pu'ukohola later in this chapter.)
71. Ibid., 2:330. Fornander also points out that one must view this deed in light of the political and social conditions of the time and the principles that governed men's actions. This rivalry for power had gone on for nine years and had inspired intense feelings of hatred. Kamehameha's supporters undoubtedly were anxious to remove this impediment (Keoua) to their leader's unrivalled supremacy: "Under these considerations, though the deed was none the less a cruel wrong and a foul murder . . . it is well to bear in mind that the actors in that deed . . . were men of that age . . . swayed by its modes of thought, following its modes of action." Ibid., p. 331.
72. Other sources used for the historical data in this section include Davenport, "Hawaiian Cultural Revolution," pp. 11-14; Apple, "History and Significance of South Kohala, pp. 3-7; U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Puukohola Heiau National Historic Site, Hawaii," brochure (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1985); and Kuykendall, Hawaiian Kingdom, 1778-1854, pp. 36-38.
74. Evidently human skulls and wooden images were used together at some temples and might have been at Pu'ukohola. The adornment of Hawaiian temples with skulls appears to have been common during the time that human sacrifices were practiced. Captain Jacobus Boelen, who visited Hawai'i in 1828, after the lifting of the kapu system, left a description of the ruins of such a temple Hikiau Heiau near the village of Kealakekua (present site of Napo'opo'o) on Kealakekua Bay:
. . . on top of this stone mass [temple foundation] were the remnants of some idols that had been carved with some artfulness. . . . The top floor of the moral was fenced in with a kind of wooden palisade, where formerly hung the skulls of those unfortunates who, according to the religious customs, had been sacrificed on the occasion of the death of a chief, the outbreak of war, or the imminence of a great battle.
According to Boelen, the heads were cut off the corpses of the murdered victims and exposed on these wooden stakes. Jacobus Boelen, A Merchant's Perspective: Captain Jacobus Boelen's Narrative of his Visit to Hawai'i in 1828, trans. Frank J. A. Broeze (Honolulu: The Hawaiian Historical Society, 1988), pp. 22-23.
A sacrificial ceremony in 1804 at Kealakekua consisted of strangling and singeing numerous victims, who were then placed face down in a row with their feet toward the idols. Roasted pigs and dogs were placed between the victims, and the entire offering was covered with coconuts, yams, and plantains. After the pile had putrefied, the skulls were collected and affixed to the railing of the heiau. Han et al., Hawaiian Mortuary Practices, p. 18.
75. Samuel Patterson, Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of Samuel Patterson, Experienced in the Pacific Ocean, and Many Other Parts of the World, With an Account of the FeeGee, and Sandwich Islands (Palmer, Mass., 1817), p. 71.
79. Entry for April 2, 1820, in "Journal of the Sandwich Island Mission," begun on Brig Thaddeus, Capt. Blanchard, October 23, 1819, probably written by Hiram Bingham, Asa Thurston, and Elisha Loomis, p. 26, in Hawaiian Mission Children's Society, Honolulu, Hawaii.
85. John K. Townsend, Narrative of a Journey Across the Rocky Mountains, to the Columbia River, and a Visit to the Sandwich Islands, Chile, &c. with a Scientific Appendix (Boston: Perkins & Marvin, 1839), p. 281.
88. Gorham D. Gilman, "Journal: Honolulu, May 29-Oct. 28, 1844; rough notes on trip to Hawaii, Nov. 19-Dec. 8, 1844," MS, 129 pp., [Journal: Nov. 19, 1844-Jan. 30, 1845 (trip to Hawai'i)], Hawaiian Historical Society, Honolulu, Hawaii, p. 120.
91. Varigny, Fourteen Years in the Sandwich Islands, p. 95. Archeologist Helene R. Dunbar of the NPS Interagency Archeological Services in San Francisco believes this description is of the holehole stone at Mo'okini Heiau. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Mookini Heiau National Historic Landmark nomination form, 1990, by Helene R. Dunbar, in files, Western Regional Office, NPS, San Francisco.
93. [Whelden, Clara], "Whaling Bark John Howland, Descriptive letters by Mrs. Clara Kingman Whelden, 1864-70, MS No. 460, Old Dartmouth Historical Society and Whaling Museum, New Bedford, Mass., p. 77.
Stokes's site records have recently been published in Heiau of the Island of Hawai'i: A Historic Survey of Native Hawaiian Temple Sites, ed. Tom Dye, Bishop Museum Bulletin in Anthropology 2 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1991).
102. Gerard Fowke, Section V. "Archeological Work in Hawaii," in Archeological Investigations, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 76 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1922), pp. 183-84.
103. Solomon Akau, interview by Rose Fujimori, January 12,1979, at Pu'ukohola Heiau National Historic Site, pp. 2-3, in park files. The structure was taken down several months later, in the early 1920s.
104. See William K. Kikuchi and Deborah F. Cluff, "An Archaeological Survey of Puu Kohola Heiau and Mailekini Heiau, Kawaihae, South Kohala, Hawaii Island," in Deborah F. Cluff, William K. Kikuchi, Russell A. Apple, and Yosihiko H. Sinoto, The Archaeological Surface Survey of Puu Kohola Heiau and Mailekini Heiau, South Kohala, Kawaihae, Hawaii Island, Hawaii State Archaeological Journal 69-3 (Honolulu: Division of State Parks, Department of Land and Natural Resources, 1969), pp. 37-53. [Note: The cover title of this report is The Archaeology of South Kohala: The Ahupua'a of Kawaihae, and it will hereafter be cited that way.]
112. Kamakau, Ruling Chiefs of Hawaii, p. 77. Keawe'opala was later conquered and killed in a battle at Kawaihae with the ruler of the other half of the island. That victorious chief, who became the new ruler of South Kohala, was Kalaniopuu. Apple, "History and Significance of South Kohala, p. 3.
116. Ibid., fn. 49, pp. 114-15; Russell A. Apple, "A History of Historic Structures, Kawaihae, South Kohala, Hawaii Island," in Cluff et al., Archaeology of South Kohala, p. 22. Apple surmised that these guns were probably placed behind a wooden barricade in which gun ports were cut. He believes the ditch that archaeologists found just inside the seaward wall of the structure might have been the foundation for this timber wall. Ibid., pp. 22-23.
133. Ibid., p. 66. Local informants stated that Mailekini Heiau was used extensively in the late nineteenth century as a burial ground. Ibid., p. 65. Also see Deborah F. Cluff, "The Preliminary Investigation of the Burials in Mailekini Heiau, Kawaihae, Hawaii Island," in ibid., pp. 67-86.
134. Martha Warren Beckwith, "Hawaiian Shark Aumakua," American Anthropologist 19 (Oct-Dec. 1917): 503. It has been stated that Kamehameha fed sharks in this area of Kawaihae and that the temple's name derives from Kapuni, a high priest under Chief Keawe. Mary K. Pukui, Samuel H. Elbert, and Esther T. Mookini, Place Names of Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1974), p. 38.
139. Theophilus H. Davies, "An Account of the First Visit to the Island of Hawaii, Between August 3rd & September 15th (About) 1859" (transcription of original journal written in May 1861), in Davies, "Personal Recollections of Hawaii," in Hawaiian Historical Society, Honolulu, p. 21.
140. Excerpts from Akau and Doi interview by Fujimori, September 30,1978, p. 17. Mr. Doi stated the underwater heiau lay about fifty to sixty feet offshore from the original location of Alapa'i's chair and measured from thirty to forty feet both ways. Ibid., p. 63.
144. Shirley Rizzuto, "Historic Heiau Rock Moved for Dedication," West Hawaii Today (October 12, 1972): 2. Reportedly stone in the area of the chair, from either Pelekane or Mailekini Heiau, was used for backfill during construction of the pavilion at Spencer Park in the 1930s. Local stories say that the driver of the dump truck that backed into this ancient stone and broke it died later that day in a car accident. Akau and Doi interview by Fujimori, September 30, 1978, p. 8.
151. Goto interview by Fujimori, September 5, 1978, p. 6. Goto's statements are a little difficult to understand, but he seems to have described a home built of old-style mortar similar to that at the John Young homesite (coral ash mixed with concrete and water). He speaks of a cistern underneath the house catching rainwater off the roof. This might have been in the vicinity of Fanny Young's home. This "beautiful building" is also mentioned in connection with the Parker Ranch beekeeper. Ibid., p. 7. This might be the Parker Ranch beach home mentioned by another local resident, Solomon Akau. Akau and Doi interview by Fujimori, September 30,1978, p. 4. Akau mentions that the Parkers had their own cistern in connection with their home. Historian Russell Apple, however, determined from a check of government Land Commission Awards that the John Parker beach house, a large stone residence, stood across Makahuna Gulch from the lower portion of the John Young homestead, which places it farther north than the Pelekane area. Russell A. Apple, Pahukanilua: Homestead of John Young, Kawaihae, Kohala, Island of Hawai'i, Historical Data Section of the Historic Structure Report (Honolulu: National Park Service, 1978), fig. 3 and p. 36. (Jackson's 1883 map shows a Parker residence in this location.)
153. Ibid., pp. 61-62. Elizabeth Nagasawa remembers Kawaihae residents drawing water from this reservoir. Elizabeth Nagasawa interview by Rose Fujimori, August 23,1978., at Pu'ukohola Heiau National Historic Site, in park files, p. 4.
154. It seems certain that this is a charcoal oven. A report on Ki'ilae Village at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau mentions a Portuguese-owned bread oven in that area and states a similar one existed near Kawaihae. Interview with Mr. William (Willie) Thompson, June 29, 1965, in Frances Jackson, Ki'ilae Village, South Kona, Hawaii, (A Report of its Political, Economic, Social, and Religious History, from Earliest Mention to Modern Times)," Section 2, NPS contract study, MS, 1966, 76 pages, p. 25. (This report contains two numbering systems, one for the interview section and another for the history section.) A similar structure on Kaua'i, built by Portuguese plantation immigrants, was constructed of small bricks, rounded like an igloo, and mortared on the outside. Mary Cooke, "Old Bread Oven on Kauai Survives After 60 Years," Honolulu Advertiser (July 6,1973): C5. Evidently the man responsible for collecting most of the junk found in the Pelekane area, Eddie Joe Gonsalves (?), was a Portuguese from Kaua'i who lived in a trailer. Jack Paulo, possibly a Filipino, ran the marine railway and had a shack in the Pelekane area when the park was established. Akau interview by Fujimori, January 12, 1979, pp. 25-26.
155. Nagasawa interview by Fujimori, August 23, 1978, p. 3. This trail, on the John Young homestead side of the national historic site, becomes approximately the route of the main highway through Kawaihae. Akau interview by Fujimori, January 12, 1979, p. 4.
156. Russ and Peg Apple, "Problems: Kiawe, Concrete, Junk," in "Tales of Old Hawaii" column, Honolulu (HI) Star- Bulletin (May 18, 1974): A10; Goto interview by Fujimori, September 5, 1978, pp. 10-11. Whether these fishponds near the squatters' huts were in the Pelekane area is unclear. This interviewee also remembers that lori built the charcoal oven now standing in the Pelekane area, p. 1; Nagasawa interview by Fujimori, August 23, 1978, pp. 2-3. According to Nagasawa, this beach area formerly had many more pools and ponds of water. Ibid., p. 5. In this interview, Fujimori specifically asked about the presence of fishponds, suggesting that because it had at one time been a royal compound, it might well have had a fishpond. Nagasawa, however, did not remember ever hearing about one here, although it was suggested the cistern might have originally been part of a fishpond complex. Ibid., p. 6; Akau and Doi interview by Fujimori, September 30, 1978, pp. 1, 20.
161. William J. Bonk, "An Archaeological Survey of a Coastal Tract in North and South Kohala, Hawaii," in "The Archaeology of North and South Kohala, from the Ahupua'a of Kawaihae to the Ahupua'a of Upolu. Coastal Archaeological Surface Survey," MS prepared for the Department of Land and Natural Resources, Division of State Parks, State of Hawaii, 1968, p. 9. This report covers survey work on the coast north of Kawaihae. During World War II, a military training camp was established at the old Kona mill site to train soldiers for battle in the western and southwestern Pacific theaters. The soldiers scattered machine-gun nests around the pasturelands throughout the area. Kelly, Gardens of Kona, pp. 91-92. According to Elizabeth Nagasawa, who grew up in Kawaihae, the road used by the military closely follows the route of the old road between Waimea and Kawaihae. Nagasawa interview by Fujimori, August 23, 1978, p. 3. She also reported that during the war, many service personnel lived in the Kawaihae area. Her interview also mentions several foxholes near the Pelekane area. Ibid., p. 4.
165. Jean Hobbs, Hawaii:A Pageant of the Soil (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1935), pp. 18,76. However, these lands, acquired through conquest, were Kamehameha's sole property and could be given away and reclaimed at will. He probably considered recipients of these awards more as permanent landlords there by royal consent rather than as owners with full individual title in the contemporary sense of land ownership. According to Russell Apple, the Hawaiian throne never reclaimed any of Young's lands. Apple, "Bouncing Boundaries of Kawaihae, p. 5.
172. Apple points out that several interpretations exist as to what comprises the John Young homestead. In a broad sense it is the 'ili 'aina of Pohakuloa, which was the northernmost 'ili 'aina of Kawaihae Hikina. Pahukanilua is the place- name that referred in 1848 to the lower portion of Pohakuloa on which Young's house stood, and it is assumed it probably referred to the upper portion as well, at least up until 1835. This was, in other words, a named piece of land within the 'ili 'aina of Pohakuloa within the ahupua'a of Kawaihae Hikina. In a much broader sense, the entire ahupua'a of Kawaihae Hikina could be referred to as the homestead area. This report will conform to the narrower delineation of Young's homestead, describing only the physical layouts of the structures in the "lower portion" on the beach that no longer exists and in the "upper portion" further inland that contains several archeological ruins of stone buildings. In historic times, Young had tenants living on the 'ili 'aina of Pohakuloa as well as on other 'ili 'aina of his ahupua'a. Some of these people lived quite far inland, with scattered houses lying between the beach and these inland communities. Ibid., pp. 14-15.
Young's second wife, the high chiefess Ka'oana'eha, according to Apple, followed the traditional practices of Hawaiian society, which included living in quarters separate from her husband. Ibid., pp. 18-19.
173. Ibid., p. 50. Native testimony in 1848 indicated that Young was living on the lower portion of Pahukanilua when the battle of Nu'uanu Valley on O'ahu took place (1795). Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 67.
174. Kelly, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 16; Apple, Pahukanilua, pp. 25-26. Missionary Sereno Bishop mentioned that adobes furnished an excellent cheap building material. Natives gathered the tough fibers of a species of bunch grass called makuikui, which thickly covered the lower uplands, in large quantities and then trod it into the wet clay soil. This fibrous mortar stood overnight and then was retrodden and molded into huge bricks that were dried in the sun: So tough was the resulting concretion, that it was nearly impossible to drive a nail into a well made adobe." Sereno Bishop, Reminiscences of Old Hawaii (Honolulu: Hawaiian Gazette Co., 1916), p.42.
177. Young's Diary, 1798-1799, quoted in ibid., p. 47. Archeological excavations at the site in 1978 found remains consistent with plaster made from burned coral and sand, but did not find evidence of poi or of hair particles in the mixture. Paul H. Rosendahl and Laura A. Carter, Excavations at John Young's Homestead, Kawaihae, Hawai'i, Western Archeological and Conservation Center Publications in Anthropology No. 47 (Tucson: National Park Service, 1988), p. 84.
178. Rosendahl and Carter, Excavations at John Young's Homestead, p. 48. Hawaiian-style Feature 2 of the John Young complex, which may have been an open working or eating space protected by a shade or other type of shelter, will be discussed later. Young provides no indication as to whether the cookhouse and lanai were added to the upper or lower portions of his property.
181. [Adelbert van Chamisso], "Chamisso in Hawaii," trans. Victor S. K. Houston, Forty-Eighth Annual Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society for the Year 1939 (Honolulu: Hawaiian Printing Co., Ltd., 1940), p. 57.
185. Laura F. Judd, "Life in the Mission," in Judd, Hawaiian Anthology p. 40. It is interesting to note, in regard to Alexander Ross's earlier statement that Young was "more Indian than white man" that Mrs. Judd commented on being "surprised to see how imperfectly Mr. Young spoke the native language." Ibid. It has been theorized that Judd's description of this adobe structure, which contained an upstairs or loft area, might not refer to the ruins within the park today but to an earlier house on the lower part of Young's holdings near the grass residence of his wife. As timid as Laura Judd sounds, it is difficult to believe she would have walked clear down the hill to the beach from the upper portion of the homestead alone at midnight, although her husband might have accompanied her. (Of course the possibility exists that Young's wife had a native-style structure on the upper portion of the homestead. But would Judd then have talked about walking "down" to her home to sleep?) In addition, the stone house on the ridge does not appear large enough to have had two stories, although the "rickety flight of stairs" might have been a ladder to a loft. Judd suggests that Young was living in the house in which she stayed, but this is unclear. Possibly Young used the adobe beach house for occasional entertaining and housing of guests because it was more commodious than the one on the hill. The Reverend William Ellis speaks in 1823 of going on shore at Kawaihae and walking "along the beach about a mile to the house of Mr. J. Young." Ellis, Journal of William Ellis, p. 71. This also could refer to a house on the beach rather than the one on the ridge. Young might have alternated between the two for various reasons. Because he was well along in years at this time, perhaps he was more comfortable being near his wife's home in case he needed help. Marion Kelly has suggested that Young's early adobe house at the beach might have been the one the merchant French at Kawaihae later used partly for storage and partly as a residence, Listen to the Whispering Sea, p. 16. Illustration 64 shows a two-story adobe structure at the landing in town, which looks as if it is a store on the lower level and a residence on the second level. If this is the building that French owned, it is farther north than Young's old adobe beach house.
189. These pictures have generated much discussion among those trying to find early photographic evidence of the appearance of structures on the John Young homestead. Pacific Area Archeologist Edmund Ladd was of the opinion that this picture was not the Young home. He believed that the reverse printing at the top of the photograph (which does not show in these prints) indicated that the picture had been printed backwards, and therefore this was not the correct location for the homestead. However, whether or not the picture is reversed depends on whether or not the original negative was labelled on the front or the back. A strong possibility still exists that this is one of the Young homestead structures.
191. Apple, Pahukanilua, pp. 11, 14. At the time John Young II received Kawaihae Hikina in the Great Mahele of 1848, steps were already underway to legally separate the upper and lower portions of the John Young homestead. Young's konohiki (resident land manager), Puna, and Young's wife, Ka'oana'eha, had applied to make their property a private inholding. Ibid., p. 20.
212. U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, Subcommittee on National Parks and Recreation, Puukohola Heiau National Historic Site, Hawaii, Hearings, Ninety-second Congress, first session, on H.R. 1462 . . . December 2, 1971, January 7, 1972 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1972), pp. 10, 13, 15-16, 33-34; Russell A. Apple, "A Short Description of the Project to Establish the Puukohola Heiau National Historic Site," September 28, 1972, MS, 8 pages, pp. 7-8.
222. "John Young's House, Kawaihae, in "Historical Notes," in Addenda, Thirty-Eighth Annual Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society for the Year 1929 (Honolulu: Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 1930), p. 60.
225. Lloyd J. Soehren, "An Archaeological Reconnaissance Survey of a Portion of Kawaihae 2, South Kohala, Hawaii," prepared for Mauna Kea Land Corporation, 1980, 9 pages plus map, pp. 2-4; Test excavations to assess the significance of archeological features within the right-of-way for a proposed new access road to Spencer Beach County Park adjacent to Pu'ukohola Heiau found four temporary shelters consisting of: two contiguous C-shaped walls, a U- shaped feature, a wall section, and a rock alignment enclosure. C-shaped features have been interpreted as being temporary shelters for humans or agricultural crops, hunting blinds, or bird-catching shelters. Perhaps these particular structures were occupied by the builders of Pu'ukohola Heiau. The U-shaped structure might have been a plant windbreak for gourds, sweet potatoes, or some type of vine. The wall might be remains of a habitation feature. Military construction in the area reused some early Hawaiian features. Two examples of military foxholes fashioned from early shelters exist within the park near the visitor center parking lot. A stone alignment found was thought to be a military tent outline. Laura A. Carter, Archeological Excavations of Six Features within the Right-of-Way for the Proposed Spencer Beach Park Entrance Road, Pu'ukohola Heiau National Historic Site, Island of Hawai'i (Honolulu: National Park Service, 1989), pp. 6, 16, 18, 22-23.
226. Barrère, in Clark and Kirch, Mudlane-Waimea-Kawaihae Road Corridor, pp. 288-89. The National Park Service has located all sites found on an archeological base map of Pu'ukohola Heiau National Historic Site, on file in the Pacific Area Office, NPS, Honolulu.
241. Barrère et al., Hawaiian Aboriginal Culture, Vol. 1, pp. 26-27. The choice of Mookini over Pu'ukohola as the functioning luakini is an interesting one, perhaps because it was a very old one in addition to being near Kamehameha's birthplace, or perhaps because Puukohola had been used just to insure his conquest of the islands and then basically abandoned?
248. Hawaii Aboriginal Culture, Vol. I, p. 25. Although Mo'okini Heiau might have been the official state temple, the fact that Kawaihae was a royal residence, an important contact point for foreign ships, and residence of the governor of the island, John Young, combined with its past history, would seem to argue a continuing royal presence and thus continuing religious activity.
249. Doyle, Makua Laiana, p. 40. Young, however, may simply be referring to the sacrifices during construction and those of Keoua and his followers. It is difficult to conclude from this statement how many other victims may have been sacrificed there in succeeding years.
251. Thrum, "Tales from the Temples. Part II,' p. 65. Realistically, however, the configuration of the heiau and location of structures on it might have changed markedly during those thirty years, with the temple's original appearance being very different from the one Ellis described.
252. Mulholland, Hawaii's Religions, p. 20. No year or other supporting data is provided. Could this be the A-frame structure Solomon Akau mentioned seeing on the Pu'ukohola platform in the 1920s, which was removed several months later? Akau interview by Fujimori, January 12, 1979, pp. 2-3.
the ascent to it is by terraces. Upon the first terrace the female members of the royal family brought their offerings which were taken by the priests. Beyond this first terrace no female was allowed to pass. Two more terraces brings one to the enclosure or temple, in the shape of a quadrangle. . . . A stone wall encloses the temple. . . .
Heiaus of Puna," in 'Tales From the Temples. Part II," p. 49. According to Ka'ahumanu, women were never allowed in the sacred temple area proper, but possibly during dedication rites they were allowed to bring offerings. Pu'ukohola's terraces, however, are so large that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to ascend or descend them unless there were steps or toeholds, no account or other evidence of which has been found. Although in many early heiau these terraces were used as entrances, they seem at Pu'ukohola to have been more more a show of massiveness and architectural style, while the northwest corner walkway provided access.
255. Kalakaua, Legends and Myths of Hawaii, pp. 44-45. Kalakaua specifically notes on p. 46 that "The victims were slain with clubs without the temple walls, and their bodies, with other offerings, were laid upon the altar to decay." Note that there are indications in some of the historical references that victims were slain elsewhere, rather than in Pu'ukohola: Menzies, who did not enter the temple, said he was shown the spot where Keoua and his followers were slain and where their bodies were interred. Samuel Hill says this was done on a projecting rock beneath (below?) the temple. Hiram Bingham wrote that Mailekini had been used for the sacrificial offering of animals and plants, although there is some possibility that it might have been used for human sacrifices before they were carried out at Pu'ukohola. Varigny states that sacrificial victims were killed on a stone inside the enclosure. Bates noted that at the heiau of Pu'uepa, after the sacrificial victims' bodies had remained on the main altar for two days, they were removed to a large flat stone outside the temple near the east corner of the north wall. The stone measured seven feet long by five wide and was slightly concave. On it the flesh was stripped from the bones, the flesh and bones were then carried to the sea and washed, and the bones were then tied in bundles back at the temple while the flesh was burned in a fireplace at the back of the central altar. Bates said this was proven by the fact that the altar stones were covered with a vitreous coating from the frequent and intense heat. Bates, Sandwich Island Notes, p. 339.
258. Kamakau, Works of the People of Old, pp. 134-36, 138. Editor Barrère points out the differences in the accounts of a luakini plan between Kamakau, Malo, and I'i. Kamakau places the main image, or mo'i, inside the mana house; Malo places it between the rows of images in front of the 'anu'u, the spot Kamakua assigns to the hale wai'ea. Kamakau does not mention a hale umu, saying animal offerings were cooked in the mua house and the ruler and his companions stayed in the luakini, or mana, house. Barrère suggests Kamakau was probably describing O'ahu and Kaua'i traditions in his account, while Malo and I'i described Hawai'i Island practices. Ibid., fn. 13, p. 146. Thrum, "Heiaus," p. 59.
265. Ibid., pp. 237-43. Kamakau mentions that the 'anu'u stood on the north, or right, side of the enclosure of images on the level pavement of the foundation, while the opu tower stood in the space on the south, or left, side. Works of the People of Old, pp. 135-36. I'i describes an opu tower as being as tall and broad as the 'anu'u. It had small branches at the top that looked like unruly hair, going every which way. Ibid., fn. 12, p. 146 (see Illustration 10).
270. Chatham (armed tender). copy of MS journal, kept on board the armed tender Chatham during Captain Vancouver's voyage in the Discovery, 1791 to 1794. Wellington, New Zealand, no date. On microfilm, HU #2356, reel 2, #1, in Houghton Library, Harvard University, p. 53.
279. Apple, "A Short Description of the Project to Establish the Puukohola Heiau National Historic Site," p. 6. Public Law 92-388, August 17, 1972 (86 Stat 562), H.R. 1462, "An Act to Provide for the Establishment of the Puukohola Heiau National Historic Site, in the State of Hawaii, and for other purposes." This act does not specify a restoration date for Pu'ukohola Heiau.
280. See U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Development Concept Plan and Environmental Assessment, Puukohola Heiau National Historic Site, Hawaii. (Honolulu: National Park Service, 1989) for more details on future activities.
281. The question of whether proposed activities at Pu'ukohola would be restoration or reconstruction is a complex one. If one regards the stone foundations plus the grass and wicker structures and wooden images thought to have existed on Pu'ukohola Heiau as a single architectural unit, likening it to a historic house with furnishings, for instance, one could argue that erecting thatched huts, an oracle tower, an altar, and wooden images is merely replacing, or restoring, missing elements of a historic structure. If one regards the foundation ruins of the heiau and the homestead as archeological resources, as complete entities as they exist today, then one could argue that by stabilizing the remains the NPS has already "restored" these resources. By adding elements we think were there (of which nothing remains and of which we have only meager evidence) in an effort to make the heiau and homestead appear as we might like to interpret them, the NPS would be reconstructing, or reproducing, a generic luakini. Because of this lack of original fabric on which to build or of archeological evidence to determine what was on the heiau originally, this writer will refer to these proposed projects at Pu'ukohola Heiau and John Young homestead as reconstructions, in this case a conjectural rebuilding of complexes of structures.
291. Ibid One very important recent contribution to the study of heiau construction and design, relating those elements to the development of chiefly power and control over the local economy, labor force, and ideology, is Michael John Kolb, "Social Power, chiefly Authority, and Ceremonial Architecture, in an Island Polity, Maui, Hawaii," Ph.D. dissertation (Anthropology), University of California, Los Angeles, 1991 .
1. Marion Kelly, Kekaha: 'Aina Malo'o. Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko and Kuki'o Ahupua'a, North Kona, Hawaii, Report 71-2 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1971), pp. 2-3.
2. Hono-ko-hau Study Advisory Commission, "The Spirit of Ka-loko Hono-ko-hau," A Proposal for the Establishment of a Ka-loko Hono-ko-hau National Cultural Park, Island of Hawaii, State of Hawaii, published by Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1974, pp. 4-7.
5. Ross Cordy, Joseph Tainter, Robert Renger, and Robert Hitchcock, An Ahupua'a Study: The 1971 Archaeological Work at Kaloko Ahupua'a, North Kona, Hawaii: Archaeology at Kaloko-Honokohau National Historical Park, Western Archeological and Conservation Center Publications in Anthropology No. 58 (Tucson: National Park Service, 1991), pp. 574-79.
8. Kelly, Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko, pp. 4-6. Kelly has researched land claims, kuleana awards, tax records, and other legal documents for information on land ownership and use of Kaloko ahupua'a, which she presents in more detail in the work cited and to which the reader is referred.
13. Kelly, Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko, p. 12. The Greenwell family, for instance, came to Hawai'i Island in the 1850s. Of the family of ten children, the three oldest became involved in ranching activities. In 1875 H.N. Greenwell began raising cattle in Kona, continually expanding his holdings until his death in 1891. By the 1920s, the enterprise had developed into three ranches. The Frank Greenwell Ranch (Honokohau Ranch, Hualalai Ranch) comprised thousands of acres in North Kona, stretching from the sea mauka to about 5,400 feet. Two other Greenwell family ranches were active in the 1920s, one with land in both North and South Kona, and the other only in South Kona. Kelly, Gardens of Kona, p. 81.
22. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Western Region, and the Hono-ko-hau Study Advisory Commission, Draft Environmental Statement, Proposed Ka-loko, Hono-ko-hau National Cultural Park, Hawaii (n.p., 1975), p. 64.
35. Ross Cordy, Joseph Tainter, Robert Renger, and Robert Hitchcock, "Archaeology of Kaloko: A Generalized Model of a Hawaiian Community's Social Organization and Adaptation, MS, 51 pp., n.p., 1977, pp. 35-37. Oral histories have stated that although the produce of 'A'imakapa could be used by commoners in need of food, that of Kaloko could not. Roy and Nahale, "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko,' p. 18.
36. Kamakau quoted in Renger, "Human Adaptation," pp. 31-32. Tradition states that these spies reported their observations to the keepers of the Mailekini Heiau at Kawaihae, who were also spies for Kamalalawalu. Kelly, Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko, p. 22.
40. Kamakau, People of Old, p. 41. Kelly notes in regard to this statement that Kame'eiamoku, Kamehameha's counsellor, predeceased the king, excluding him as one of the funeral members. Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko, p. 23. It is impossible to verify whether all these people are actually buried at Kaloko, although most local residents still believe that the remains of King Kamehemeha are there. One of the reasons given for Kahekili's burial at Kaloko is that he was actually Kamehameha's natural father rather than Keoua-kupuapaikalani as has been traditionally accepted. An interesting discussion of this question is provided in ibid, p. 24. Fornander states that Kahekili's age at the time of his death was not known, "but as by all native accounts he was the reputed, if not the legitimate and acknowledged, father of Kamehameha I., he could not well have been less than eighty years old, and was probably some years older." Account of the Polynesian Race, 2:260. Dorothy Barrère presents a lengthy discussion of the possible burial places of Kamehameha in her work Kamehameha in Kona, providing numerous historical accounts of the concealment of Kamehameha's bones, many at variance with each other. Those pinpointing Kaloko as his burial place refer both to an underwater cave at Kaloko Fishpond and to a secret burial cave elsewhere in Kaloko. Informants have told Kelly that the Kaloko burial caves were not near the fishpond but farther inland. Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko, p. 25.
53. Ibid.," pp. 18, B20. See Kenneth P. Emory and Lloyd J. Soehren, Archaeological and Historical Survey, Honokohau Area, North Kona, Hawaii, rev. ed. (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1971), pp. 28-35, for detailed descriptions of the archeological features in the Kaloko Fishpond area. This report was originally published in 1961. Other more recent survey findings will appear later in this section.
58. Ibid., p. 29. Local informants told Roy and Nahale that Kaloko Fishpond is still considered kapu-kapu (very sacred), a much higher status that that accorded other ponds in the area and requiring special care and treatment of the pond and surrounding area. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," p. 34. These individuals also mentioned two stones near the south end of the pond, one said to be a likeness of the mo'o and the other a flat stone on which offerings have been laid. Ibid., pp. 35-36.
62. U.S. Department of the Interior and Study Commission, Draft Environmental Statement, p. 49. See Emory and Soehren, Archaeological and Historical Survey, Honokohau Area, pp. 19-27, for detailed descriptions of sites around 'Aimakapa Fishpond.
64. Roy and Nahale mention a small unnamed heiau just northeast of Pu'u'oina, referred to as Kahakuloa Heiau. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko,' p. 20. They further relate being told of a ko'a heiau at the beach below the "Queen's Bath," near 'Aimakapa. This was an important shrine used for ceremonies of thanksgiving after the fishermen returned to shore. Inland of this heiau, "across the small channel entrance to the [canoe] landing," are remains of a walled platform used for prayers requesting luck and a bountiful harvest prior to sailing. Ibid., p. 22. 'Aimakapa Fishpond contains another large stone platform near its north end that served as a shrine. Roy and Nahale, "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," p. 22. Another informant mentioned to Roy and Nahale the small but powerful "bad" heiau situated along the coast at various points all the way to 'Anaeho'omalu. Ibid., p. 86.
67. Ibid., p. 18. According to Kelly, an informant told, her that the Honokohau ponds once formed a single, large pond, whose wall stretched from the west end of 'Ai'opio north to the headland about 800 feet beyond the present northernmost limits of 'Aimakapa Fishpond. Historical Survey and Background of Kaloko, p. 18.
68. Kikuchi and Belshe, "Examination and Evaluation of Fishponds," p. 510. See Emory and Soehren, Archaeological and Historical Survey, Honokohau Area, pp. 15-19, for detailed descriptions of features in the 'Ai'opio Fishpond area. Informants mentioned these salt pans to Roy and Nahale, describing how the salt was evaporated and then skimmed off for use in drying fish. The researchers were told that some people have attributed other uses to these pans, such as for drying fish or for crushing the herbs used by fishermen to stun fish and enable their easy capture. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," pp. 24-25. Plate 5A in Emory and Soehren is a photograph taken in 1918 from Pu'u'oina Heiau looking northeast toward 'Ai'opio Fishtrap. Along the shoreline are the houses and church of the Honokohau Settlement. Some of these houses, as well as the church, were still shown on a 1928 map. Archeologists believe that the walls and foundations associated with these structures are still present in the park.
70. Ibid., p. 49. According to local informants, Maka'opio was built in the time of Lono'i'ka'makahiki. The tall stones set the standards of height for warriors sent into battle. Roy and Nahale, "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," p. 50.
72. Emory and Soehren, Archaeological and Historical Survey, Honokohau Area, pp. 15-17. According to one of Roy and Nahale's informants, five natural pools adjacent to Pu'u'oina Heiau on the south were holding areas for specific kinds of fish the ruling chief desired. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," p. 18.
74. Kirch, Feathered Gods and Fishhooks, pp. 267, 270. See Russell A. Apple, Trails: From Steppingstones to Kerbstones, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Special Publication 53 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1965).
79. Kikuchi and Belshe, "Examination and Evaluation of Fishponds," pp. B11, B15, B22; Cordy et al., An Ahupua'a Study, p. 403. The latter point out that the Mamalahoa Trail (Lower Government Road), "the major seaward road through the region of this period," bypassed the coast, indicating that area's lack of population by the mid-1800s. By 1888, however, that road's major period of use had also ended. Having replaced the coastal trail, it eventually gave way to the Upper Government Road, again indicating population and economic changes. That road then became the only major route through Kaloko, with shorter roads emanating to various places from the Kohanaiki Homesteads. The only mauka-makai trail used at this time was one leading from the Kohanaiki Homesteads to Kaloko Fishpond. Pp. 406,569, 572. Regarding the question of who could eat fish from these ponds, informants told Roy and Nahale that part of the harvest of the ponds was always distributed among the people, and that Kamehameha's armies were allowed to eat the fish from the ponds on their way through in times of war. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," P. 37.
82. Virginia Brooks, "The Demonstration Project: Ala Kahakai (Trail by the Sea)," in Na Ala Hele (Trails for Walking) (Honolulu: State of Hawaii, 1973), p. 30. informants gave Roy and Nahale the names of several women who used this bath, many being the wives of the ruling chiefs of the area. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," p. 51.
89. Sunao Kido, "A Report on Kaloko Fishpond and the Honokohau Settlement National Historic Landmark," October 29, 1971, typescript, 22 pages, p. 5; U.S. Department of the Interior and Study Commission, Draft Environmental Statement, p. 50.
94. Deborah F. Cluff, An Archaeological Survey of the Seaward Portion of Honokohau #1 and #2, North Kona, Hawaii Island, rev. ed. (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Department of Anthropology, 1971), p. 2. See this report for detailed descriptions of archeological sites within the coastal portion of the ahupua'a of Honokohau, pp. 7-14.
111. Kido, "Report on Kaloko Fishpond and the Honokohau Settlement," October 15,1971, p. 4. An informant told Roy and Nahale that one used to be able to see fires at Honokohau from Kaloko and at the coast from the uplands, supporting the contention that the original vegetative cover here was much less dense and overgrown. As mentioned earlier, tradition says that fires were used to signal impending danger to other areas along the coast, but local informants have stated that fires were part of the mauka-makai exchange system, signalling when a group of people needed food. "Ka Mo'olelo Ha'i Waha O Honokohau-Kaloko," p. 24.
6. Kenneth P. Emory, "Report 9: Honaunau in Transition to the Present," in Bryan and Emory, Natural and Cultural History of Honaunau, pp. 112, 114. During the period the county leased this land, the parcel comprising the park area contained bathhouse facilities for those using the shallow inlet and sandy beach nearby, a tank supplying brackish water for the toilets and showers, and a caretaker's house. The area had tables and benches and was a popular picnic ground used mostly by local residents and to some extent by tourists, who were also given a guided tour around and through the City of Refuge. Richard E. Devine, Francis Cushingham, and Royden Bryan, "Appraisal Report Covering Land and Improvements to be Acquired for City of Refuge National Historical Park For the Commissioner of Public Lands, Territory of Hawaii," December 1956, in files, Kona Historical Society, Captain Cook, Hawai'i, p. 9. Russell Apple and Peg Apple, "Bishop Estate and Honaunau, in "Tales of Old Hawaii" column, Honolulu (HI) Star-Bulletin (May 26, 1978): A19.
23. James Cook, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, Undertaken by the Command of His Majesty, for Making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere, 3 vols. and Atlas (London: G. Nicol and T. Cadell, 1784), 3:160, quoted in Russell A. Apple, "Pre-Restoration Study of the Hale-o-Keawe Platform, Honaunau Bay, South Kona, Hawaii," draft study for the National Park Service, January 1966. The image King describes matches a figure now in the British Museum in London. It is shown in Cox and Davenport, Hawaiian Sculpture, A6.
31. Andrew Bloxam, Diary of Andrew Bloxam, Naturalist of H.M.S. Blonde on Her Trip from England to the Hawaiian Islands, 1824-1825, Bishop Museum Special Publication 10 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1925), pp. 74-76. The bones stacked in the corner of the Hale-o-Keawe were those of selected lesser male chiefs of the ruling family who were not considered gods.
32. Rowland Bloxam, "Visit of the H.M.S. Blonde to Hawaii in 1825," Hawaiian Annual for 1924 (Honolulu, 1924), pp. 79-80. The two altar idols Bloxam mentions reside today in the Bishop Museum and in the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago. The feathered deity is pictured in The London Mirror of August 12, 1826, and is thought to be in the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. Emory, "Honaunau Village and Vicinity," p. 100. See this report for a discussion of what happened to images taken from Hale-o-Keawe.
33. Lord [G. A.] Byron, Voyage of H.M.S. Blonde to the Sandwich Islands, 1824-1825, Captain the Right Honourable Lord Byron [George Anson], Commander, comp. Maria Graham (London: John Murray, 1826), no pages given, typescript of account found in MS collection, Peabody Museum ("Black Notebook" on South Sea Islands, religious idols, etc.), Salem, Massachusetts. Dr. W.S.W. Ruschenberger, author and U.S. Navy surgeon on board the Peacock in 1836, noted that because the officers of the Blonde were so anxious to take home examples of the ancient Hawaiian temple images as souvenirs, the number of idols available was soon depleted; enterprising Hawaiians then began producing new carved images, which they smoked slightly to add a patina of antiquity and then sold to unwary Europeans. W.S.W. Ruschenberger, A Voyage Round the World in 1835, 1836, and 1837 including Sketches in the Sandwich Islands (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea, and Blanchard, 1838), p. 455.
45. Edmund J. Ladd Excavations at Site A-27: Archeology at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park, ed. Gary F. Somers, Publications in Anthropology No. 43 (Tucson: Western Archeological and Conservation center, 1987), pp. 79-80. NPS Pacific Area Archeologist Gary Somers points out that Ladd's chronology tried to assimilate Barrère's traditional history with the archeological evidence and still allow two other basic assumptions that Keawe-ku-i-ke-ka'ai built 'Ale'ale'a and that that heiau was abandoned when Hale-o-Keawe was erected. Gary F. Somers, Mapping and Stabilization of Alahaka and Oma'o Heiau: Archeology at Pu'uhonua O Honaunau National Historical Park (Honolulu: National Park Service, 1986), pp. 16-17.
51. Bingham, A Residence of Twenty-One Years in the Sandwich Islands, p. 426. Kekauluohi was the daughter of Kala'imamahu, a half-brother of Kamehameha; Boki was governor of O'ahu; and Naihe was the husband of Kapiolani nd one of Kamehameha's councillors. The latter was also guardian of the ancient tombs of Hawaiian kings and chiefs. Barrère, "History and Function of the Pu'uhonua and the Hale o Keawe," p. 131.
53. William D. Alexander, "The 'Hale o Keawe,' at Honaunau, Hawaii," Journal of the Polynesian Society 3(1894): 160-61. Walter F. Judd states that the sennit caskets of Kings Liloa and Lonoikamakahiki were placed in a modern coffin, on which their names were engraved, which was placed in the Royal Tomb at Iolani Palace, while the remains of the other chiefs were buried inside or alongside that chamber. Judd states that these bones were never moved again. This Royal Tomb had been built just south of the Iolani Palace to hold the coffins of King Kamehameha II and Queen Kamamalu. The tomb's function was replaced in 1865 by the Royal Mausoleum at Nu'uanu. Palaces and Forts of the Hawaiian Kingdom (Palo Alto, Calif.: Pacific Books, Publishers, 1975), p. 155. At that time the coral rock walls of the old royal tomb were razed and the site was marked only by a tumulus. Stokes's conclusions are that in 1830 the remains of the twenty-three kings and chiefs from Hale-o-Keawe were placed in two large wooden boxes and concealed in the burial cave of Hoaiku at Ka'awaloa along with the remains in native wrappings that had been deposited in the Hale-o-Liloa, including those of Liloa and Lono. In 1858 all remains were removed to O'ahu. Because Liloa and Lono were the most distinguished of the remains and perhaps were identifiable by external markings, they were put in a modern coffin on which their names were engraved. Thus they were carried in the procession along with similar coffins to the new mausoleum in 1865. The other Hale-o-Keawe remains were not further dealt with either because of the crudity of their containers or the loss of identification as to who they were. Because of the hopelessness of making any positive identifications, the remains of these former kings and chiefs of Kona were undoubtedly left behind in the tumulus marking the site of the old tomb. John F.G. Stokes, "Burial of King Keawe," Papers of the Hawaiian Historical Society no. 17 (1930) (Millwood, New York: Kraus Reprint Co., 1978), pp. 63, 71-72. Barrère, "History and Function of the Pu'uhonua and the Hale o Keawe," p. 136, states that nowhere is there a written record of these coffins having been removed to the Nu'uanu mausoleum. Possibly they are still interred in the mound now marking the site of the old Iolani Palace mausoleum or possibly they were never removed from Ka'awaloa, only the bones of Liloa and Lono having been taken to O'ahu.
68. "Puuhonua at Honaunau, City of Refuge," notes said to be from interview of Ma'inui by Tom White, recorded by Francis Cushingham, in Kona Historical Society, captain cook, Hawai'i, pp. 5-6. Another copy of these notes, however, indicates they were made by John F.G. Stokes from an interview on March 14, 1919. Note the structure (No. 8) located on the east side of Keone'ele cove by Emory and designated as "site of old royal residence," in 'Transition to the Present," p. 113.
72. Theresa K. Donham, "Archaeological Reconnaissance Survey, Hale-o-Ho'oponopono Project Site, Land of Honaunau, South Kona, Island of Hawaii," typescript, April 1986, in Hawaii Department of Natural Resources, Honolulu, p. 4.
76. Edmund J. Ladd, "The Great Wall Stabilization: Salvage Report," in Pearson, Archaeology on the Island of Hawaii, pp. 133, 135-36. Ellis noted, regarding the large stones in the wall: "Many fragments of rock, or pieces of lava, of two or more tons each, were seen in several parts of the wall, raised at least six feet from the ground." Journal of William Ellis, p. 128.
77. Ladd, "Great Wall Stabilization," p. 136; V. Aubrey Neasham, Historic Sites Survey Report, Place of Refuge, Hawaii (San Francisco: National Park Service, 1949), p. 23; Albert S. Baker, "How to Spend a Day in Kona, The Friend (May 1930): 104-5.
78. J.F.G. Stokes, "Report 13: Archaeological Features of the Pu'uhonua Area," in Bryan and Emory, Natural and Cultural History of Honaunau, pp. 163-74; Hawaiian workmen told Archeologist Edmund Ladd that the purpose of the pao construction was to allow water to flow through the walls during periods of flooding or tidal waves. Edmund J. Ladd, "Ruins Stabilization Record - Alealea Heiau (Outside Wall)," completion Report, July 1963, 5 pages, Second Sheet.
93. Alexander, "The 'Hale o Keawe,' at Honaunau, Hawaii," p. 160; This passage is open to question. Barrère points out that there exist no previous reports of the need for human sacrifices while making the basket containers for bones, and this had been a very ancient practice in Hawai'i. "History and Function of the Pu'uhonua and the Hale o Keawe," p. 124.
99. Barrère, "History and Function of the Pu'uhonua and the Hale o Keawe," pp. 126-27. It is thought that Kalani'opu'u's corpse was taken back to his homeland, Ka'u, and placed in a burial cave after Kamehameha killed Kiwala'o. Tradition had said that he was only taken to Honaunau by his followers as part of a power play to obtain more Kona lands, it being the Hawaiian custom that whatever lands a ruler's funeral cortege passed belonged from then on to his heirs. The battle between Kamehameha and Kiwala'o, from which the former emerged as victor, effectively ended those plans. Ibid., p. 127.
100. Apple, "Pre-Restoration Study," p. 17. Because of indications that sacrifices took place here earlier, Barrère suggests Kamakau meant that Kamehameha expanded upon the functions of the Hale-o-Keawe to include ceremonies that required human sacrifices. "History and Function of the Pu'uhonua and the Hale o Keawe," p. 123.
118. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, "Environmental Assessment, Proposed Emergency Preservation of the Old Heiau Site, City of Refuge National Historical Park," January 27, 1977, typescript, 6 pages, p. 1.
119. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, "Pre-Stabilization Report, Proposed Emergency Preservation of the Old Heiau Site, city of Refuge National Historical Park," July 30, 1975, typescript, 4 pages, pp. 2-3.
120. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, "Research Proposal, Proposed Emergency Preservation of the Old Heiau Site, city of Refuge National Historical Park, Kona, Hawaii," December 1976, typescript, 7 pages, p. 2.
126. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, p. 127. William T. Brigham, director of the Bishop Museum, was horrified on viewing the restoration work of 1902. On his first visit to the pu'uhonua in 1864, he had noted the fallen walls of an enclosure in which, according to native informants, refugees had given thanks for their deliverance from death. By the time of his return visit in 1919, these walls had been replaced by a vertical wall around the site of the original temple. The interior had been filled in with stones taken from the mauka exterior wall of the refuge. John F.G. Stokes, Heiau of the Island of Hawai'i: A Historic Survey of Native Hawaiian Temple Sites, ed. Tom Dye, Bishop Museum Bulletin in Anthropology 2 (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press, 1991), pp. 104-5.
127. Edmund J. Ladd, Alealea Temple Site, Honaunau: Salvage Report," in Pearson, Archaeology on the Island of Hawaii, p. 99. According to Stokes, restoration of 'Ale'ale'a Heiau in 1902 involved rebuilding the western end, levelling off the paved surface, and building steps in the southern wall for public access. Workmen at the time said there had been a mound of stone at the eastern end of the top platform, possibly corresponding to the base of an oracle tower. Stokes, "Archaeological Features of the Pu'uhonua Area," p. 181.
145. Ibid., pp. 6-7; Stokes wrote that the heiau was reported to him as having served as a "temple for pleasure, where the chiefs reclined and relaxed to look over the country or watch the hula." He said that access to the temple platform was by means of a wooden ladder that the keeper of the heiau stored in his house, bringing it out for use whenever the chiefs wished to ascend to the temple platform and returning it to storage when they left. A later note in this essay by Emory states that Kekahuna's 1952 map shows a site on the east side of the platform for a priest's house and another on the south side for a thatched hut for ceremonial purposes. "Archaeological Features of the Pu'uhonua Area," pp. 181, 183.
150. ibid., pp. 186-87; An informant stated that this was the place of seclusion for women during their menstrual periods. Women entered the pu'uhonua through a separate entrance from that of the refugees, but the informant did not know just where. Puuhonua at Honaunau, notes, p. 3.
155. Ibid., pp. 190-91; An informant stated that a long wall once extended from a point about forty feet from the southwest corner of 'Ale'ale'a Heiau, running makai, and then curving around to the entrance at the makai end of the outer southern wall. This enclosed the Puuhonua Proper," a level area with kamane trees where the refugees slept. A tidal wave later destroyed the wall. Puuhonua at Honaunau, notes, p. 3.
167. Edmund J. Ladd, Test Excavations at Sites B-105, B-107, and B-108: Archeology at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park, ed. Gary F. Somers, Publications in Anthropology No. 34 (Tucson: Western Archeological and Conservation Center, 1986), p. 58. Site B-108, the Thompson House Site, will be discussed later.
173. Kenneth P. Emory, "Report 15: Archaeological Features of Hinterland and Keamoalii of Honaunau, Keokea, and Ki'ilae in Bryan and Emory, Natural and Cultural History of Honaunau, p. 225. This volume contains the set of seven maps of the proposed park area that show the various features Emory investigated. These maps are reproduced in this report.
178. Handy, Ancient Hawaiian Civilization, p. 150; Edmund Ladd noted that these tracks varied in size from 6 to 18 feet in width and from 100 to more than 1,000 feet in length. Ladd, Test Excavations, p. 4.
184. Emory, "Hinterland and Keamoali'i," pp. 225-27. Note on Map 2 the house lot designated as belonging to George Douglas. Douglas bought this house from Edward Thompson prior to 1952; the lot is referred to as the "Thompson House Site." Douglas burned the house in 1952. Test excavations at the site focused on the primary features, including the house site and several grave platforms. This lot was originally awarded in the Great Mahele and went through various owners after that. Occupied from early historic to modern times, it also had some pre-contact use. It appears to have evolved over time from a modest-sized house to several structures and then a multi-level complex as the owner's social and political status increased, It is thought to have possibly been a chief's residence. Ladd, Test Excavations, pp. 73-74, 101-2, 106.
203. Ibid., p. 27. The reader should keep in mind that Ladd did not believe these slides were built until after Ellis's visit in 1823. Therefore, they would not have posed an impediment to early travel.
214. Ibid., pp.200-1. William Thompson mentioned in an interview (June 29,1965) with Frances Jackson that he helped small ranchers with branding and running bulls from the open areas to pens. This involved running them down the horse ramp to a holding pen near the house complex at Ilio Point. Horses, mules, and donkeys served as mounts, but, despite their surefootedness, the cowboys would keep one foot out of the stirrup in case the bull and horse stumbled on the very narrow ramp. Jackson, Ki'ilae village," p. 23.
219. Ibid., p. 219. The lowlands in this area were also inhabited. According to an informant Frances Jackson used in her research on Ki'ilae Village, a few grass houses existed ca. 1900 between the 1871 trail and the Keanae'e Cliff. Mable Keahi Alporque and Moses Kalele interview by Russell A. Apple, April 6,1963, at City of Refuge National Historical Park, in Jackson, Ki'ilae Village," p. 3.
220. John E. Reinecke, "A Survey of Hawaiian Sites: Kailua to Kalakupuaa, Kahaluu-Keauhou-Onouli (2) to Honalo (Kualanui Pt.), Kaawaloa-Honaunau to Ka'u Line," MS, June 1929-June 1930, p. 31, quoted in Somers, Mapping and Stabilization of Alahaka and Oma'o Heiau, pp. 2, 4.
231. Ibid., pp. 36-37. One interviewee said that the people living there did not have much in the way of possessions, but they paid a small rent to Henriques and provided "much food, etc." when he visited. Thompson interview with Jackson, June 29, 1965, in Jackson, Ki'ilae Village," p. 26.
241. Ibid., pp. 67-70. An interviewee mentioned a large Portuguese oven near the belt road, which the "neighbors" in the community all used for baking bread. He said it was similar to the one near Kawaihae (at Pelekane). The location of this one near Ki'ilae is unclear. Thompson interview with Jackson, June 29. 1965, p. 25.
242. Jackson, Ki'ilae Village," pp.22,71-73; Apple, Hawaiian Thatched House, pp.219-20. One interviewee mentioned that Ki'ilae families banded together for work; some go mauka to fields, some to beach to fish. Then all eat together." Thompson interview with Jackson, June 29, 1965, in "Ki'ilae Village," p. 24. Thompson did not arrive in the Ki'ilae area, where he worked as a cowboy, until the 1920s. Perhaps as the population dwindled, people became more inclined to work together for their sustenance.
245. Ibid., pp. 73-75. The source of some of the information on the Ahu place was the April 6, 1963, Alporque-Kalele interview with Apple, in ibid., p. 4. Emory stated that the John Ahu family homestead had already been abandoned for many years by 1957. Although the Ahu residence was probably an ancient house site, later construction had obliterated earlier remains. The Land Commission Awards noted this land was given in the 1850s to a man who had received it from his parents in 1819. He evidently supported himself by cultivating taro and sweet potato patches inland as well as by utilizing nearby marine resources. "Hinterland and Keamoalii, p. 244. This site still contains the house foundation and a cistern.
251. Edmund J. Ladd, Ki'ilae Village Test Excavations: Archaeology at Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park, ed. Gary F. Somers, Publications in Anthropology No. 35 (Tucson: Western Archeological and conservation Center, 1986), p. 5.
260. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, National Register of Historic Places Inventory-Nomination Form, city of Refuge National Historical Park, no date, in files, Pacific Area Office, NPS, Honolulu.
264. Emory, "Transition to the Present," pp. 114-15. The tsunami (massive sea waves) of the Kai mimiki o Naihe at an unknown date filled He-lei.palala Fishpond in the Honaunau palace grounds with silt and sand. This is the only fishpond known to have been affected by a prehistoric tsunami. Kikuchi, "Hawaiian Aquacultural System," p. 153.
Last Updated: 15-Nov-2001