1. The most meticulous contemporary portrait of New Mexico's Spanish missions remains Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez (Albuquerque, 1956, 1975), cited in the present volume as ACD. George Kubler's masterful The Religious Architecture of New Mexico, 4th ed. (Albuquerque, 1972), provides a scholarly analysis. The quotations above are from pp. 67, 143. Other general descriptions of the New Mexico missions include L. Bradford Prince, Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico (Cedar Rapids, 1915, and Glorieta, N.M., 1977); Earle R. Forrest, Missions and Pueblos of the Old Southwest (Cleveland, 1929); and Edgar Lee Hewett and Reginald G. Fisher, Mission Monuments of New Mexico (Albuquerque, 1943). A summary treatment of domestic architecture, both Pueblo Indian and Spanish, is Bainbridge Bunting, Early Architecture in New Mexico (Albuquerque, 1976). For additional background see also Kubler, Mexican Architecture of the Sixteenth Century, 2 vols. (New Haven, 1948); John McAndrew, The Open-Air Churches of Sixteenth-Century Mexico (Cambridge, 1965); and Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico (Berkeley, 1966).

2. The chamber-of-commerce myth that a remnant of Coronado's army stayed behind to found Santa Fe and "the Oldest Church" dies hard. Fray Angelico Chavez, Coronado's Friars (Washington, D.C., 1968), explains who these Franciscans were and the part they played.

3. Relación de como los padres de San Francisco se encargan de las provincias del Nuevo México, San Juan Bautista, Sept. 8, 1598, Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Spain (AGI), Patronato, 22. With the exception of this one, most of the documents for the Oñate years are published in George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, Don Juan de Oñate, Colonizer of New Mexico, 1595-1628, 2 vols. (Albuquerque, 1953).

4. See France V. Scholes, Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650 (Albuquerque, 1937); Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670 (Albuquerque, 1942); "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review (NMHR), vol.5 (1930), pp. 93-115, 186-210, 386-404; and "Royal Treasury Records Relating to the Province of New Mexico, 1596-1683," NMHR, vol. 50 (1975), pp. 5-23, 139-64. By 1616 there were sixteen friars laboring in the colony. About that year their superiors at the Convento Grande in Mexico City, headquarters of the Holy Gospel province, resolved to elevate the mission field of New Mexico to the status of custody, a semi-autonomous administrative unit within the Order. Because of distance, poverty, and the rugged frontier environment, however, the mother province retained the right to elect the Father Custodian (custos in Latin, custodio in Spanish), or local superior. New Mexico's Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul took its name from the saint who, it was said, divinely aided the Spaniards at the battle of Ácoma in 1599 on the feast of his conversion, January 25.

5. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed., Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773 vol. 3 (Washington, D.C., 1937), pp. 198-99, 211-13. Fr. Pedro Haro de la Cueva, Sandía, Aug. 21, 1621, and related documents, Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico (AGN), Inquisición, 356.

6. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," NMHR, vol. 4 (1929), pp. 45-58, and "Correction" NMHR, vol. 19 (1944), pp. 243-46. Scattered references to church building are in Fray Alonso de Benavides' Revised Memorial of 1634, ed. Frederick Webb Hodge, Hammond, and Rey (Albuquerque, 1945), in text and notes. A number of published archaeological reports, particularly on ruined Saline, Zuñi, and Hopi pueblos, describe in great detail the layout of these seventeenth-century churches.

7. Taken together, J. Manuel Espinosa's First Expedition of Vargas into New Mexico, 1692 (Albuquerque, 1940) and his Crusaders of the Rio Grande (Chicago, 1942) provide some idea of the condition in which the returning Spaniards found the churches in the 1690s and what they did about rebuilding them.

8. See Charles H. Lange, Cochití, A New Mexico Pueblo, Past and Present (Carbondale, 1968), pp. 60-61. Unlike the missions of Texas or California, which the friars created artificially and where they continued to hold buildings and lands in trust for the natives they congregated in them, the missions of New Mexico were intrusions into existing Pueblo Indian communities. When a friar was present he lived in the convento and ate the produce of a field or two. But when he left, these reverted to the pueblo. That is why in New Mexico secularization, the process of converting missions into parishes, was of relatively little consequence. Here the missionaries "owned" next to nothing.

9. Certificación de las mercedes, México, Dec. 22, 1763, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (BL), Mexican Manuscripts, no. 399.

10. Fr. Juan Miguel Menchero, El Paso, July 3, and Santa Fe, Sept. 4, 1731, Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, Albuquerque (AASF), Patentes, Book II (Box 2). James H. Simpson, Navaho Expedition, Journal of A Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, New Mexico to the Navaho Country, ed. Frank McNitt (Norman, 1964), p. 18. E. Boyd, Popular Arts of Spanish New Mexico (Santa Fe, 1974), pp. 122-25. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 137-41.

11. ACD, p. 39.

12. Paul Horgan, Lamy of Santa Fe (New York, 1975), pp. 126-27. Juan Bautista Ladrón del Niño de Guevara to Bishop Juan Francisco de Castañiza, Durango, Oct. 23, 1820, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). ACD, p. 300.

13. Noticia de las misiones, Fernando Chacón, Santa Fe, Dec. 31, 1804, AGI, Audiencia de México, 2737. Conde de Revillagigedo, Informe sobre las misiones, 1793 e instrucción reservada al Marqués de Branciforte, 1794, ed. José Bravo Ugarte (México, 1966), pp. 52-53. In 1816 Commandant General Bernardo Bonavia told the governor of New Mexico to see that the Pueblo Indians helped with necessary repairs to their churches and conventos. They must not be allowed to live in idleness. Bonavia to Alberto Maynez, Durango,Jan. 15, 1816, Spanish Archives of New Mexico (SANM), Series II, no. 2637.

14. Chavez, Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900 (Washington, D.C., 1957), pp. 196-97. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, eds., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque, 1942), pp. 52-53, 236-37.

15. Bishop José Antonio Laureano de Zubiría, pastoral, Santa Fe, Oct. 19, 1833, AASF, Patentes, Book XI (Box 6). On the growth and ways of the Penitentes, see Marta Weigle, Brothers of Light, Brothers of Blood: The Penitentes of the Southwest (Albuquerque, 1976). Carroll and Haggard, Chronicles, pp. 53-55, 301-3.

16. George F. Ruxton, Adventures in Mexico and the Rocky Mountains (London, 1847), p. 184. See also Roland F. Dickey, New Mexico Village Arts, rev. ed. (Albuquerque, 1970), particularly pp. 137-214.

17. Guevara to Castañiza, Oct. 23, 1820, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5).

18. Horgan, Lamy, pp. 117, 334-35, 358-59.

19. On the positive side, says Roland Dickey, "only the French background of Archbishop Lamy saved the Cathedral from looking like a Connecticut church." Village Arts, p. 48. On the negative side, counters Fray Angelico Chavez, "that same insidious feeling of superiority which revealed itself on the civic scene, in such banal things as eastern brick and tin, likewise showed its head when the old adobe churches were replaced by pseudo-gothic ones, and when the native santos had to give their place to cast plaster statues in romantically pretty poses and tints." My Penitente Land, Reflections on Spanish New Mexico (Albuquerque, 1974), pp. 259-60.

20. Theodosius Meyer, "Padre of Pueblos for Half Century," Southwestern Catholic (Dec. 16, 1921). J. B. Salpointe, Soldiers of the Cross (Banning, 1898), pp. 277-78.

21. Adolph F. Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Part I (Cambridge, Mass., 1890), p. 267.

22. John G. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, VII," ed. Lansing B. Bloom, NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 318-19. In 1844 Santa Fe trader Josiah Gregg expressed an opinion that became almost a refrain with nineteenth-century Anglos. "In architecture, the people do not seem to have arrived at any great perfection, but rather to have conformed themselves to the clumsy style which prevailed among the aborigines, than to waste their time in studying modern masonry and the use of lime. The materials generally used for building are of the crudest possible description; consisting of unburnt bricks, about eighteen inches long by nine wide and four thick, laid in mortar of mere clay and sand. These bricks are called adobes, and every edifice, from the church to the palacio, is constructed of the same stuff. In fact, I should remark, perhaps, that though all Southern Mexico is celebrated for the magnificence and wealth of its churches, New Mexico deserves equal fame for poverty-stricken and shabby-looking houses of public worship." Commerce of the Prairies, ed. Max L. Moorhead (Norman, 1954), p. 144.

23. Lamy to Charles Ewing, Santa Fe, Feb. 25, 1874, AASF, 1874, no. 2.

24. Carlos Vierra, "New Mexico Architecture," Art and Archaeology, vol. 7, nos. 1-2 (1918), pp. 42-43. See also Vierra "Our Native Architecture in Its Relation to Santa Fe," El Palacio (EP), vol. 4, no. 1 (Jan. 1917) pp. 5-11, and James H. Purdy, "The Carlos Vierra House, 1002 Old Pecos Trail" The Historic Santa Fe Foundation Bulletin, vol. 5, no. 1 (Jan. 1979).

25. Jerome Hesse, "The Missions of Cochiti and Santo Domingo, N.M.," The Franciscan Missions of the Southwest (FMS), vol. 4 (1916), p. 27.

26. Paul A. F. Walter, "Peña Blanca and the Early Inhabitants of the Santa Fe Valley," EP, vol. 3, no. 1 (1915), pp. 25-26. Vierra "New Mexico Architecture," p. 46.

27. Santa Fé New Mexican Review (Apr. 26, 1884). Oliver La Farge, Santa Fe: The Autobiography of a Southwestern Town (Norman, 1919), p. 117.

28. L. Bradford Prince Papers, State Records Center, Santa Fe (SRC). Prince, Churches, pp. 69-70, credited the Society with cleaning up Santa Fe's old Mexican-period cemetery and repairing its mortuary chapel in 1914. This cemetery, which lay northeast of the plaza off Kearny Ave., has been completely overrun by houses. California, of course, had its Association for the Preservation of the Missions (later the Land Marks Club) as early as 1888.

29. David Gebhard, "Architecture and the Fred Harvey Houses," New Mexico Architecture (NMA), vol. 4, nos. 7-8 (July-Aug. 1962), pp. 11-17, vol. 6, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Feb. 1964), pp. 18-25. Trent Elwood Sanford, The Architecture of the Southwest: Indian, Spanish, American (New York, 1950), pp. 235-66. Sylvanus Griswold Morley, "Santa Fe Architecture," Old Santa Fe, vol. 2 (1914-15), pp. 281-82. To add just that air of authenticity the Santa Fe Railway and the Harvey Company became scavengers of old mission bells and vigas, a pursuit not always in the best interest of historic preservation. El Ortiz and the Alvarado have been razed, the latter in 1970 over loud local protest. Los Chavez survives.

36. Painting on the nave wall, Zia, 1938.

30. Charles E. Hodgin, "Dr. Tight—the President and the Man," Remembrance Wakes: Memorial Day Exercises of the University of New Mexico, 1928-1941, ed. Lynn B. Mitchell (Albuquerque, 1941), pp. 70-79. Dorothy Hughes, Pueblo on the Mesa: The First Fifty Years at the University of New Mexico (Albuquerque, 1939).

31. Displaying his Santa Fe snobbishness or an ignorance of the facts, Sylvanus Morley wrote in 1914 that "the first attempt to adapt Santa Fe Architecture to modern building requirements, and also one of the most successful," was the store and warehouse of the Colorado Supply Company at Morley, Colorado, designed by the Trinidad architectural firm of I. H. and W. M. Rapp and built in 1908. He was wrong. By 1908 UNM had half a dozen such buildings. Morley, "Santa Fe Architecture," p. 282 n. 5. E. Dana Johnson, "A University Pueblo, A Reproduction by the University of New Mexico of an Ancient Indian Pueblo, Adapted to College Uses," The World's Work, vol. 14, no. 6 (Oct. 1907), pp. 9468-74. Actually, if the truth be known, a Bostonian in California had stolen a march on both Albuquerque and Santa Fe. A. C. Schweinfurt dreamed of creating "a domestic vernacular from the architecture of the New Mexican pueblo." As early as 1894 he had experimented with the style on a country hotel near Montalvo. "Somehow convinced that it was 'peculiar to this Coast,' he attempted at the Hearst Ranch at Pleasanton, and elsewhere, to popularize the adobe walls, projecting end beams, and terraced roofs of the southwest Indians." Harold Kirker, California's Architectural Frontier, Style and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century (San Marino, 1960), p. 127.

32. Johnson, "University Pueblo." According to Johnson, the students "caught the spirit" and joined enthusiastically in decorating their rooms with rugs, pottery, and blankets "easily procurable from the many Indians living in the vicinity of Albuquerque." Both dormitories and the president's house, which last served as a gas station, have been razed. The Estufa still stands.

33. Hodgin, "Dr. Tight," p. 75. Ramón Jurado, "Prehistoric Home for New University," Technical World Magazine (June 1909), p. 368. To promote their idea, Tight and his faculty erected at the 1908 Territorial Fair a "movie-set" pueblo building. It is pictured in Hughes, Pueblo on the Mesa, p. 40. The pueblicized Hodgin Hall, listed on New Mexico's Registry of Cultural Properties, is to be renovated and preserved. Rodey Hall was knocked down in 1971.

34. H. Allen Brooks, Jr., "The Old Chemistry Building at the University of New Mexico, Its Antecedents and Tradition," NMA, vol. 2, nos. 7-8 (July-Aug. 1960), pp. 17-19.

35. Ralph Emerson Twitchell, Old Santa Fe, The Story of New Mexico's Ancient Capital (Santa Fe, 1925), pp. 458-63. Morley, "Santa Fe Architecture," p. 295. La Farge, Santa Fe, pp. 230-36, 237-38. Besides Ácoma, the missions represented in the design of the Art Museum, said Twitchell, were San Felipe, Cochití, Laguna, Santa Ana, and Pecos. See also J. K. Shishkin, "The New Museum Is A Wonder," EP, vol. 74, no. 3 (Autumn 1967), pp. 5-16.

36. George Clayton Pearl, "Tradition and the Individual Talent: The Architecture of John Gaw Meem as Photographed by Laura Gilpin," EP, vol. 82, no. 2 (Summer 1976), pp. 22-35. In 1934 Meem summarized the work of the committee to date for Archbishop R. A. Gerken, Daeger's successor. He included in his letter the following list of projects completed, showing the cost of each:

Notes and articles in El Palacio, journal of the Museum of New Mexico, chronicle some of the work. The committee's members in 1924 were: Archbishop Daeger, chairman; Dr. Edgar L. Hewett; Paul A. F. Walter; Carlos Vierra; Dr. Frank E. Mera; Frank Springer; Daniel T. Kelly; Mrs. F. E. Mera; Mrs.J. C. Robinson; Anne Evans; Mary Willard; Burnham Hoyt, architect; John G. Meem, asst. architect. William P. McPhee of Denver, prominent Roman Catholic layman and head of the lumbering firm of McPhee and McGinnity, provided much of its financial support. In 1932, to manage more effectively the raising of monies, the committee had incorporated under the more manageable name Society for the Preservation of New Mexico Mission Churches. In addition to Kelly, Vierra, Meem, and Dr. Mera, its board of directors included Charles Fahy and Edith Morton Eustis. Walter served as treasurer. A number of other notables, including Mary Austin, were involved. The Society's big project was the building of a suitable chapel to house the stone reredos from La Castrense in Santa Fe, but Daeger's death and the Depression quashed the idea. Meem to Gerken, Santa Fe, Nov. 28, 1934, with enclosures, AASF. Meem reminisced about his association with the Committee in a brief "Footnote" to Daniel T. Kelly, The Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest (Santa Fe, 1972), pp. 263-65.

37. Hewett and Fisher, Mission Monuments, pp. 205-6. That proved easier said than done. It is difficult today for the public to tell original adobe construction from the 1915 stabilization work on the $16,236.03 Pecos church ruin, a job carried out under Hewett's general supervision.

1. ACD, pp. 12-43. John E. Sunder, ed., Matt Field on the Santa Fe Trail (Norman, 1960), p. 202. Gregg, Commerce, p. 77. W. W. H. Davis, El Gringo; or, New Mexico and Her People (New York, 1857), p. 234. Ruxton, Adventures, pp. 188-89. Zebulon Montgomery Pike, The Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, ed. Donald Jackson, 2 vols. (Norman, 1966), I, p. 391.

2. Chavez, "Santa Fe Church and Convent Sites in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," NMHR, vol. 24(1949), pp. 85-93, and Our Lady of the Conquest (Santa Fe, 1948).

3. Col. José D. Sena, "The Chapel of Don Antonio José Ortiz," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), pp. 347-59. Because of the questionable translations, details of Ortiz's rebuilding remain fuzzy. The documents themselves, which had been "in the vault of his Excellency Archbishop R. A. Gerken," have not reappeared. ACD, pp. 240-41, 345-46. Fr. Esteban Aumatell and Fr. Buenaventura Merino, Inventario, Santa Fe, June 16, 1796, SANM:II, no. 1360. The story of the Parroquia's short-lived Third Order chapel (roughly 1804-29), adjoining the south wall but opening on the cemetery, is detailed by Bruce T. Ellis, "The 'Lost' Chapel of the Third Order of St. Francis, in Santa Fe," NMHR, vol. 53 (1978), pp. 59-74. Late in 1808 Father Pereyro, referring to the Santa Fe chapter of the Third Order, wrote that "the rebuilding of its chapel is not yet finished." Pereyro, Santa Clara, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below.

4. Ignacio Sánchez Vergara, Santa Fe, Mar. 12, 1814, Benjamin M. Read Collection, no. 103, SRC. Boyd included a translation of the entire document in Popular Arts, pp. 452-54. Her reference to a graveyard with its "roof" should read, "a graveyard with its wall." The church dimensions as given in 1776 and in 1814 follow. One vara equals 33 inches.

5. Agustín Fernández San Vicente, Santa Fe, Aug. 15-Sept. 8, 1826, AASF, Accounts, Book LXV (Box 6). Guevara, Santa Fe, Mar. 2-Apr. 8, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5).

6. Zubiría, Santa Fe, June 25, 1833, AASF, B-69, Santa Fe (Box 60).

7. Quoted in George Winston Smith and Charles Judah, Chronicles of the Gringos, The U.S. Army in the Mexican War, 1846-1848, Accounts of Eyewitnesses and Combatants (Albuquerque, 1968), p. 118.

8. J. W. Abert, Report of Lieut. J. W. Abert of His Examination of New Mexico, in the Years 1846-47 30th Cong., 1st sess., House Ex. Doc. No. 41 (Washington, D.C., 1848), pp. 454-55. Abert's field notebook was published as Western America in 1846-1847 ed. John Galvin (San Francisco, 1966).

9. James H. Defouri, Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church in New Mexico (San Francisco, 1887), p. 143. New Mexican (Mar. 17, 1868). Horgan, Lamy, pp. 108-14, 173-75, 211-13, 256, 314, 334, 358-60. Salpointe, Soldiers, p. 205.

10. Neither the engraving of the Parroquia based on Abert's 1846 sketch (Report, op. p. 454) nor the c. 1855 sketch of the Albuquerque church (Davis, El Gringo, op. p. 345) shows crenelations. It is possible, but not likely, that the engravers removed them. An anonymous sketch of Santa Fe, dated imprecisely c. 1846-50 (Horgan, Lamy, op. p. 140), does show a crenelated Parroquia. It is curious that trained military observers like Abert did not mention in their discussions of the local adobe architecture such battlements on churches. The clock story springs from a note to John T. Hughes, Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest of New Mexico and California, ed. William Elsey Connelley (Kansas City, 1907), p. 176n.

11. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, VII," NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 303, 307-8. Horgan, Lamy, pp. 386-92. It is odd that Adolph Bandelier, who was in Santa Fe during much of the building, rarely had anything to say in his journals about Lamy's grand project. He did mention in June 1885 being summoned to the Cathedral where two of the French priests had discovered in the old sanctuary the inscribed stone tomb of two seventeenth-century Franciscans. In 1957 Fray Angelico Chavez rescued casket and contents and had them deposited in a niche in the Conquistadora chapel. Chavez, "The Unique Tomb of Fathers Zárate and de la Llana in Santa Fe," NMHR, vol. 40 (1965), pp. 101-12. Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1885-1888, ed. Charles H. Lange, Carroll L. Riley, and Elizabeth M. Lange (Albuquerque, 1975), pp. 38-39, 359-71.

12. As late as 1915 L. Bradford Prince wrote that work on the towers had "not yet been resumed." Churches, p. 75. Earle R. Forrest was definite by 1929 when he said that the towers "never have been completed, and never will." Missions and Pueblos, p. 50. Santa Fé New Mexican Review (Apr. 26, 1884).

13. Defouri, Sketch, pp. 143-46. According to the Historic Santa Fe Foundation, Old Santa Fe Today, ed. Sylvia Glidden Loomis (Santa Fe, 1966), p. 39, the bulk of the rubble from the razed Parroquia went "to raise the level of the present Cathedral Place and the Alameda along the Santa Fe River." This statement was omitted from the 1972 edition for lack of documentation.

14. Chavez, The Cathedral of the Royal City of the Holy Faith of Saint Francis (Santa Fe, 1947).

15. ACD, pp. 32-37, 60, 246-48. Chavez, "Unique Tomb." A good bit has been written about Marín's church and its famed stone reredos. ACD, pp. xi, 33 n. 52, straightens it all out. See as well Adams, "The Chapel and Cofradía of Our Lady of Light in Santa Fe," NMHR, vol. 22 (1947), pp. 327-41; A. Von Wuthenau, "The Spanish Military Chapels in Santa Fe and the Reredos of Our Lady of Light," NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 175-94; and Pál Kelemen, "The Significance of the Stone Retable of Cristo Rey," EP, vol. 61(1954), pp. 243-72.

16. Adams, Bishop Tamarón's Visitation of New Mexico, 1760 (Albuquerque, 1954), p. 47.

17. Visitor Guevara expounded the diocesan point of view in his letter to Bishop Juan Francisco Castañiza, Santa Fe, Feb. 17, 1818, AASF, Patentes, Book IX (Box 3).

18. Fernando de la Concha to Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola, Santa Fe, Nov. 10, 1788, SANM: II, no. 1020.

19. Guevara, Santa Fe, Mar. 2-Apr. 8, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Domínguez's failure to mention the gallery and two towers in front would indicate some remodeling after 1776, but evidently well before 1818, perhaps around 1806 in response to Hozio's plea. Guevara's story that the Castrense bell had to be broken up for mortar shot sounds just like that, a good story. Chavez, Archives, p. 190.

20. Fondo de gratificación, Antonio Sena, Dec. 31, 1840, Mexican Archives of New Mexico (MANM), SRC. Carroll and Haggard, Chronicles, pp. 85, 275. Zubiría, Santa Fe, June 25, 1833, AASF, B-69, Santa Fe (Box 60).

21. Abert, Western America, p. 41. Abert went back next day to finish his sketch of the tablet set in the facade and to draw the Marín altar screen. Cf. Abert, Report, pp. 455-56.

22. Frank S. Edwards, A Campaign in New Mexico with Colonel Doniphan (London, 1848), p. 24.

23. Lamy to Archbishop John Baptist Purcell, Santa Fe, Sept. 2, 1851, AASF, 1851, no. 14 (photo). Caleb Sherman to Grafton Baker, Aug. 30, 1851, in Annie Heloise Abel, The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun (Washington, D.C., 1915), pp. 406-11. James Josiah Webb, Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 1844-1847 ed. Ralph P. Bieber (Glendale, 1931), p. 94. Mary Philibert, "History of 'Marvel' of Mission Churches" and "Lead Roles in Restoration of 'Castrense'," The New Mexico Register (Apr. 8 and May 6, 1955). Horgan, Lamy, pp. 114-16.

24. Davis, El Gringo, p. 175. Davis arrived in Santa Fe late in 1853. His awkward attempt to interpret the long axis of the church as a transept was not necessarily the result of ignorance. "In Christian church architecture, the north has usually been considered inauspicious, perhaps because of a medieval belief that the apocalyptic peoples of Gog and Magog would break in upon humanity at the Last Judgment from the north edge of the world disc. As late as the Council of Trent, the north was a forbidden direction excepting in special cases where no other solution was possible." Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 23. Of all the New Mexico churches Domínguez described in 1776, only the Castrense and the mission church of Pojoaque faced north.

25. Webb, Adventures, pp. 94-95. On Nov. 22, 1858, Lamy had sold the land immediately east of the church wall to Levi Spiegelberg. The rest, along with the structure itself, went to Delgado on Feb. 22, 1859. Bruce T. Ellis and Stanley A. Stubbs, Archaeological Investigations at the Chapel of San Miguel and the Site of La Castrense (Santa Fe, 1955), pp. 9-12. Ellis, ed., "New Notes on Bishop Lamy's First Years in New Mexico," EP, vol. 65 (1958), p. 75. Salpointe, Soldiers, pp. 204-5.

26. Historic Santa Fe Foundation, Old Santa Fe Today, 2nd ed., (Albuquerque, 1972), p. 16. Stubbs and Ellis, Archaeological Investigations, pp. 9-18. Daily New Mexican (Mar. 13, 1881).

27. One of the biggest adobe buildings in the country, the parish church of Cristo Rey was dedicated on June 27, 1940, during New Mexico's Coronado Quarto Centennial. Historic Santa Fe Foundation, Old Santa Fe Today, 2nd ed., pp. 48-49. Society for the Preservation of New Mexico Mission Churches, Inc., pamphlet [1932], AASF. Chavez, Cathedral. During its sojourn in the closed-off Parroquia sanctuary the great reredos was joined by the plaque of Our Lady of Light which had adorned the Castrense's facade. When the reredos was installed at Cristo Rey the plaque was set into its lower central niche where a painting of Our Lady of Light had reposed in Domínguez's day. A third piece of the carved white stone, an altar front, was recarved on the reverse side and used as a letter drop in the Santa Fe post office. It is pictured in Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 74. ACD, p. xi. Vigas and corbels, too, from the Castrense were saved and used in an early restoration of the Guadalupe church on Agua Fria Street.

28. ACD, pp. 37-39. La Farge, Santa Fe, p. 117. On the big show of 1883, see Ellis, "Santa Fe's Tertio Millennial, 1883," EP, vol. 65 (1958), pp. 121-35; Twitchell, Old Santa Fe, pp. 401-8; and Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1883-1884, ed. Lange and Riley (Albuquerque, 1970), pp. 142, 393 n. 321, 433 n. 126. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, VII," p. 303.

29. Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, p. 14. Scholes, Church and State, pp. 138-39, 141, 150. Almost every town in Spain had its ermitas, small chapellike buildings or shrines, often on hilltops or in other out-of-the-way places, not unlike the late nineteenth-century Penitente moradas of New Mexico. In the case of San Miguel, "outlying chapel" seems a better rendering than "hermitage."

30. Diego de Vargas, Santa Fe, Dec. 18, 1693, AGI, Audiencia de Guadalajara, 140. Twitchell, Old Santa Fe, pp. 153-54, and Prince, Churches, pp. 89-91, each translated this entry from Vargas's journal. After its rebuilding in 1710, San Miguel was no longer called an ermita.

31. Thanks to a document in the Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif., we now know more about the 1710 rebuilding of San Miguel than about any other similar project in colonial New Mexico. Kubler made this item the basis for The Rebuilding of San Miguel at Santa Fe in 1710 (Colorado Springs, 1939). The archaeological evidence indicates that an earlier church stood on the same site. In the sanctuary area, the only part excavated, the earlier structure was "completely sealed over by a floor belonging to the present building." One big question remains: Did the sealing over, which preceded a complete rebuilding including foundations, take place when the ermita was erected anew in the seventeenth century, or, more likely, in 1710? Whatever the answer, "the main mass of the present church dates from 1710." Stubbs and Ellis, Archaeological Investigations, pp. 1-7. Tree-ring data on the building have been summed up recently in these words: "Construction at about 1710 is indicated for San Miguel Chapel with modification or repair at 1758 and 1854." William J. Robinson, Bruce G. Harrill, and Richard L. Warren, Tree-Ring Dates from New Mexico J-K, P, V, Santa Fe-Pecos-Lincoln Area (Tucson, 1973), pp. 41-43.

32. Bishop Tamarón in 1760 had called the chapel of San Miguel, then undergoing roof repairs, "fairly decent." Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 47. Despite a reference in the 1710 rebuilding document to "four small doors for the towers," Domínguez in 1776 did not mention towers, only "a small arch with a little bell" centered over the main door. For the checkered history of Miera's painting of San Miguel, see Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 103-6. Miera, who died in 1785, was, like many other prominent New Mexicans, buried in the Castrense.

33. Guevara, Santa Fe, Mar. 2-Apr. 8, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Sena, "Chapel of Don Antonio José Ortiz," p. 356.

34. Prince, Churches, p. 93. Forrest, Missions and Pueblos, p. 42. The story of the bell and of historian Benjamin M. Read's campaign to expose the hoax of 1356 is told by Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 271-73. Ibid., p. 65. Fernandez San Vicente, in 1826, listed simply "a tower without bells." Santa Fe, Aug. 15-Sept. 8, 1826, AASF, Book LXV (Box 6).

35. Santa Fé New Mexican Review (Apr. 26, 1884) and La Farge, Santa Fe, p. 117. U.S. National Park Service, Historic American Buildings Survey (HABS), San Miguel Church, Santa Fe, 1934, Survey No. 36-NM-1, 18 sheets. Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 104, and "San Miguel Chapel and Its Restoration," Rodeo de Santa Fé, Souvenir Program, 1958, p. 63. The tower was subsequently "missionized" during the restoration of the mid-1950s. Robert Plettenberg of Santa Fe was the architect. Miera's canvas of San Miguel, unburdened of the overpainting and restored, now surmounts the altar screen in the center.

36. La Farge, Santa Fe, p. 246.

37. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 52-60, and "San Miguel Chapel," pp. 63, 71. At a ceremony in July 1955 attended by descendants of Antonio José Ortiz, Archbishop Edwin Vincent Byrne blessed the restored San Miguel altar screen.

38. The New Mexican (Apr. 15, 17, and 18, 1973).

1. ACD, pp. 46-51. Eight miles north of Santa Fe, the pueblo of Tesuque remains today a mission of the cathedral parish. A recent report prepared for the pueblo by the National Park Service is Stephen J. Hallisy, "An Architectural History of the Tesuque Mission Church, Tesuque Pueblo, Santa Fe County, New Mexico," Southwest Cultural Resources Center, National Park Service, Santa Fe, Jan. 25, 1978. Architects for the latest proposed remodeling are Johnson and Nestor of Santa Fe.

2. David J. Weber, ed., "An Unforgettable Day: Facundo Melgares on Independence," NMHR, vol. 48(1973), p. 41.

3. Fr. José Irigoyen, Colegio de San Buenaventura de Tlatelolco, Oct. 24, 1748, Biblioteca Nacional, México, New Mexico Documents (BNM), leg. 8, no. 38. ACD, p. 334. Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 390-91, 375. González signed the Nambé sacramental registers between Dec. 26, 1744, and Mar. 1, 1746. Father Díez, assigned to Tesuque in mid-November of 1694 and recalled to Querétaro in mid-May 1696, almost certainly built the earlier church in 1695. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 213, 298.

4. Guevara, Tesuque, Aug. 19, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Pereyro, Santa Clara, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. Fr. Esteban Aumatell, Tesuque, May 3, 1796, SANM:II, no. 1360. The facade as photographed in the 1860s or 1870s appeared more or less as Domínguez described it a century before, except for the absence of the "grating over the main door extending from one tower but tress to the other . . . so ugly that it would be better if it were not."

5. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, VII," NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 311-15. Bandelier, who also liked Tesuque, made no comment about the nondescript substitute church even though his photographer took a shot for the record.

6. The present Tesuque church would appear to date from the Very Rev. Peter Eguillon's second term as vicar general at the cathedral, 1878-92. At the time of its building an adobe wall was run northwest about twenty feet flush with the facade to join the even simpler structure that had served as interim church. The latter, which then became the "convento," has recently been razed. Off the south eastern side toward the back, the present church sprouted a lower-roofed room, perhaps part of the original 1880s plan. Before 1948 another such room appeared opposite the first, completing the transept. On New Mexico Territorial architecture, that unique wedding of traditional adobe and Greek Revival, whence the white-painted milled-lumber pediments over newly framed doors and multipaned windows, see Bunting, Early Architecture, pp. 86-107, and Dickey, Village Arts, pp. 44-48.

7. Walter, "Mission Churches in New Mexico," EP, vol. 5 (1918), p. 119. Later George Kubler got the impression that Vierra had painted the Tesuque church from life. "Carlos Vierra told me in 1935 that the foundations of this church are identical with the atrio of the present edifice, built since Vierra painted the older edifice in 1912-13." Thus Kubler assigned a much too late demise to the older church, "after 1913," and a much too late birth to the newer church, "c. 1915." Religious Architecture, pp. 113, 126-27. Also confused by the Vierra rendering, Hewett and Fisher, Mission Monuments, p. 131, said that the sacristy of the old church "has been remodeled into a small chapel."

1. Santa Fe New Mexican (Oct. 2, 1905). ACD, pp. 51-60.

2. Prince, Churches, pp. 298-99. Santa Fe New Mexican (Aug. 22, 1908). Forrest, Missions and Pueblos, p. 62, following Prince, made the year of the collapse 1909 but added a specific "great storm" as the immediate cause.

3. ACD, p. Sin. Fr. Pedro Antonio Esquer, Santa Fe, after June 10, 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 38. The Indians of Nambé joined in the 1696 revolt with gusto but apparently did not knock down whatever was being used there as a church at the time. Ten years later Fray Juan Álvarez, missionary at Nambé, used his familiar phrase "the church is being built." It was likely this makeshift or repaired plant that Bustamante replaced in 1725.

64. Nambé pueblo's third church since 1725, the 1974 structure designed by architect Allen L. McNown.

4. Guevara, San Ildefonso, Aug. 4-13, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Fr. Diego Martínez Ramírez de Arellano, Nambé, Jan. 1, 1805, Booker Kelly Collection, SRC, and July 7, 1806, SANM:II, no. 1993. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 55. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 106-8, identified the painting of the Immaculate Conception as the work of Miera y Pacheco. Boyd also includes a photograph of it.

5. Prince, Churches, pp. 301-4. The photograph on p. 302, captioned "Mission Church at Nambé," shows instead the first church of Sagrado Corazón (Sacred Heart) built about 1910 on a hill next to the road from Pojoaque to Chimayó for the non-Indian residents of the Nambé area. It burned in 1946 and was replaced in 1948 by the present heavy "Spanish mission church." Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XI," NMHR, vol. 12 (1937), pp. 72-73. A rather complete 1850 inventory of the church at Nambé pueblo indicated no major changes, although the pulpit by then was in bad shape and only six of the ten remaining rooms of the convento were usable. Juan de Jesús Trujillo, Nambé, Sept. 6,1850, Booker Kelly Collection, SRC. In the summer of 1890, Henry R. Poore, special agent of the Eleventh U.S. Census, visited Nambé. "The church," he noted, "is large, and together with other evidences, proves that at one period Nambé had many times the population of the present census [79 persons], but the pulpit is tottering and ready to fall, and the walls need repairs. The priest visits the town every 3 or 4 months." Thomas Donaldson, Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico (Washington, D.C., 1893), p. 106. Non-Indian encroachment on Nambé lands has been chronicled recently by Myra Ellen Jenkins, "The Pueblo of Nambé and Its Lands," The Changing Ways of Southwestern Indians, A Historic Perspective, ed. Albert H. Schroeder (Glorieta, 1973), pp. 91-106.

6. The Cassidy house in Santa Fe, with its salvaged treasures from Nambé pueblo, is still a private residence.

1. ACD, pp. 60-63. In 1946 the federal government granted twenty descendants of nineteenth-century Pojoaque residents a reservation of more than 11,000 acres. Today this group manages tribal finances, leases commercial property along Highway 84, and participates as a full member of the Eight Northern Indian Pueblos Council.

2. Martínez Ramírez de Arellano, Pojoaque, July 7, 1806, SANM:II, no. 1993. Domínguez had mentioned two simple side altars in 1776. These must have been suppressed in the remodeling, for Martínez noted specifically "1 altar only, with the Most Holy Lady of Guadalupe and various other images which serve as adornment." Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. Sena, "Chapel of Don Antonio José Ortiz," p. 356. Bandelier, Journals, 1883-1884, p. 173, made the following confusing entry on Dec. 2, 1883: "It appears that the former church of Pojoaque was northwest of the actual pueblo, about three-fourths of a mile, and that it was abandoned about 80 years ago for the present site." That would make the alleged move about 1803, or approximately the time of the Ortiz rebuilding. See also Jenkins, "Nambé and Its Lands."

3. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest XI" NMHR, vol. 12 (1937), pp. 69-72. The week before at Pojoaque, Bourke had purchased a painting on hide of Santiago "taken from the church in the ruined Pueblo of Pojuaque or Nambé, I couldn't learn which, but have some reason to think the latter." The Indians told Bourke that it had been taken to a private home about a century before as a result of their prelate's decree banishing hide paintings from the churches. Ibid., X, NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), p. 247. Since 1867 Frenchman Juan Bouquet had been buying up Pojoaque lands formerly owned by the Ortiz family. Almost everyone stopped at the delightful Rancho Bouquet—Bourke, Bandelier, the lot. See Historic Santa Fe Foundation, Old Santa Fe Today, 2nd ed., pp. 76-77. Some of the vigas from the eighteenth-century Pojoaque church found their way into the Rancho Bouquet during a twentieth-century remodeling. According to José E. Espinosa, Saints in the Valleys: Christian Sacred Images in the History, Life and Folk Art of Spanish New Mexico, rev. ed. (Albuquerque, 1967), p. 34, the Pojoaque church "was razed in 1922."

4. Replacing an interim Guadalupe church built in the 1920s well south of the old pueblo site, the present church, rectory, and parish hall, designed by architect Urban C. Weidner, Jr., of Santa Fe, were dedicated on March 27, 1966, by Archbishop James Peter Davis before a crowd of thirteen hundred. The New Mexican (Dec. 27, 1964, and Mar. 29, 1966). The parish has as missions Nambé, Nambé pueblo, and El Rancho. Prince, Churches, pp. 281-82.

1. Vargas, June 8, 1696, SANM:II, no. 60a. The succession of churches at San Ildefonso is not entirely clear. Although the documents are silent on the subject, it is likely that the Tewas wrecked a church in 1680 after they killed the first two friars. If its walls still stood in 1692, Diego de Vargas made no mention of the fact. Late in December of 1694 Father Corvera, who had reestablished the mission in October, wrote of the church the Indians had built (repaired?) for him, describing it as modest but "large enough that three hundred persons can fit inside." Corvera to Fr. Francisco de Vargas, San Ildefonso, Dec. 27, 1694, BNM, leg. 3, no. 6. Charles F. Lummis, A Tramp across the Continent (New York 1898), p. 94. ACD, pp. 64-72.

2. ACD, pp. 65-66, 339. Peñuela to Fr. Luis Morete y Teruel, Santa Fe, July 8, 1711, BNM, leg. 6, no. 4. Even as late as 1818 the San Antonio chapel had only "one altar without any adornment." Guevara, San Ildefonso, Aug. 4-13, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico (San Francisco, 1889), p. 238 n. 29, cited a 1722 petition by the Santa Fe presidial garrison (SANM:II, no. 315) in Valverde's favor, it credited him with having "built at his own cost a church and chapel at the capital, and a chapel at S. Ildefonso." Later historians have confused the San Antonio chapel with Tagle's San Ildefonso church, which measured 19' x 96' x 22'.

3. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. ACD, pp. 67-69, 300, 338. It was Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 75, who recognized this "open chapel" at San Ildefonso, but with only late nineteenth-century photographs to work from he did not comprehend how large it was. In 1826 Fray Teodoro Alcina, pastor of San Ildefonso, Pojoaque. and Nambé, complained that the people of these communities refused to obey the edict of inspector Fernández San Vicente that they repair and whitewash their churches. Alcina to Alcalde José Juan Salazar, San Ildefonso, June 13, 1826, L. Bradford Prince Papers, Special Collections, University of New Mexico (UNM).

4. The Albuquerque Journal (Sept. 7, 1958 and Nov. 23, 1968). As a model for the interior the architects used the St. Francis Auditorium in Santa Fe which, according to the newspaper, was "an exact copy" of the old church's interior. The 1711, 1905, and 1968 churches all have stood on the same site at San Ildefonso. Kubler verified the 1905 date from a "facade inscription." Religious Architecture, pp. 122-23. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XI," NMHR, vol. 12 (1937), p. 66. Evidently Prince, Walter, and Forrest did not realize that the 1711 structure had been demolished in 1904, but thought instead that it lived on under the indignity of a tin roof. During construction of the present church a small isolated building fifty feet to the west served as temporary church.

1. ACD, pp. 72-84. With a total of 4,425 square feet, based on Domínguez's measurements, the Santa Cruz church exceeded the Parroquia in Santa Fe by a hundred square feet. The church at Picurís, under construction in 1776, also still stands.

2. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 96. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 374. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 225-26, 257, 260, 280, 354. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 241-65.

3. Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora to Juan Esteban García de Noriega, Santa Fe, June 15, 1733, SANM: II, no. 382b. Fray Juan Antonio Sánchez, defending the Franciscan missionaries of New Mexico against Bishop Crespo's charge of negligence in church building, cited the case of Santa Cruz. Because the old church there was badly cracked, Fray José de Irigoyen had been assigned to Santa Cruz to rebuild it. He had been opposed, however, by one of Crespo's own appointees, the diocesan priest José de Bustamante. Sánchez to the Father Provincial, México, c. 1733, BNM, leg. 7, no. 25.

4. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 63. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 399. Gabaldón signed the Santa Cruz church registers from 1743 to 1760. Fray Francisco Campo Redondo, who served between 1760 and 1765, "finished the little that remained to be done" on the convento. ACD, p. 79. SANM:II, no. 382b.

5. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 96-99; the Santo Entierro is illustrated on p. 99. Twenty years after Domínguez another friar described this "painted wooden casket, new and large, where is kept the image of the Holy Corpse, which is very fine." Fr. José Mariano Rosete, Santa Cruz, Apr. 11, 1796, SANM:II, no. 1360. The hand-hewn boards of García's altar screen were overpainted "in shiny enamels in 1947, in the already antiquated Neo-Gothic style of Viollet-le-Duc." Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 59, and for the interior of the church to the early 1970s, pp. 401-2. Father García was evidently a builder too. Domínguez ascribed to him the single bell tower that rose from the ground and surmounted the facade on the right side. Fray Andrés also had something to do with the ceilings over transept and sanctuary. He surely built the "vaulted arch made of boards" over the sanctuary. ACD, p. 73.

6. Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 273. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. From the neat and detailed inventory by Fray José Mariano Rosete (SANM:II, no. 1360), who used over and over the adjective "new," it would appear that the Santa Cruz church and its furnishings were in excellent shape as of April 11, 1796. The bishop of Durango finally secularized the Santa Cruz parish in 1797 and a diocesan priest made a brief appearance in 1798, but for years thereafter Franciscans continued to fill in as acting pastors. Father Rosete was buried in the church on December 23, 1805. Chavez, Archives, pp. 211, 236.

7. Pike, Journals, I, p. 391.

8. Fernández San Vicente, Santa Cruz, July 27-29, 1826, AASF, Accounts, Book LXIV (Box 5). Guevara, Santa Cruz, Apr. 30-May 23, 1818, ibid., Book LXII (Box 5). Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 127. These accounts show that half a century after Domínguez the church still had only one tower. Guevara's measurements, in varas, were: nave width, 10; church from back wall of sanctuary to main door, 51-1/2; nave height, 8; transept and sanctuary height, 10; sacristy, 5 x 8-1/2; x 4; baptistery, 3-1/2 x 5-1/2 x 4; Carmel chapel, 6-2/3 x 21 x 6-1/4. He mentioned the Third Order chapel but did not give its dimensions. Father Domínguez complimented Fray Manuel José Rojo, priest at Santa Cruz in 1776, for making the cemetery "very spacious, 32 varas square, with a wall about 2 varas high and two little gates on the south and east." ACD, p. 73.

9. The same romantic Frenchman probably was responsible for the neoclassic wooden baldachin over the main altar. Chavez, Lamy Memorial, p. 79, lists the priests at Santa Cruz.

10. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, X," NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), pp. 247-55. Bourke described the Carmel chapel, which underwent major renovations in the 1920s and 1960s, as "a decidedly old part of the building, which, according to papers in the possession of Arch Bishop Lamy, it antedates by some 14 years." He was told that the image of Our Lady of Carmel, which he judged "an atrocity in statuary," had once been more richly attired. But a former pastor, "a depraved French priest, stripped the church of its riches and disposed of them for personal gain." Adolph Bandelier, another interested guest and friend of Father Francolon told how some fiend had poisoned the chalice, almost killing the priest. Only after a return to France and gallons of Vichy water did he recover. Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, p. 534, and Journals, 1883-1884, pp. 172-73.

11. "In recent years, since 1900," wrote Kubler in the late 1930s, "gabled roofs were imposed upon the church and its chapels. It is likely that these will be removed in the near future, and that the roof lines will be restored to their earlier condition." Religious Architecture, p. 103. In the 1970s a philanthropist has offered to foot the entire bill for such a restoration. The Santa Fe architectural firm of Johnson and Nestor, working on plans in 1976 to improve the heating, ventilation, and flooring in the church, has recommended against the restoration, as have most preservationists.

1. ACD, pp. 84-91. Pérez de Villagrá's Vergilian epic was translated by Gilberto Espinosa as History of New Mexico by Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá, Alcalá, 1610 (Los Angeles, 1933), p. 147. By 1601 the Spaniards had moved across to the west bank of the Rio Grande where they laid up San Gabriel. For years after the pull-out in 1610 to found Santa Fe, they regularly left this northernmost Tewa pueblo alone. Evidently the Franciscans did not have a convento here until sometime between 1640 and 1660. Now as then, San Juan is 28 miles north of Santa Fe on the east bank of the Rio Grande.

2. Writing on June 14, 1885, Bandelier noted that the old church at San Juan "was built about 180 years ago, according to an inscription found about 20 years ago, when the new roof was put on." That would have dated it from 1705, which could mean that Pérez de Mirabal's job was a rebuilding, or it could mean that someone about 1865 misread the inscription. Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, p. 42. In 1706 Fray Juan Álvarez, using his familiar phrase, noted that the church "is being built." Hackett, Documents, III, p. 374.

3. ACD, pp. 84-90, 337. Stanley A. Stubbs, Bird's-Eye View of the Pueblos (Norman, 1950), pp. 39-42. Prince, Churches, pp. 285-87. Evidently no one much cared for the altar screen donated by Governor Vélez. In 1808 Father Pereyro, who described the church and convento south of it as "decent," stated that back in 1782 the pueblo had paid for a new main altar. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below.

4. Pike, Journals, I, pp. 388-91.

5. Fernández San Vicente, San Juan, Aug. 1-3, 1826, AASF, Accounts, Book LXIV (Box 5). Guevara, San Juan, May 13-June 4, 1818, ibid., Book LXII (Box 5). Guevara gave no details of the church other than its approximate dimensions in varas: 9-1/4 278, 281. In 1776 Father Domínguez had described a chapel at the Spanish settlement of Río Arriba, one league north of San Juan on the east side of the Rio Grande. It was dedicated to Nuestra Señora de la Soledad and resembled "a small bodega." That wide, 44 long, 11-1/2 high in the sanctuary, and 8 high in the nave. Fernández copied the same figures.

6. Re-counting the vigas over the nave, Dominguez would have come up three short. In 1776 he had noted forty. After the 1865 reroofing there were only thirty-seven. Prince, Churches, p. 287.

7. Bandelier, Final Report, I, pp. 268n, 220n. Theodosius Meyer, "Padre of Pueblos for Half Century," Southwestern Catholic (Dec. 16, 1921). In addition to being a man of means, Seux was also "the nephew of the venerable Father Champagnat, founder of the Little Brothers of Mary."

8. The lieutenant came away from San Juan with a number of souvenirs. "Padre Geux [Seux] made me a present of a page from an old manuscript, which gives an insight into the careful methods of the Spanish missionaries in their administration of the Pueblos." Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, X," NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), pp. 258-69. Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, p. 82.

9. Salpointe, Soldiers, pp. 277-78. Prince, Churches, pp. 287-90, accepted the generous spirit of Father Seux and praised "the beautiful Chapel of Our Lady of Lourdes, built of the rare reddish volcanic rock found west of the Rio Grande—an architectural jewel set down on the edge of a desert." Father Seux had persuaded the Indians of San Juan to deed to the archdiocese the 30 x 60 foot lot on which the chapel was erected. Gov. Secundino Archuleta and principales of San Juan to Salpointe, May 21, 1889, AASF.

10. Poore in Donaldson, Moqui and Pueblo Indians, pp. 102-3. In contrast to Father Seux, census taker Poore considered Samuel Eldodt, trader and resident of San Juan for twenty-two years, "one of the most potent influences for education in the pueblo."

11. Meyer, "Padre of Pueblos." Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 42n, 43, 64. Salpointe, Soldiers, pp. structure crumbled long ago. The church at La Villita, completed during Seux's ministry on July 27, 1921, and standing deserted in 1976, carried on as Our Lady of Solitude. In 1950 it was still a mission of San Juan parish. Chavez, Lamy Memorial, p. 77.

1. Picurís, fragment of inventory book, 1743-67, AASF, 1743, no. 2. Albert H. Schroeder, A Brief History of Picurís Pueblo (Alamosa, 1974), pp. 17-18, who admits that "the succession of churches is not clear," reckons that the one Duque de Estrada renovated was the pueblo's third. The reference to crenelated parapets is intriguing. If these crenelations were no more than widely spaced openings to accommodate the canales (rather than the close, ornamental kind later imposed on the Parroquia in Santa Fe), what were they doing all the way around? ACD, pp. 92-99, 249-50, 258-59, 325.

2. Archaeologist Herbert W. Dick of Adams State College, head of a pueblo-endorsed archaeological study at Picurís, dug the outlying mission complex in 1970. A simplified ground plan is in Schroeder, Picurís, p. 19.

3. ACD, pp. 291-92, 321, 323-24. Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 64, commented: "Whether because of García's skimping on the mission construction or the workmanship of the Picurís Indians as laborers, and their indifference or open hostility to the missionaries for the previous 175 years, the Picurís church has been crumbling or in the process of being repaired ever since." In no way, however, does that make it unique. Prince, Churches, p. 268, gave the width of this church as 25-1/2 feet.

4. Zubiría, Santa Clara, July 18, 1833, AASF, B-22, Picurís (Box 24). Guevara, Picurís, June 7-8, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 397, dated the Picurís altar screen, which she identified as the work of santero José Rafael Aragón, before 1826, the year it was noted by Fernández San Vicente. Since he copied Guevara's entry, the date can be pushed back to 1818 at least.

5. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, X," NMHR, vol. 11(1936), pp. 275-81.

6. Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 64. Prince, Churches, pp. 267-70. "Over the altar," Prince observed is a wooden reredos occupying the whole width of the chancel and filled with paintings which present a strange variety in their styles and degrees of excellence." It is still there. The church, however, is no longer joined defensively to the houses of the pueblo, which have long since melted away; rather it stands today, as its predecessor did across the arroyo, "exposed and lonely."

1. ACD, pp. 98-101, 250-51, 331. SANM:I, no. 975. Ely Leyba, "The Church of the Twelve Apostles," NM, vol. 11, no. 6 (June 1933), pp. 19-21, 47-52. Bainbridge Bunting, ed., "Description of A New Mexican Church in 1776, San José, Trampas, New Mexico," NMA, vol. 7, nos. 5 and 6 (May-June 1965), pp. 19-21, and "Las Trampas," NMA, vol. 12, nos. 9 and 10 (Sept-Oct. 1970), pp. 37-46.

2. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 59, 102, 334-35, 342-49. She called the work of González "the one happy exception in the decline of folk art in New Mexico, since he was still a part of the traditional itinerant santero school." Bunting, "Las Trampas," pp. 39, 41, suggested that about this time, c. 1865, a new roof may have been put on and the old vigas cut into rough planks to floor the nave.

3. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, X," NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), pp. 272-74. On the Penitentes, see Weigle, Brothers of Light.

4. B. A. Reuter to Meem, Pecos, May 30, 1932, encl. Meem to Gerken, Nov. 28, 1934, AASF. EP, vol. 10, no. 10 (1921), pp. 14-16. By 1924 William P. McPhee, Denver lumberman, had contributed $250 in his own name and $250 in the name of McPhee and McGinnity Company "toward the restoration of the interesting church at Las Trampas." EP, vol. 16 (1924), p. 8. Kelly, Buffalo Head, p. 264.

5. Nathaniel Alexander Owings, The Spaces In Between, An Architect's Journey (Boston, 1973), pp. 221-28, and "Las Trampas: A Past Resurrected" NM, vol. 48, nos. 7-8 (July-Aug. 1970), pp. 30-35. John P. Conron, "The Treaty of Santa Fe," Historic Preservation, vol. 20, no. 1 (Jan.-Mar. 1968), pp. 26-31, which includes the text of the treaty. The adobe-colored asphalt never materialized. The women of Las Trampas renew the church with fresh mud plaster about every four years. For an account of the debate between artists and parishioners over hard plastering the landmark church of San Francisco de Asís at Ranchos de Taos, see Claire Morrill, A Taos Mosaic: Portrait of a New Mexico Village (Albuquerque, 1973), pp. 100-101, and for an architect's report on the deed, which was actually done in 1967, and a postmortem, Van Dorn Hooker, "To Hard Plaster or Not??," NMA, vol. 19, no. 5 (Sept-Oct. 1977), pp. 11-16. In 1979 the Ranchos church was stripped of its stucco and replastered with mud.

1. Cruzat y Góngora visitation, Pecos, July 28, 1733, SANM:I, no. 389.

2. ACD, pp. 101-13, 251-52, 258-59, 337. Hackett, Documents, p. 374. Regarding the church used as a stable in 1696, Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 113-14, followed Twitchell, who mistranslated Vargas's order. The Spanish official bade the repentant Taos Indians clean out and repair it, not raze it. See Espinosa, Crusaders, p. 285 n. 39. Bishop Tamarón in 1760 called Pérez de Mirabal's church "very decent and capacious." Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 57. The single tower rising atop a buttresslike base on one side of the facade at Taos was very like what Domínguez described at Santa Cruz. Interestingly enough, he ascribed both to the artist-friar Andrés García.

3. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. ACD, p. 104, 107-8. García's Our Lady of sorrows and the jointed Christ in the Sepulcher, overpainted with modern oils, can still be seen in the little post-1847 church at Taos pueblo. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 97-98. Guevara in 1818 listed "a wooden altar screen in two sections crudely wrought and painted according to the style of the country."

4. Guevara, Taos, June 10-13,1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Pereyro, Taos, Apr. 26, 1818, and related documents, AASF. Chavez, Archives, pp. 156, 253. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 352-57. She followed Guevara, who misdated the Ranchos license 1803 instead of 1813. This famous church, which was restored to traditional mud plaster in 1979, is simply not as old as some of its admirers would have it. The documents, reinforced by tree-ring dates, make the probable years of construction 1813-15. In 1934 members of the HABS (Mission Church at Ranchos de Taos, survey No. 36-NM-7, 32 sheets) collected four tree-ring specimens from the structure. These were dated tentatively 1816 (plus or minus ten years) by W. S. Stallings, Jr., "Southwestern Dated Ruins: I," Tree-Ring Bulletin, vol. 4, no. 2 (Oct. 1937), p. 5. Restudied more recently, one of the specimens yielded the date 1776 (with no way of knowing how many outside rings had been lost) and the three others 1808. "The cluster at A.D. 1808, although not cutting dates, strongly suggest major construction not long after that date." William J. Robinson and Richard L. Warren, Tree-Ring Dates from New Mexico C-D, Northern Rio Grande Area (Tucson, 1971), p. 41. Hooker, "To Hard Plaster or Not??," p. 11.

5. Zubiría, Taos, July 4, 1833, AASF, Patentes, Book XV (Box 6).

6. A. B. Dyer to Robert Johnston, Santa Fe, Feb. 14, 1847, NMHR, vol. 22 (1947), pp. 390-96. Prince, Churches, pp. 249-55.

7. Lewis H. Garrard, Wah-to-yah and the Taos Trail (Norman, 1955), pp. 183-89. "Here," wrote Lieutenant Bourke during his visit in 1881, "the Mexicans and Taos Indians took refuge, after murdering Governor Bent and other Americans. Relying upon fancied privileges of sanctuary which they thought the Americans would respect, they declined to surrender when summoned and thus left our forces no alternative but to destroy the church. . . . Nothing now remains of the church, but portions of the walls and tower." Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XI," NMHR, vol. 12(1937), p. 45.

8. In 1874, when Bishop Lamy was gathering evidence of the long-standing Roman Catholic presence in the pueblos to head off Protestant school teachers, the Reverend Gabriel Ussel wrote from Taos that "the present church is small and not over 25 years old, but the old one now in ruins was a large and nice adobe church, built 150 years ago, more or less." Ussel to Lamy, Taos, Jan. 4, 1874, AASF, 1874, no. 1. For the "new" church, Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 126-27, gave "c. 1847?," based on what the priest at Ranchos de Taos told him in 1935. Forrest, Missions and Pueblos, p. 90, without divulging his source, said "the early sixties."

9. In 1976 the Albuquerque architectural firm of Pacheco and Graham, at the pueblo's request, provided drawings for repair of the "new" San Jerónimo's leaky clerestory and for restoration of the old one's ruined buttress-tower. The following year members of the pueblo stabilized the tower, restored the belfry, and installed a bell.

1. ACD, pp. 113-19, 135, 300, 338. Domínguez implied that Rodríguez started and finished the church in 1758. Bandelier, Final Report, II, p. 65, said it dated from 1761. The forty-seven close-laid vigas Domínguez counted over the nave in 1776, which protruded through the walls on both sides, showed clearly in a photographic profile by Charles F. Lummis in the 1880s. Some may have been replacements, but the number was identical.

2. Guevara, Santa Clara, July 19-30, 1818, AASF, Accounts, Book LXII (Box 5). Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. "The altars of the church here," wrote Adolph Bandelier at Santa Clara on May 29, 1888, "bear date 1782 and were made [probably only paid for] by Fray Ramón González. The church is a big structure, very long and narrow." Journals, 1885-1888, p. 263.

3. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, X" NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), pp. 255-56. In 1888 Bandelier took a room at the pueblo for a week where he busied himself copying documents. For a discussion of "the Santa Clara archive," see Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 261-63, 454-56, and Prince, Churches, p. 293.

4. Prince, Churches, p. 295.

5. A new set of main doors, evidently the ones transferred to the 1918 church, was noted in the 1826 inventory as an addition since 1818. Fernández San Vicente, Santa Clara, Aug. 12-13, 1826, AASF, Accounts, Book LXIV (Box 5). Despite Paul A. F. Walter's statement in 1918 that "the new church is going up on the same spot which for years was marked merely by a mound and a worn wooden cross," it is unclear whether the new church was built on precisely the same site as its predecessor or nearby on the site of an even earlier church. Walter, "Mission Churches," p. 119. On this point Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 122, 142 n. 42, contradicts himself.

1. The New Mexican (Oct. 19, 1867). Padre Antonio José Martínez, Abiquiú's most newsworthy native son, had served briefly at the church of Santo Tomás in 1826, the year it was secularized. He died at Taos only twelve weeks before the Abiquiú church burned.

2. About a mile and a half east of present-day Abiquiú, Highway 84 passes across the south portion of the long-abandoned Santa Rosa plaza, presumably the one laid out in 1750. The dimensions fit and the ruined chapel stands in the middle just north of the road. J. Richard Salazar, "Santa Rosa de Lima de Abiquiú," NMA, vol. 18, no. 5 (Sept-Oct. 1976), pp. 13-19. Interpreting the same documents differently, Frances Leon Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores, Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier (Notre Dame, Ind., 1974), pp. 36-38, places the earliest Santa Rosa and the 1750 resettlement at a place called La Puente, a mile farther downstream from the ruins visible today. Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 103, and ACD, p. 121n, following earlier writers, have confused La Puente and Santa Rosa.

3. ACD, pp. 120-26, 291-92, 333, 339. Chavez, Archives, pp. 36, 38, 246, 257.

4. Alva A., Jr., and Anneliese Simpson to the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, Aug. 30, 1975, AASF. The simplified floor plan and photographs by Kubler, Religious Architecture, figs. 34, 54, 86, would seem to indicate a more impressive structure than the "shrine of St. Rose" Domínguez mentioned in passing in 1776. ACD, p. 126. Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, p. 94, remarked in 1885 on the migration from the Santa Rosa—La Puente area to Tierra Amarilla "on account of lack of water and of inundations." This exodus resulted in abandonment of the Santa Rosa chapel. See also Gilberto Benito Córdova, Abiquiú and Don Cacahuate: A Folk History of a New Mexican Village (Los Cerrillos, N.M., 1973), pp. 20-23.

113. The Abiquiú church under construction in 1937.

5. Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 93-94. In 1896 the people of Abiquiú formally deeded to Archbishop Chapelle the land on which the church and convento stood. A couple of months later they petitioned him to assign them a permanent priest, promising in turn to fix up the convento. Juan de Jesús Durán et al. to Chapelle, Mar. 5 and May 19, 1896, AASF.

6. Córdova, Abiquiú and Don Cacahuate, pp. 53-56. Chavez, Lamy Memorial, p. 52. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 112, 119, gives credit to the Society for the Preservation of New Mexico Mission Churches as donor of the new church of Santo Tomás. Meem supplied the drawings and the Society some of the materials, but the bulk of the work and the adobes came from the people themselves. A set of the drawings can be found in the Meem Collection, Zimmerman Library, at the University of New Mexico. Except for the inevitable hard-plastering, Abiquiú's "charming and authentic Pueblo-style church" stands today as it did upon completion in 1937, facing south.

1. Bourke, The Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona (New York, 1884), p. 28. Pike, Journals, I, pp. 398-99. ACD, pp. 130-38.

2. Domínguez's item-by-item inventories of library and archive are in ACD, pp. 220-37.

3. Sebastián de Herrera, Camp on the Río del Norte, Dec. 21, 1681, AGN, PI, 34. Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, II, p. 269. The word lienzo can mean a curtain or stretch of plain wall as well as the face of a building. See Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 32-34, for a discussion of the characteristic thicker lateral wall in New Mexico mission churches.

4. A vaguely worded though effusive report of 1754 may mean that Zamora's church was finished by then. Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 464-65. ACD, pp. 131-33, 340.

5. "The convento has its cloisters and nine serviceable rooms, all in very good condition." Inventory, Santo Domingo, July 28, 1806, SANM:II, no. 1993. Father Pereyro in 1808 called the main church "new and very spacious." About five years earlier Fray Esteban San Miguel had enlarged and repaired the convento. Appendix below.

6. Pike, Journals, I, p. 398.

7. W. H. Emory, Lieutenant Emory Reports, ed. Ross Calvin (Albuquerque, 1951), pp. 64-65.

8. Abert, Report, p. 462, and Western America, p. 43. Abert's sketch of church and door panels is reproduced in color as the frontispiece of Western America. From the photographs by Bennett it appears that Bandelier took the Dominican panel, but he did not. Bourke described it in 1881. After that it disappeared. The Franciscan one is today in the collections of the Museum of International Folk Art in Santa Fe.

9. A. W. Whipple, Report of Explorations for a Railway Route (Washington, D.C., 1856), p. 46.

10. Bandelier, Journals, 1880-1882, pp. 91-123. Bandelier's ground plan of Santo Domingo is reproduced in Ernest J. Burrus, ed., A History of the Southwest . . . by Adolph F. Bandelier, Supplement to Volume I: Reproductions in Color of Thirty Sketches and of Ten Maps (Rome and St. Louis, 1969).

11. Bourke, Snake Dance, pp. 15-31.

12. Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 59, 73, 110, 149, 169, and Journals, 1883-1884, p. 332. Santa Fé New Mexican Review (June 12, 1885).

13. Santa Fé Daily New Mexican (June 3 and June 4, 1886). Albuquerque Morning Journal (June 5, 1886). Prince, Churches, pp. 157-62. Much of the religious art, removed to private homes for safekeeping while the pueblo was without a church, still has not emerged. About the only objects in the church in 1976 that appear old enough to have survived the flood are a couple of badly faded paintings on hide. They hang on either side of the sanctuary, one of Santiago (with no visible inscription) and the other barely discernible, of the Virgin. If the present statue of St. Dominic is old, repainting and gilding have rejuvenated it. According to Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 274, a bell inscribed "Santo Domingo 1850" hangs in the bell gable. There are some worn Spanish missals in the sacristy. Evidently the Santo Domingo library was scattered after the flood. Thirty-three old books formerly at Peña Blanca and then at St. Leonard's College, Dayton, Ohio, some of them likely from Santo Domingo, have resided since 1965 at the Museum of International Folk Art, Santa Fe.

14. Prince, Churches, p. 162. Noël Dumarest, "Notes on Cochití, New Mexico," ed. Elsie Clews Parsons, Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, vol. 6 (1919), pp. 135-236, and "The Indians of New Mexico," MNM. AASF, 1873, no. 11. Father Dumarest contracted malaria in the epidemic of the late 1890s. Hoping to regain his health, he returned to France where early in 1902 he delivered a lecture on the Indians of New Mexico to a meeting of the Anthropological Society of Lyons. Not yet fully recovered, he accepted a call to the Indian school in Banning, California, and died en route at St. Joseph's Hospital, Albuquerque, January 13, 1903. He was buried according to his wish, at Peña Blanca. He had just turned thirty-four. Over the entrance of the Santo Domingo church today appears the thoroughly misleading inscription SANTO DOMINGO PUEBLO MISSION 1779-1977.

1. Juan Domínguez de Mendoza, Camp on the Río del Norte, Dec. 20, 1681, AGN, PI, 34. Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. cxlvi-cxlvii, II, pp. 259-60.

2. ACD, pp. 138-44, 336. SANM:I, no. 848. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 235-37. Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 390, 464, 472-73. Espinosa, First Expedition, pp. 74, 286. Scholes, "Notes on Sandía and Puaray," EP, vol. 42 (1937), pp. 57-59, confirms that the eighteenth-century resettlement occurred on the east bank "at the uninhabited and deserted place and mission called Sandía," that is, the old site. The first missionary assigned to reestablish Sandía in 1748 was Fray Juan José Hernandez. Whether he or Menchero actually directed the initial rebuilding is unclear, although, as promoter, Menchero has received all the credit. Church and convento stood more than two hundred yards north and west of the pueblo proper. It is difficult to understand why Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 22, classified Sandía with churches "loosely intercalated among the dwellings."

3. Fr. Juan Miguel Menchero to Gov. Tomás Vélez Cachupín, n.d., and Vélez, Santa Fe, Jan. 3, 1752. These documents, which were once part of the Spanish Archives of New Mexico, have been in private hands for nearly a century. The author examined copies of them in February 1978 when they were offered for sale to the University of New Mexico. Bandelier's handwritten copy, made May 9, 1890, when the papers were in the possession of John Gray of Santa Fe, is in the Thomas Benton Catron Collection (PC29, 807), Special Collections, UNM.

4. ACD, pp. 291-92, 321-23. Between 1748 and 1776 the picture at Sandía is blurred. Bishop Tamarón, who preached two sermons and confirmed 450 persons at the pueblo in 1760, did not mention the church. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 44, 76. The roofless structure Domínguez described was large, 33' wide by 127' long, but the walls stood disproportionately only 16' high. Domínguez's implication that this was the enduring pre-Revolt fabric begs for supporting evidence.

5. Fr. Teodoro Alcina, Sandía, June 10, 1796, SANM:II, no. 1360. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below.

6. Prince, Churches, p. 188. The Sandía inventory turned over by José Antonio Otero to José Manuel Gallegos on Christmas Day 1847 included "the house called the convento composed of eight serviceable rooms and one ruined one, along with the lands that belong to the church." AASF, 1894, no. 5.

7. Hayes, who had served at Santa Clara in the late fifties, evidently had personal problems and left the diocese in or shortly after 1864. Chavez, Archives, p. 259.

8. ACD, 139 n. 1, 144 n. 6. After about 1720 there is little mention of the church at Bernalillo. Domínguez found none in 1776, but by 1835 another had been built. There are references in 1826 in MANM to construction of a chapel. Visiting late in 1857, Bishop Lamy blessed the church of Our Lady of Sorrows and launched Bernalillo as a parish. Chavez, Archives, pp. 207, 225, 234.

9. The Albuquerque Journal (Dec. 24, 1975). Bourke sketched the Sandía church with its plain facade in 1881 and Vroman photographed it (and the ruins of the old one) in 1899. About 1915 "one of those [pitched] red tin roofs" went on and lasted until World War II when a flat roof returned. At that time too, the bulkier more-ornate facade appeared with its thick rabbit ears flanking the bell gable. In 1976 the white plaster gave way to adobe-colored plaster and the rabbit ears were removed. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 122-23, who gave c. 1890-95 as the building date was led astray by Bandelier and Hewett, Indians of the Rio Grande Valley (Albuquerque, 1937), p. 79. According to Hewett, who did not cite his source, the historic mission "was abandoned some forty-six years ago, and the small church to the north of the town was built on one of the ancient mounds which housed Sandía before 1680."

1. Pike, Journals, I, p. 401. Nómina de los religiosos, June 28, 1803, BNM, leg. 10, no. 77. Alburquerque was the Spanish spelling but the first r dropped out soon after United States occupation.

2. ACD, pp. 144-54, 253-54. The artist-friar Andrés García, then fifty-eight years old, was minister at Albuquerque when Domínguez visited the place in 1776. See Chavez, "The Albuquerque Story—The First Century," NM, vol. 32, no. 2 (Feb. 1956), pp. 22-23, 50-51; Lansing B. Bloom, ed., "Alburquerque and Galisteo, Certificate of Their Founding, 1706," NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 48-50; and Richard E. Greenleaf, "The Founding of Albuquerque, 1706: An Historical-Legal Problem," NMHR, vol. 39 (1964), pp. 1-15. San Felipe Neri, not de Neri is the proper form.

3. Fernando de la Concha, Santa Fe, Feb. 18, 1793, SANM:II, no. 1226. Chavez, Archives, p. 222. Some degree of rivalry may have attended the concurrent church building projects. Father Bernal pressed ahead at Belén. Although 1793 is generally given as the building date, a few minor details remained unfinished in 1801. "The church of this mission," wrote Bernal, "is quite beautiful in the terms of this country. It lacks on the main altar screen the Life of the Blessed Virgin, which at present is being executed. It is more than two varas tall and of corresponding width, is beautiful, and inspires devotion. As for the rest, the church has what is necessary for administration, and on the building it lacks only the two crosses for the towers which are three-tiered, and the merlons they are going to put up to surmount the whole church." Bernal, Belén, c. July 1, 1801, Cathedral Archive, Durango Mexico. In 1855 Bernal's fine church washed down the Rio Grande.

4. Guerra, Albuquerque, June 9, 1796, SANM: II, no. 1360. ACD, p. 146. Chavez, "San Felipe Neri de Albuquerque," From the Beginning: A Historical Survey Commemorating the Solemn Rededication of San Felipe de Neri Church, 1706-1972 (Albuquerque, 1972), pp. 6-8. By Domínguez's measurements the old church was some 21' x 107' x 21' inside. Its convento extended to the south and a large cemetery with high adobe wall out front to the east. If the 1793 church was centered on the north side of the plaza, the latter extended considerably farther west then than it does today. There also exists the possibility that the earlier structure stood on the same site, and that previous to the reorientation, at least part of the plaza lay to the east of it.

5. Guerra, Albuquerque, June 12, 1801, Cathedral Archive, Durango. The census of 1790 showed Albuquerque with 1,650 souls and Isleta with 3,090. By 1800 Albuquerque's population had climbed to 3,056, Isleta's had dropped to 859, and the new Belén mission counted 1,794, for a total of 5,709, up twenty percent in a decade. Guerra, Albuquerque, June 8, 1801, and related documents, Cathedral Archive, Durango. Concha, Santa Fe, Nov. 1, 1790, AGN, PI, 161. The semi-private chapel of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción at Alameda, described by Domínguez in 1776 as part of the González Bas family domain, was eventually superseded about 1829 by another, built through the effort of the local residents and definitely not González property. Chavez, Archives, pp. 199, 220. ACD, pp. 152-53, 253-54. Neither Valencia, eighteen miles south of Albuquerque on the east bank, nor San Fernando, a couple of miles beyond, had a chapel during the time of Father Guerra.

6. Horgan, Lamy, pp. 190-98, 233-35.

7. Jesuits administered the parish from 1868 to 1966. "San Felipe de Neri de Albuquerque in the 19th Century: Economy and Architectural Change," an unpublished paper by Robert R. Archibald of the Museum of Albuquerque, lists expenditures between October 21, 1816, and July 20, 1905, based on parish account books found in a loft by architectural student Ángel García Zambrano. The record, tantalizingly vague in places and specific in others, is a valuable one for dates and costs of repairs, remodeling, and additions. Chavez, "San Felipe Neri," p. 9. Prince, Churches, p. 243, erroneously credited the Rev. Donato M. Gasparri, S.J., with the first wooden floor. Lamy, Albuquerque, Dec. 2, 1860, baptismal book, 1857-62, San Felipe Neri parish.

8. M. Lilliana Owens, Jesuit Beginnings in New Mexico, 1867-1882 (El Paso, 1950), pp. 118-19.

9. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), p. 199.

10. Bunting and McHugh, "The San Felipe de Neri Affair," NMA, vol. 8, nos. 5-6 (May. June 1966), pp. 8-17. The parish accounts, missing for the years between 1854 and 1863, do not settle the question of who built the belfries and when. They were not there in the mid-1850s, as is evident from the sketch in Davis, El Gringo (op. p. 345). A photograph by Nicholas Brown, which may have been taken late in 1866, and one by William A. Bell or Alexander Gardner, dated 1867, do show them. A $300 bell had been ordered and hung (in one of the new belfries?) by November of 1866.

11. Salazar was cited on March 21, 1978, during Holy Week; appeared on June 22 in municipal court, where the defense attacked the vagueness of the historical zoning ordinance; and was acquitted on June 29, when Judge Frederick M. Mowrer declared the ordinance unconstitutional. Albuquerque's newspapers carried full accounts of the confrontation.

1. SANM:I, no. 956. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 285-86. Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, p. 138, II, pp. 35, 145. ACD, pp. 153-54.

2. Isidro Sánchez Bañales y Tagle for the settlers of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción de Gracia Real, alias lo de Tomé, n.d., Tomé documents, AASF. Gracia Real was added for the Marqués de Gracia Real, viceroy of New Spain, 1740-41.

3. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 43. Tomé documents, AASF. When he blessed the church in 1754, Vicar Roybal had called Tomé the "Puesto de Nuestra Señora de la Concepción de Fuenclara en un tiempo nombrado Gracia Real." Fuenclara was for the Duque de Fuenclara viceroy of New Spain, 1741-46.

4. ACD, p.8.

5. Juan Esteban Pino et al., Tomé, Nov. 20, 1828, and related documents, AASF, 1828, no. 8. Even though Tomé had been secularized in 1797, its first resident secular priest was Father Madariaga who served from July 1821 until his burial here on November 17, 1838. Chavez, Archives, p. 239. The inventory Madariaga compiled upon taking over in 1821 confirmed that the church had changed little since the visitations of Tamarón (1760) and Domínguez (1776). Madariaga gave the following measurements: church with transept and three altars, 7-1/2 X 33 varas, baptistery 5 x 8, antesacristy, 4 x 6, and cemetery, 24 x 34. He did not mention towers, rather a belfry with three large bells without clappers and one small one. Madariaga Tomé, July 6, 1821, photocopy in Tomé parish museum. A priest who filled in as late as 1869 is supposed to have "complained, realistically enough, that Tomé should be called 'the charcos city'—referring to the standing pools of water. . . . a heritage of the great flood of 1828." Florence Hawley Ellis, "Tomé and Father J. B. R. NMHR, vol. 30(1955), p. 201.

6. Zubiría, Tomé, Aug. 25, 1833, AASF, B-72, Tomé (Box 82). Juan Rafael Rascón, Tomé, Aug. 25, 1829, AASF, M-56, Tomé (Box 41). In 1845 Zubiría found the Tomé church still located in the same place. He congratulated Cura Rafael Ortiz on his complete repair of the priest's quarters, and he recommended most earnestly that the work that had already begun on the Tomé church be carried forward. Zubiría, Tomé, May 30, 1845, AASF, B-17, Tomé (Box 89).

7. Hughes, Doniphan's Expedition, pp. 69, 233-36. See also Emory, Emory Reports, pp. 70-74. Earlier that year, 1846, the people of Tomé had offended Father José de Jesús Baca by refusing to loan him the church's santos for Holy Week services in the neighboring village of Valencia. Gilberto Espinosa, ed., "Tomé vs. Valencia, 1846," NMHR, vol. 48 (1973), pp. 57-92.

8. Horgan, Lamy, p. 356. Rallière administered the parish from June 13, 1858, to April 20, 1913, then retired at Tomé until his death there on July 18, 1915. He was buried under the church floor. Ellis, "Tomé," pp. 217-18.

9. Chavez, "Comments Concerning 'Tomé and Father J. B. R.'," NMHR, vol. 31(1956), p. 69, and "San Felipe Neri," p. 9. "Did Folanfant also construct the imitation gothic towers of Albuquerque's San Felipe around this period?" asked Chavez.

10. Ellis, "Tomé," p. 205. In 1935 the Rev. Albert Castanie, Rallière's successor, told Kubler that the sacristy and part of the transept had been built about 1875. Religious Architecture, p. 114.

11. Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 114. Santa Fe New Mexican (May 25, 1905). Ellis, "Tomé," p. 210, mentions that "the north wing of the church crumbled" in 1943.

12. Because of structural weakness and the danger of collapse, the remodeled belfries were taken down in 1975, first the north one and then the south. The tower bases remain as buttresses.

1. ACD, pp. 155-59. Lange, Cochití, pp. 60-63. Fray Miguel Gómez Cayuela, who according to Domínguez built the large stable and strawloft south of the convento, signed the Cochití books from 1763 to 1769. Chavez, Archives, p. 247.

2. SANM:II, no. 2827. The 1789 and 1796 inventories, which gave no structural details of the church, are in SANM:II, no. 1360, and Ritch Col., HL. Prince, Churches, p. 147. Without citing his source, Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 56, says that the narthex was added after 1880, presenting "a triple arcade to the courtyard."

3. AASF, M-8, Cochití (Box 6); Chavez, Archives, p. 221.

4. Dumarest, "Notes on Cochití, pp. 150-51. From Peña Blanca, where he resided, Dumarest served Cochití from 1894 to 1900.

5. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), p. 235. In a corner of the sacristy, Domínguez had noted in 1776, "there is a wooden stand like a rooster's leg upside down (here they call it a forked pole), and on it there is a large earthen bowl for a baptismal font, with a board cover." ACD, p. 156. Bandelier, Journals, 1880-1882, p. 222. From a photograph taken in the 1880s or earlier (Kubler, Religious Architecture, fig. 121, misdated), it appears that the Cochití convento portal, or open chapel, resembled the one at San Ildefonso.

6. Prince's description of the church at Cochití, compiled over a period of a couple of decades before the drastic twentieth-century remodeling, is very detailed. He made the outside measurements, not counting the narthex, 34' x 100', plus the sanctuary of 14' x 22', which fit precisely the simplified plan of the structure in Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 112. He counted 38 vigas vs. Domínguez's 42. Prince, Churches, pp. 137-40. The six paintings of events in the life of Christ were acquired for the pueblo by Fray Antonio Caballero before 1796. SANM:II, no. 1360. Santa Fé New Mexican (Aug. 22, 1885).

7. Lange, Cochití, p. 61, and plates 7b-8. Forrest, Missions and Pueblos, p. 119. Walter, "Mission Churches," pp. 122-23. See also Historical Introduction above. The exterior remodeling occurred about 1912, the interior about 1915. An undated photo from c. 1910 (MNM 2302) bears the caption: "The church at Cochití before the Padre sold the timbers, bells, etc. to the Santa Fe R.R."

8. In 1977 Cochití Governor Fred Cordero recalled that it was 1963, during the governorship of Alfred Herrera, when the pueblo hired Plettenberg. The restoration cost about $13,000 and took "about a year," but Herrera did not live to see the job completed. The convento, with its portal, which abutted the church on the south, was not rebuilt. Inside the church today there are apparently no furnishings or objects of art from the colonial period.

1. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 375. ACD, pp. 160-65. At the northeast corner of the mesa-top site stood a church, 20' x 54' according to Prince, Churches, pp. 168-69. Its ruined walls still are visible from the valley below. See also Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 68-69, and Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 106-7.

2. Fr. Pedro Montaño Nov. 26, 1743, in frag. San Felipe inventory book, 1712-46, AASF, 1712, no. 9. In describing the convento Domínguez alluded to "a very long room . . . which (according to the story) was formerly used for a church (together with the present porter's lodge) while the present one was being finished." ACD, p. 163. This presumably was the church "being built" in 1706, which served until Zevallos's 1736 structure was up. Salpointe, Soldiers, p. 96. Chavez, Archives, pp. 26-27, 252, 258. The baptistery in 1776, a room entered through a door just to the right under the choir loft, is today a storeroom. The present baptistery-sacristy lies to the left outside the sanctuary and is all that remains of the convento.

3. ACD, p. 161 n. 2, and Chavez, Archives, p. 225, explain the confusion regarding St. Philip the Apostle and St. Philip of Jesus. The former was and is patron. The description in ACD, p. 161 n. 4, is still accurate: "The painting of St. Philip of Jesus is now in a later [than 1776] wooden reredos to the right of Miera's image of St. Philip the Apostle. Though crudely redone several times, the crucified young Franciscan and a Japanese soldier with a spear are still recognizable. On the opposite side, equally spoiled by time and repainting, is the scourging of Christ." A circular Indian design surmounts the scourging, and balancing it, above the martyrdom, is a primitive rendering of the Franciscan insignia. On the white stucco of the sanctuary's north wall, J. Ortiz, a young San Felipe artist, has painted a gaunt, heroic-size head of Christ bearing the cross. Eight or ten feet square, the painting is dated April 23, 1976. The old raised wooden pulpit, fitted with loud speaker, has been painted to resemble an Indian drum.

142. One of the least changed of New Mexico's mission churches, San Felipe appears today much as it did in this photograph taken about 1935 by T. Harmon Parkhurst.

4. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. The sketch of San Felipe accompanying Abert, Report, op. p. 461, showed tower belfries of two levels. Worse for the wear, they were still standing on November 4, 1881, when Bourke sketched the church without comment. "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), pp. 210-14. The top tiers subsequently weathered down to the little nubs evident in later photographs. Further repair of the church was mentioned in 1866. Chavez, Archives, p. 132. The nave, with its wooden bed molding, and the sanctuary are spanned by several more roof vigas today than in 1776, and the clerestory of San Felipe still functions.

5. Discussing altar screens with twisted "salomonic" pillars, E. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 155-63, omits mention of San Felipe's but tentatively assigns the very similar one at Santa Ana to the Laguna santero.

6. Pike, Journals, I, pp. 399-400. Nómina de los religiosos, June 28, 1803, BNM, leg. 10, no. 77.

7. Hesse, "Christmas 1912 with the Indians of San Felipe and Santo Domingo, N.M.," FMS, vol. 1 (1913), pp. 29-30. Prince, Churches, pp. 162, 169. Census taker Poore in 1890 had reported that the San Felipe church was "a large building of greater architectural pretensions than any among the pueblos. The many images found in their houses, pertaining both to their own and the Catholic religion, attest the religious tendencies of the people." Donaldson, Moqui and Pueblo Indians, p. 110.

1. ACD, pp. 165-71. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 109-10. Ten miles northwest of Bernalillo, Santa Ana is today, like Zia, a mission of the Franciscan parish at Jémez pueblo.

2. Frag. Santa Ana inventory book, 1712-53, AASF, 1712, no. 1. Chavez, Archives, pp. 25-26. Diego de Vargas, Santa Fe, Nov. 23, 1696, AGI, Audiencia de Guadalajara, 141.

3. AASF, 1712, no. 1. In a note dated October 6, 1716, Custos Antonio Camargo commended Montaño for his work on the Santa Ana convento "and for the rebuilding of the church of Bernalillo. " No functioning church existed at Bernalillo in 1776. While gathering material for Soldiers of the Cross, Archbishop Salpointe came across Father Arias de Espinosa's entry in the Santa Ana Inventory book. "This priest," he wrote (p. 96), "had to pay the Pecos Indians for making eighty-four 'canes,' spouts, because there was nobody in the pueblo of Santa Ana who knew how to make use of carpenter's tools." Canes are corbels, not spouts (canales). Finally set in place in 1750 when the church was completed, the eighty-four weathered corbels are still there.

4. Fr. Manuel Bermejo and Fr. Juan Sanz de Lezaun, Zia and Santa Ana, Oct. 29, 1750, BNM, leg. 8, no. 82.

5. AASF, 1712, no. 1. This detailed description, undated and unsigned, appears to be in the hand-writing of Fray Francisco Javier Dávila Saavedra, who took over from Sanz de Lezaun on June 30, 1752. It varies from Domínguez's on minor points, e.g., church is a little more than 30 varas long, sanctuary has three steps up, the painting of St. Francis is over a side altar on the Epistle side and that of St. Dominic over one on the Gospel side. A note at the bottom adds two bells from the supplies meant for Navajo missions. The large one "Father Menchero loaned when the church was dedicated." Another very complete description, dated July 22, 1767, is in AASF, 1753, no. 1. The "porter's lodge" or portal of the convento at Santa Ana opened onto the walled cemetery, as it does today. Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 75, made much of this as an example of an open chapel. Judging from the descriptions by Domínguez in 1776, such an arrangement was not uncommon. See ACD, pp. 167 n. 3, 168 n. 4, for later disappearance of sacristy and much of convento.

6. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), p. 217. Lamy to Ewing, Feb. 25, 1874, AASF, 1874, no. 2. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. ACD, p. 167. A picture of the pueblo published in Abert, Report, fol. p. 462, evidently based on Abert's 1846 sketch, showed two-tiered bell towers. Bourke in 1881 made them one-tiered. "The church is large," Bandelier wrote in 1888, "and in tolerable repair. The altar painting is not very good, but there are two heads which although badly disfigured by rain, etc. still appear fair." Journals, 1885-1888, p. 276. E. Boyd, who attributes the Santa Ana altar screen to the Laguna santero himself, also suggests that the oval paintings flanking St. Anne may once have belonged to the set in the San Miguel church at Santa Fe. Popular Arts, pp. 55-57, 159, 210.

7. Gov. and principales to Bourgade, Mar. 17, 1903, AASF. ACD, pp. 170-71.

8. Reuter to Committee for Preservation, Jan. 11, 1928, encl. with Meem to Gerken, Nov. 28, 1934, AASF. The Santa Anas rebuilt only one of the "fifty cent towers," the north one, which survives today. Evidently the top layers of the 1923 roof were replaced in the 1960s.

1. Bandelier, Final Report, II, p. 196, and Journals, 1885-1888, p. 276. ACD, pp. 171-75.

2. Espinosa, First Expedition of Vargas, p. 177.

3. Fr. Manuel Bermejo and Fr. Juan Sanz de Lezaun, Zia and Santa Ana Oct. 29, 1750, BNM, leg, 8, no. 82. Bermejo ministered at Zia from 1750 to 1752. ACD, p. 330. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 376. Espinosa, Crusaders, p. 211.

4. See the simplified floor plan in Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 30. ACD, pp. 164, 172, 331. Bourke's 1881 sketch showed the facade already modified. The balcony by then had no rail, which may indicate that considerable time had passed since rebuilding.

5. Fr. Mariano José Sánchez Vergara, Zia, July 21, 1806, SANM: II, no. 1993. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 158-59. Pereyro explained in 1808 that Sánchez Vergara was serving Zia from his own mission of Jémez. The Zia church was "in fairly good condition" but the sacristy, on the south wall adjoining the four-sided convento, needed renovation. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below.

6. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13(1938), pp. 222-23.

7. Odd S. Halseth, "Report of Repairs on Zia Mission, October 29 to December 8, 1923," EP, vol. 16(1924), pp. 9-12.

8. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 158-59, and "The Laguna Santero," EP, vol. 77, no. 3 (1971), pp. 19-22. Prince, Churches, pp. 175-76, described the Zia altar screen as he saw it before 1915.

1. ACD, pp. 176-82, 308-15, 339. Forty-four miles by road northwest of Albuquerque, the pueblo of Jémez is today the seat of a parish that has long included both Zia and Santa Ana. Ruiz labored at Jémez between 1769 and 1776. San Diego translates as St. Didacus of Alcalá not St. James. See also James H. Purdy, National Register of Historic Places Inventory-Nomination Form, Pueblo of Jémez, Jan. 25, 1973 (rev. 1976), SRC, and Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 84-85.

2. Fr. Francisco de Lepiane, México, 1728, BNM, leg. 7, no. 14. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 376. Benavides Revised Memorial, pp. 69, 274-79. Salpointe, Soldiers, p. 93, reported that Apaches had assaulted Jémez on June 8, 1709, "destroyed the houses and the church and took the vestments and sacred vessels, in spite of two squadrons of soldiers who tried in vain to overpower them."

3. Fr. Isidro Cadelo Jémez, July 25, 1806, SANM:II, no. 1993.

156. Jémez from the air, 1964.

4. Salvador Montoya to jefe politico, Jémez, Apr. 18, 1833, and reply, Santa Fe, Apr. 23, 1833, SANM:I, no. 1245. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 360-61. The location of both sites is shown cleanly on the map (op. title p.) in Elsie Clews Parsons, The Pueblo of Jemez (New Haven, 1925). When the Jémez league was surveyed in 1859, the church on the newer site was taken as center point.

5. Although Simpson's rough measurement in 1849 made the church shorter, its location in R. H. Kern's drawing would seem to confirm that this was indeed the same structure that Domínguez had described in 1776. Simpson, Navajo Expedition, ed. Frank McNitt (Norman, 1964), pp. 18-19.

6. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), p. 227. Bishop Lamy in his letter to General Charles Ewing dated February 25, 1874, made the following confusing statement about Jémez. "The ruins of the old church [Lepiane's of the 1720s?] can hardly be seen. A new one, smaller, has been erected in 1856 [was he thinking of a new church somewhere nearby?]. Part of the priest's residence still exists and has been used for school house these few years past." In 1873 the Reverend Michael Rolly, the Roman Catholic priest who visited Jémez every two weeks, loaned the old convento to a Mr. Walsh, the Protestant school teacher. But after three months, according to Lamy, Walsh had been removed for drunkenness and abuse of the Indians. AASF, 1874, no. 2.

7. Santa Fé Daily New Mexican (Aug. 24, 1885). According to Adolph Bandelier, writing on October 26, 1887, the Jémez people liked Father Mariller. "They have many fetishes and place them secretly behind the altar of the church to have them blessed. Are not at all strict with Father Mariller. He can go anywhere." Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 225, 451 n. 598. Because Mariller offered no opposition to the Protestant school, census taker Henry Poore in 1890 considered him "a French gentleman of liberal ideas." Donaldson, Moqui and Pueblo Indians, p. 107.

8. The Franciscans twentieth-century chapel and the pueblo church have been confused. Father Barnabas Meyer, pastor at Jémez in 1919 designated the 30' x 62' chapel St. Anthony's. It was, in his words, "a lasting monument of the efficiency of Brother Lambert who did the mason and carpenter work and the painting." When fire destroyed this structure on February 10, 1937, and a new one was dedicated by Archbishop Gerken on January 11, 1938, the newspapers made the advocacy of both San Diego, patron of the parish and of the pueblo church. Over the entrance of the 1938 chapel, which stands today abutting the Franciscans' rectory, is the inscription SAN DIEGO MISSION. Santa Fe New Mexican (Feb. 11 and Dec. 21, 1937, Jan. 10 and 12, 1938). FMS, vol. 8 (1920), pp. 45-46. Fridolin Schuster, "The Mission at Jemez, FMS, vol. 1(1913), pp. 22-27.

9. ACD, p. 181. The same two bells Bourke mentioned in 1881, joined by a third, hang in the 1970s in an opening centered above the door and two windows. The bellringer climbs a ladder inside to the church's "second story," actually the old flat roof, leans through a third window immediately behind the bells, and bangs them from there. The building's facade is now white.

1. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XII," NMHR, vol. 12 (1937), pp. 372-73. ACD, pp. 182-88. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 67-68, 69-70. In actual floor space of nave and sanctuary the Laguna church is just about half the size of the one at Ácoma. The lake that gave the pueblo of Laguna its Spanish name has since dried up.

2. Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 376, 469. Florence Hawley Ellis, "An Outline of Laguna Pueblo History and Social Organization," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 15 (1959), pp. 325-47, contends that a small pueblo had existed on the site of Laguna for two centuries before its formal recognition by the Spaniards in 1699.

3. Fr. José Pedro Rubí de Celis, Laguna May 10, 1810, AASF, 1810, no. 10. In the course of this very complete inventory, Rubí counted thirteen "spacious and wholly usable" rooms in the two-storied convento abutting the church's south wall. The upper cloisters, except for one piece, were unroofed. Counting the two on the sacristy there were seventeen doors, none with locks. Between 1810 and 1815, during the ministry of Fray Mariano Peñón, "the work on the church was completed." An inscription on the beam holding up the choir loft reads "Completed on the 6th of August in the year 1811." As part of this remodeling the stairway to the choir loft, outside in Domínguez's day, may have been moved inside where it is today. Because the western pueblos were so isolated from other settlements, the alcaldes and their lieutenants were allowed to live at Laguna, Ácoma, and Zuñi. José Manuel Aragón, having just resigned his post, declared in 1813 that he had been alcalde mayor at Laguna for over twenty years. For more on him, see Jenkins, "The Baltasar Baca 'Grant,' History of an Encroachment," EP, vol. 68 (1961), pp. 87-96. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 57, 59, 155-69, including five color plates of sanctuary, altar screen details, and tabernacle.

4. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 57, 155, 166-69. Two small adobe side altars laid up opposite each other against the nave walls, each surmounted by a sizeable wall niche, have taken the place of portable Victorian ones of wood.

5. Henry R. Schoolcraft, ed., Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Part 4 (Philadelphia, 1854), pp. 72-74. All the members of Ten Broeck's party, officers and men, were lodged in the convento. Lt. A. W. Whipple on November 13, 1853, commented that the Laguna church was "a venerable pile of building, partly in ruins, where services are occasionally performed by a Catholic priest. The interior of the main building is used as a cemetery." He went on to describe the custom of throwing heavy stones onto bodies in the grave to drive out evil spirits, the little enclosure adjoining the church where bones dug up in the limited burial space were thrown, and the view from the top of the church. Whipple, Report, p. 59.

6. Ellis, "Outline of Laguna Pueblo History," p. 343. During the period of neglect the "upper structure of the front wall" collapsed. It was restored a few years later but not as tall as before. "Recently," wrote Father Lammert in 1949, "when the old Mission was given a coat of cement plaster, in order to preserve it for many more years, this front wall was restored to its original height of 36 feet under the watchful eyes of two men—Hill Kie and Robert Marmon—who remember the proportions of the wall before it fell and who supervised with meticulous care the laying of each stone." Lammert, "Mission at Old Laguna," NM, vol. 27, no. 9 (Sept. 1949), pp. 52-53. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 377, 384, tells the delightful story of the reappearance in the 1930s of a little hollow-frame image of the Virgin that had been taken out of the church with other movable objects for safe keeping during the Protestant-Catholic troubles. See also Prince, Churches, pp. 202-13, for a good word picture of the interior and one version of the story of the painting of St. Joseph disputed by Laguna and Ácoma.

7. Lammert, "Mission at Old Laguna," p. 53. EP, vol. 8 (1920), p. 200, and vol. 15 (1923), p. 60. Funds for the 1923 reroofing came from the Committee for the Preservation and Restoration of the New Mexican Mission Churches. In 1934, the Committee, by then the Society, was uneasy about Father Lammert's desire to refurbish and move back into the convento. John Gaw Meem in fact wrote to Lammert on November 26, 1934, asking that he get "an estimate of what it would cost to build a small structure, sufficient for your purposes, in the rear of the Placita where the stables are now." Encl. with Meem to Gerken, Santa Fe, Nov. 28, 1934, AASF. HABS, San José de Laguna Mission, Laguna Pueblo, Survey No. 36-NM-3, 22 sheets.

8. Albuquerque architects Pacheco and Graham, on contract with the Bureau of Indian Affairs, drew plans for the proposed improvements. Except for the hooded fixture hanging in the choir loft window and the fluorescent tubes lashed to the vigas above the loft, the present electric lighting in the church is not particularly obtrusive. The three metal-shaded bulbs over the nave and the two angled from each side of the sanctuary ceiling are nearly hidden by the massive vigas. Hardly noticeable at all is the little green bulb on the south wall above the door to the confessional. The big gas heater suspended from the ceiling just beyond the choir loft railing is indeed obtrusive.

1. ACD, pp. 188-95. See also Ward Alan Minge, Ácoma, Pueblo in the Sky (Albuquerque, 1976).

2. Lummis quoted in Donaldson, Moqui and Pueblo Indians, p. 124n. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 69-70.

3. Diego de Vargas, Ácoma, Nov. 4, 1692, SANM: II, no. 53. Espinosa, First Expedition, p. 194. The broken "windows and clerestory (ventanas y claraboyas)" may have included a row of seven round openings resembling portholes high up in the north wall. These have been plugged, presumably since before Domínguez's time, but they still show above the convento on the outside. Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 94, quoted an early Twitchell translation of this Vargas passage in which Twitchell mistook the word agujeros, holes, for aguaceros, heavy rains. Evidently St. Stephen the Protomartyr was patron of Ácoma, but because his feast fell the day after Christmas, the pueblo has long celebrated on September 2, feast of St. Stephen, King of Hungary.

4. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 92-95. HABS, San Esteban Rey, Ácoma Pueblo, 1934, Survey No. 36-NM-5, 32 sheets.

5. Prince, Churches, p. 220. ACD, pp. 189-90n provides an excellent summary of the known facts regarding the Ácoma church. The unusually long and thin adobes (10" x 20" x 2-1/2") used on constructing this church were also used in rebuilding the pueblo. Adolph Bandelier heard in 1882 that it had taken the Ácomas forty years to tote the earth up for the cemetery. Journals, 1880-1882, p. 284. Tradition also has it that the men of Ácoma carried the great forty-foot vigas from the slopes of Mt. Taylor, twenty miles to the north, without ever letting them touch the ground en route." Minge, Ácoma, pp. 20-21, 150 n. 20.

6. The strong feeling expressed in other Keresan speaking pueblos regarding ownership of the church may have been intensified at Ácoma by this community's relative isolation. See Lange, Cochití pp. 60-61. A note on Fray Mariano José Sánchez Vergara's cursory inventory of the mission in 1796 hints at declining Franciscan influence: "One maize field with a yield of just over two almudes [a dry measure of roughly seven and a half liters]. The convento has other land, they say, but I do not know how much or where it is." SANM:II, no. 1360.

7. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XII," NMHR, vol. 12 (1937), pp. 362-69. The famous painting of San José still hangs on the south wall of the sanctuary. Bourke's measurements were a bit off—church, 80' broad, 55' high (40' in a later paragraph), 160' deep; towers 70' high, 13' broad; cemetery, 80' square. In the north belfry he noted two bells "of modern, Mexican manufacture." Bishop Lamy, who had called the mission at Ácoma "pretty well preserved" in 1874, "admired the two beautiful bells of that church for their silver tone." He gave the rough exterior dimensions as 85' x 180'. AASF, 1874, no. 2.

8. From what he could learn in the 1920s, builder B. A. Reuter concluded that these belfries had been put up "under the supervision of a local priest, by Mexican workmen with the liberal assistance from the Indians. The time of their construction was about 1902." Reuter to Committee for Preservation, Jan. 11, 1928, encl. Meem to Gerken, Nov. 28, 1934, AASF. The north belfry, not yet reconstructed, is visible above the convento in a photo dated 1903. Minge, Ácoma, fol. p. 52 (no. 23). Julian Scott in Donaldson, Moqui and Pueblo Indians, p. 125.

9. Putting things in perspective, Riley also estimated that there were already "twenty thousand tons of adobe in the structure not to speak of the huge roof timbers." Riley, "Repairs to the Old Mission at Acoma," EP, vol. 18 (1925), pp. 3, 7-8. The concrete slab served until the late 1950s or early 1960s, when it was replaced by a plywood deck and asphalt roofing.

10. Reuter to Committee for Preservation, Jan. 11, 1928, and c. 1927, encl. Meem to Gerken, Nov. 8, 1934, AASF. Reuter, "Restoration of Acoma Mission," EP, vol. 22 (1927), pp. 79-87.

11. During the course of twentieth-century refurbishing, writes E. Boyd, "one or more amateurs completely overpainted all the historic interior ornaments of the mission, so that nothing of the original painting remains." Popular Arts, p. 125. The wooden plank floor of the nave, recorded in the 1934 HABS drawings, has been removed, exposing again the packed earth beneath.

12. A cluster of tree-ring dates for the convento suggests rebuilding, or at least reroofing, in the years 1701-3. Michael P. Marshall, "Investigations in the Mission of San Esteban Rey—The Archaeological Data," unpublished preliminary report for the State Planning Office, Santa Fe, 1977. Minge, Ácoma, pp. 116-18. Diego Valdo fashioned of cement and real antlers the two deer heads that surmount the cemetery retaining wall. The above-ground wall, with its decorative nubs all the way round, is still rough plastered with straw-laden mud. Instead of the long canales on the south side of the church there are now roof-to-ground metal drain pipes. Funds are being sought to complete the church job, and to heat the building, perhaps with solar energy. Channell Graham of Albuquerque is the architect. Edna Heatherington Bergman of Graham's office has prepared a draft, "Historic Structure Report: Mission San Estevan Rey, Acoma Pueblo, New Mexico."

13. A pink dado runs the length of the nave walls. A few brightly colored rainbows with accompanying birds rise above the dado and on each side, where it steps up toward the sanctuary, two renderings of Ácoma pots. The third window on the south wall, which let light into the sanctuary in Domínguez's day, was walled up sometime before the mid-1880s. At present an ornate oil lamp hangs from the ceiling. Small wooden sconces on the nave walls hold up brand new Ácoma pottery candlesticks. Early in 1979 a serious leak was washing quantities of mud down the inside of the south wall.

1. ACD, pp. 195-202, 302 (on pp. 196-98 n. 2 the editors recapitulate seventeenth-century missionary efforts among the Zuñis). Virtually nothing is known about the Zuñi church from Garaycoechea's time to 1776. Bishop Tamarón, who did not make it to Zuñi, heard in 1760 that "the church was good and the pueblo large." Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 68. See also Adams, "Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez and Fray Silvestre Vélez de Escalante, Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 44 (1976), pp. 40-58, and the recent translation of the friars' journal of exploration by Chavez, The Domínguez-Escalante Journal, ed. Ted J. Warner (Provo, 1976). Fr. Juan Miguel Menchero, Santa Fe, Sept. 4, 1731, AASF, 1731, no. 2. Chavez, Archives, pp. 32, 247. In the 1970s Zuñi, with a population of more than 5,000, is still the largest New Mexico pueblo.

2. Victor Mindeleff, "A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola," Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, D.C., 1891), p. 138. Mindeleff resided at Zuñi for more than a year in 1881-82.

3. Bandelier, Journals, 1883-1884, p. 40. ACD, p. 198. In addition to the statues of Michael and Gabriel, "Carved pilasters with cherub heads and a small relief plaque of the Sacred Heart beneath a crown are survivals of the Zuñi mission ornaments now owned by the Brooklyn Museum and the Smithsonian. They were undoubtedly also carved by [Bernardo de] Miera y Pacheco at the same time. Boyd, Popular Arts, pp. 102-3, photos of the archangels, pp. 100-101. It is curious that Domínguez, who had just returned from a four-month exploration with map maker Miera, did not name the artist and make his usual derogatory comment about the New Mexican's talents, unless it was to spare Father Vélez who apparently had commissioned the work. Nowhere in New Mexico in 1776 did Domínguez mention a depiction of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, a late seventeenth-century French devotion not extended by the pope to the whole Church until 1856.

4. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below. Pereyro's statement that the Zuñi altar screen was painted and gilded while Father Vélez de Escalante was there, the same year as the rebuilding, 1780, may refer to the earlier "small new altar screen" recorded by Domínguez in 1776. After serving as vice-custos for Domínguez and laboring long hours in the Santa Fe archives compiling a documentary history of New Mexico, the overworked Vélez was listed at Zuñi once again in 1779. Soon after, in failing health, he left for Mexico City, dying en route, reportedly at Parral in April 1780. See Adams, "Fray Silvestre and the Obstinate Hopi,"+ NMHR, vol. 38 (1963), pp. 116-18. A 1789 Zuñi church inventory listed a "new altar screen, or retablo, gilded and painted." Fr. José Mariano Rosete, Zuñi, Oct. 22, 1789, Ritch Col., HL. A two-storied east side of the convento, part of which still hugs the south wall of the church in photos from the 1870s, may also date from the rebuilding of 1780.

5. Guevara to Bishop Castañiza, Santa Fe, Aug. 29, 1818, AASF, Patentes, Book IX (Box 3). The lieutenant alcalde at Zuñi had reported to the governor in 1813 that "this pueblo is very irregular in attendance at instruction and the other mysteries of Our Holy Catholic Faith." Juan José Trujillo to Gov. José Manrique, Zuñi, May 6,1813, SANM:II, no. 2489.

6. Simpson, Journal (1852), p. 91, and Kern sketch, op. p. 93. Some of the religious furnishings that have survived to this day, including a famed little image styled the "Santo Niña de Zuñi," were guarded in the homes of "caretaker families." See Dickey, Village Arts, pp. 175-76, and C. Gregory Crampton, The Zunis of Cibola (Salt Lake City, 1977), pp. 56-57.

7. Frank Hamilton Cushing, "Outlines of Zuñi Creation Myths," Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, D.C., 1896), pp. 336-37, and "My Adventures in Zuñi, The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, vol. 25 (1882-83), pp. 191-207, 500-511, vol. 26 (1883), pp. 28-47. Matilda Coxe Stevenson declared later that she and her husband had asked the keeper of these religious furnishings to consider their removal, a council had met, and "it was finally decided that it would be well to have these objects go with the other Zuñi material to the great house' (National Museum) in Washington, where they would be preserved. " Quoted in Bandelier, ,.Journals, 1883-1884, pp. 371-72 n. 109.

8. Cushing, "Zuñi Creation Myths," p. 337.

9. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, VIII," NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), pp. 114-15. "Its walls," Cushing observed, "were painted—as the more recent plasterings scaling off here and there reveal—by Zuñi artists, who scrupled not to mingle many a pagan symbol of the gods of wind, rain, and lightning, sunlight, storm-dark and tempest, war-bale and magic, and, more than all, emblems of their beloved goddess-virgins of corn-growing with the bright-colored Christian decorations." "Zuñi Creation Myths," p. 333.

10. Anselm Weber, "The Zuñi Indians," FMS, vol. 4 (1916), pp. 16-18. The Franciscans' return to Zuñi was accomplished in three stages: from St. Michaels beginning in 1906; from Gallup after the friars took over that parish in 1909; and since 1921-22 from St. Anthony's Mission on the outskirts of Zuñi itself.

11. "Memorandum of Understanding between National Park Service and Bureau of Indian Affairs elating to Restoration of Old Mission Church at Zuñi Pueblo, New Mexico," in Louis R. Caywood, The Restored Mission of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Zuñi (St. Michaels, Ariz., 1972), pp. 56-57.

12. Caywood, Restored Mission.

13. For an article about Alex Seowtewa and his murals, with color photographs by Lee Marmon, see Luke Lyon, "Michelangelo of the Southwest," NM, vol. 55, no. 6 (June 1977), pp. 20-25. Francis M. Laton, ed., Old Zuni Mission (Zuñi, n.d.).

1. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 70. ACD, pp. 202-8.

2. Espinosa, First Expedition of Vargas, pp. 186, 286. Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, II, pp. 208, 368-70. The seventeenth-century patron of Isleta was St. Anthony of Padua, who went south with Otermín's refugees to become patron of the new Isleta del Sur downriver from El Paso. By 1710 the upriver Isleta was refounded under the advocacy of St. Augustine.

3. ACD, pp. 203-5. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 71. After the mission's refounding in 1710 the reconditioning of the roofless church may have been delayed. Father Peña died that same year. A quarter millenium later, during the renovation of 1959-60, one of the corbels in the sanctuary was found to bear the year 1716 "incised and darkly painted." Bunting, "San Agustín de la Isleta," NMA, vol. 2, nos. 9-10 (Sept-Oct. 1960), p. 15.

4. Gardner and Bell were in New Mexico on the Palmer-Wright-Calhoun survey of possible railroad routes from Kansas to the Pacific. In addition to the close-up of the Isleta church, they photographed the pueblo from a point several hundred yards southwest. Over the tops of intervening houses the roofline of the church is visible. Also visible is the second-story doorway in the east end of the convento mirador at the head of the stairway that so annoyed Domínguez because it led to and from the corral. Both photographs (and one of Albuquerque's San Felipe Neri) are in the Perry Collection at the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis.

5. Bourke, "Bourke on the Southwest, XIII," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), pp. 193-97. Charles F. Lummis, who lived at Isleta for several years beginning in the late 1880s, devoted a graphic chapter in A Tramp across the Continent (New York, 1898) to "The Fiesta de los Muertos." Back in 1845 the Rev. Vicente Saturnino Montaño was not living in the convento at Isleta. It was in ruins. Montaño's successor, the last Franciscan of the Spanish-Mexican era, Fray Mariano de Jesús López, intended to restore it—and evidently did between 1845 and 1848—with the help of the Indians. Chavez, Archives, p. 222.

6. On Docher, see Julia Keleher and Elsie Ruth Chant, The Padre of Isleta (Santa Fe, 1940), and Docher, "The Quaint Indian Pueblo of Isleta," The Santa Fe Magazine, vol. 7, no. 7 (June 1913), pp. 29-32. Prince, Churches, pp. 193-95, briefly described the interior of the Isleta church during Docher's ministry. Whether Docher's idea or someone else's, the gabled roof at Isleta featured two skylights, one on each slope, which allowed at least some light to reach the clerestory beneath. Kubler, Religious Architecture, p. 67 n. 12.

7. Howard Bryan, "Off the Beaten Path," The Albuquerque Tribune (Feb. 1, 1960). Bunting, "San Agustín de la Isleta, p. 16. For more on the buoyant Father Padilla, who as a cult figure was early confused with Coronado's martyred Fray Juan de Padilla, see Bandelier, Journals, 1883-1884, p. 362 n. 43, and Chavez, Coronado's Friars, pp. 85-86.

8. Bunting, "San Agustín de la Isleta," p. 16. Some of the other events during the Stadtmueller controversy, fully reported by Albuquerque's press, were: The opening of the church for Christmas Eve Mass, followed a week later by Abeita's reelection as pueblo governor (1965); Isleta granted mission status within Ascension parish (1966); church closed again, Isleta pueblo court rules services may be held, Stadtmueller returns to celebrate Mass without incident, Isleta council orders him to stay out of the pueblo and fires three Isleta judges (1967); aggrieved Isleta Catholics file suit in U.S. District Court under Civil Rights Act (1968); church reopened on a regular basis as mission without resident priest (1970).

1. Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown: The Pecos Indians and New Mexico, 1540-1840 (Washington, D.C., 1979), and Alden C. Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque, 1974). ACD, pp. 208-14. Today a National Monument, the ruins of Pecos lie twenty-five miles southeast of Santa Fe and are plainly visible from Interstate 25.

2. Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown. Inside, the Andrés Juárez church measured from door to farthest recess of the apse a remarkable 145 feet. It was Juárez who brought to Pecos master carpenters to teach the Indians that trade. The first of Hayes's "four churches," a very small isolated structure built on a rise a thousand feet northeast of the pueblo, may date from 1598. Nuestra Señora de Porciúncula, or as Domínguez called her, Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles, is the patroness of the Franciscan mother church near Assisi.

3. Diego de Vargas, Santa Fe, Nov. 23, 1696, AGI, Audiencia de Guadalajara, 141. This third Pecos church was described by Domínguez as the "old church outside the wall." Dilapidated in 1776, it occupied the space between the south wall of the fourth church and the convento. ACD, p. 210.

4. Domínguez's secretary must have mistaken the number 30 for 36. He made the length of the church 36 varas from entrance to transept, plus 9 across the transept, plus 6 for the sanctuary, for a total of 51 varas. If 30 is substituted for 36, the measurements fit the ruin almost precisely. Boyd, Popular Arts, p. 121, recognized Carlos Delgado as one of New Mexico's eighteenth-century artist-friars. On December 16, 1717, Delgado inventoried all the paintings (on canvas and on hide) in the new Pecos church. Bandelier transcript, Santa Fe, Nov. 23, 1887, Thomas Benton Catron Collection (PC 29, 807), Special Collections, UNM.

5. In 1812 the diocese of Durango approved the permanent transfer of the minister at Pecos to San Miguel del Vado. AASF, 1812, no. 14. Bandelier and numerous others interviewed the Pecos survivors at Jémez. Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 275-76. Pereyro, Dec. 30, 1808, Appendix below.

195. At Pecos National Monument today, visitors can pace off the foundations of Fray Andrés Juárez's monumental seventeenth-century church, destroyed in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, and compare them to those of the later church.

6. Abert, Report, pp. 446-47, 455-56. The engraving based on Abert's sketch (op. p. 447) is somewhat fanciful. The two sketches by John Mix Stanley, done six weeks earlier, one of the "Catholic Church" and the other of the "Astek Church," i.e., the pueblo, are excellent. Emory, Notes of a Military Reconnoissance, fol. p. 30. Lieutenant Bourke, commenting on the Montezuma tale in 1881, wrote that "This story can be found among the Pueblos who have had most to do with Americans and Mexicans and among no others." "Bourke on the Southwest, X," NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), p. 269.

7. Bandelier, quoted in Hewett and Fisher, Mission Monuments, pp. 140-41. Journals, 1880-1882, pp. 27-29, 74-84. The wooden parts of church and convento, well wrought by Pecos carpenters, found numerous uses and reuses, from corral posts to corbels in the church at the village of Las Colonias. There are samples of the roof vigas in the Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 64, 66, 85-87, figs. 157, 158.

8. Kidder, An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology with a Preliminary Account of the Excavations at Pecos, rev. ed. (New Haven, 1962), p. 57.

9. Hewett and Fisher, Mission Monuments, pp. 204, 224-30.

10. Hayes, Four Churches, pp. xiii-xiv. Hayes has summarized Pinkley's work and "the archaeology of the historic structures at Pecos."

1. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 379. ACD. pp. 214-17. On private land a mile and a half up the Galisteo arroyo from the present village of Galisteo, the ruins of the pueblo are marked today only by low mounds.

2. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, p. 53. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 466.

3. Estado actual de las misiones, BNM, leg. 10, no. 85. The proceedings of a trial in 1792 (SANM:II, no. 1188) confirmed that Galisteo was extinct by then, with most of the survivors living at Santo Domingo. Some of them also turned up at Pecos, where their names appeared in the mission books in the 1790s. Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a) and M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a), AASF. ACD, pp. 214-16, 2170. 3.

4. Bandelier, Journals, 1880-1882, pp. 333-34.

5. ACD, p. 216. N. C. Nelson, Pueblo Ruins of the Galisteo Basin, New Mexico (New York, 1914), pp. 103-9. As late as 1912 the Galisteo site was known to local Hispanos as the Pueblo de los Tanos.

1. SANM:I, no. 1191. About 1616 the Franciscan Order had gathered the missions of New Mexico into an administrative district known as the Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul. Because of its relative isolation and poverty, the New Mexico custody remained throughout the colonial period a dependent child of the Franciscan Province of the Holy Gospel with headquarters in Mexico City.

2. Whoever put the census together added in the figures for San Buenaventura de Cochití twice. Therefore all the grand totals for 1808 are too high and the differences between the 1806 and 1808 totals too great.

3. Appearing in brackets after the names of certain friars are the years during which each signed the extant baptismal, marriage, and burial books of the mission under discussion, as compiled in Chavez, Archives, pp. 241-58. Hozio, for example, who served as presidial chaplain between 1787 and 1823, signed the Santa Fe parish hooks off and on from October 1781 to June 1816.

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