Chapter 6
WITHIN A CHANGING LANDSCAPE
Managing the Natural Resources of the Monument
"Montezuma Castle National Monument is on the brink of many
disasters, which, in aggregate, would destroy the setting of the two
sites. . . . Here, as elsewhere, we have had the illusion that the white
picket fence around our boundaries was enough. Obviously, it is not
enough. Unless we learn, from this situation and similar ones affecting
many other areas . . . we will continue to face disaster at the last
momentas the finger curls around the trigger."
William E. Brown and Charles P. Clapper Jr.,
"Environmental Management Problems at Montezuma Castle and Well,"
November 1969
The significant population growth experienced in the
Verde Valley and across the Southwest in the years after World War II
prompted the National Park Service to develop the facilities at
Montezuma Castle National Monument to keep up with the demands
associated with the continually increasing levels of visitation.
However, this pattern of regional growth also contributed to the
alteration of the landscape encompassing and surrounding the monument
units over time. These changes caused NPS officials to pay closer
attention to the natural and cultural resources at the monument and to
the effects of regional and site developments. Although still primarily
concerned with accommodating recreational tourism and public enjoyment,
the agency devoted increasing energy to understanding and protecting the
prehistoric, historic, and natural resources at Montezuma Castle and
Montezuma Well. The modern resource management efforts at the monument
reflect advances in the fields of anthropology and the natural sciences
as well as organizational and ideological changes within the Park
Service in the postwar years. This chapter and chapter 7 summarize the
various research studies, resource protection projects, and preservation
initiatives undertaken at the monument during this period and consider
these efforts within the contexts of regional, professional, and agency
changes.
The modern resource management activities of the
National Park Service follow a long line of previous human interactions
with the environment of the Verde Valley. For thousands of years,
different groups of people were drawn to the region and its central
feature, the Verde River. The availability of water, the natural
lushness of the land, and the temperate climate make the Verde Valley an
ideal location for settlement. The topographic and environmental
diversity further contribute to the qualities of this area bounded by
the Colorado Plateau and mountains to the north and by the Sonoran
Desert region to the south. The abundant resources of the valley
attracted a variety of human occupations and activities in prehistoric
and historic times. The interactions of these groups with the regional
environment were guided both by the quantity and types of natural
resources present in the area as well as by the cultural perceptions,
values, and attitudes that informed each particular group's vision and
use of the landscape. The current form of the landscape is thus the
product of the natural and human processes at play in the Verde Valley
over time. As manager of a portion of this landscape, the National Park
Service attempted to protect the existing natural and cultural resources
at the monument while fostering an understanding of the complex
historical processes that have shaped them. However, the agency's
efforts themselves represent yet another set of human interactions with
the environment of the Verde Valley. To make sense of this multifaceted
terrain managed by the Park Service, it is helpful to consider both the
factors that formed the regional landscape prior to the agency's
activities as well as the perceptions, values, and attitudes that have
informed them.
The impacts made on the Verde River over time reflect
the changes in the regional landscape caused by various human
activities. Between a.d. 600 and a.d. 1425, the Hohokam and Sinagua
peoples settled the Middle Verde drainage and made extensive use of the
water resources of the region. During this span of time, the native
hunting/gathering population developed a strong irrigation-based
horticultural economy, drawing on technological advances adopted from
the Hohokam to the south and the Sinagua to the north. The river that
they knew, however, differed significantly from the Verde River of
today. Recent archeological research suggests that characteristics of
the prehistoric river included a braided channel, a high water table,
stable flow, dense riparian vegetation, the presence of beaver and
muskrats, numerous marshes, and areas of stationary water. Historical
descriptions of the Verde River by Spanish explorers and later by
European American trappers and pioneers indicate that many of these
natural features persisted well into the nineteenth century. [1]
But beginning in the 1860s, the intensive European
American settlement of the region ushered in an era of significant
change in the Verde Valley. The land uses and exploitation of resources
that followed the European American occupation took a heavy toll on the
river and dramatically altered the physical environment of the valley in
a relatively short time. Today the Verde River is a channelized,
fast-moving stream with only one remaining marsh and devoid of the rich
vegetation that once graced its course. The striking alteration of the
regional landscape in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
resulted from the variety and intensity of the activities pursued by
European American settlersactivities informed by the perceptions,
values, and attitudes that people brought with them and projected onto
the landscape. Although the Sinagua and Hohokam people also left a mark
on the Verde Valley by their use of the land, water, and natural
resources of the area, their impact was modest compared to that brought
about by the activities of the European Americans. The ideologies
influencing the interactions of the prehistoric and modern inhabitants
of the Verde Valley with their environments differ markedly and lend
insight into their respective impacts on the Verde Valley. In the
concluding chapter of the collection Vanishing River: Landscapes and
Lives of the Lower Verde Valley, Stephanie Whittlesey points out the
distinct relationships with place these two groups had: "Whereas
aboriginal peoples had created a landscape heavy with meaning and rich
with stories, bound up with heaven as much as with earth, Americans
viewed the land in terms of profit." [2] In
contrast to the balanced and respectful ways of the prehistoric
indigenous people who preceded them, the European Americans treated the
resources of the Verde Valley as commodities to be exploited,
controlled, and managed for personal gain. An overview of the behaviors
that resulted from this attitude help to explain the transformation of
the landscape and the "vanishing" of the Verde River since the late
nineteenth century.
The first European American settlers in the valley
began farming soon after the establishment of their community at the
confluence of the Verde River and Clear Creek in 1865. They quickly set
about clearing the surrounding land, digging an irrigation ditch, and
planting crops. By 1880, eleven significant irrigation ditches had been
built to divert water from the Verde River, including one constructed by
the Yavapai, who were forcibly relocated onto the Rio Verde Reservation
near Camp Verde. Agriculture continues to be an important economic
activity in the region. The Cottonwood Ditch, which was completed in
1878, remains the primary irrigation feature in the valley, and today
farmers divert a significant amount of Verde surface water for their
crops through this canal and others. Over the years, modern farming and
irrigation activities left their imprint on the Verde River and
contributed to environmental changes such as erosion and the alteration
of the river channel. [3] Unlike the
prehistoric inhabitants who used the river primarily for agricultural
purposes, however, European American settlers engaged in a variety of
other activities that further taxed the resources of the Verde River and
impacted the landscape.
The exploitation of the rich mineral resources of the
region was one such activity European American settlers pursued that had
a dramatic effect on the Verde Valley landscape. Although parties of
Spanish explorers likely visited mines located near the present-day town
of Jerome in the late sixteenth century, it was not until after the
establishment of a European American settlement in the area almost three
centuries later that mining activities were actively pursued.
Large-scale mining operations began after Montana industrial giant
William Clark purchased the fledgling United Verde Copper Company in
1888. In order to realize the potential of the Verde Valley's mineral
resources, Clark financed the development of significant mining and
smelting facilities in the town of Jerome and built a railroad line to
transport the products to market. The prosperity of the mines led to the
expansion of the United Verde operations; the company bought ranches and
water rights along the Verde River where the town of Clarkdale was later
established in 1912. This planned community provided housing for the
mineworkers and served as the location of the new company smelter that
began production in 1915. [4] Copper-mining
activities continued in the Jerome area on and off until the closure of
the mines and smelter in 1953. In addition to the obvious changes to the
land resulting from the development of underground and open-pit mines,
copper smelters, and the area communities, mining-related activities had
other serious impacts on the Verde Valley landscape. The most striking
of these changes were deforestation and the reduction of vegetation by
fuelwood cutting, the severe air pollution from the smelters, the usage
of water resources in the smelting process, and the creation of large
piles of mine tailings near the river (figure 34). The industries that
supported the mining operations also affected the regional environment;
the railroads, power plant, and area residences and businesses consumed
their share of natural resources over the years and contributed to the
patterns of change in the valley. [5]
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Figure 34. Environmental impact of mining in the Jerome area. The new
Clarkdale smelter, c. 1917. (Photo from Sharlot Hall Museum,
Prescott.)
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Perhaps the activity undertaken by European American
settlers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that had
the most destructive effect on the natural resources of the Verde Valley
was grazing. Begun in the region in the 1870s, livestock raising quickly
became a popular and profitable occupation. As the number of cattle and
sheep in the valley peaked toward the end of the nineteenth century, the
effects of overgrazing became apparent (figure 35). During a visit to
the Verde Valley in 1896, Cosmos Mindeleff, an archeologist with the
Bureau of American Ethnology, commented on this situation: "Within the
last few years the character of the river and of the country adjacent to
it has materially changed. . . . This change is the direct result of the
recent stocking of the country with cattle. More cattle have been
brought into this country than in its natural state it will support."
[6] The intense grazing in the region resulted
in the destruction of native grasses, deforestation and the loss of
large stands of riparian vegetation, and the erosion of large quantities
of topsoil from surface runoff. Although the intensity of grazing
lessened by the early twentieth century, overgrazing remains a problem
in some areas. More importantly, however, the earlier grazing practices
continued to have long-term effects on the Verde Valley landscape. [7]
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Figure 35. Verde Crossing, showing the intensity of grazing in the
Verde Valley, 19 May 1901. Cline Library, Special Collections and
Archives Department, Northern Arizona University (NAU.PH660.2.19).
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The deforestation and erosion that resulted from
grazing and other historic activities of European American settlers
during the late nineteenth century exacerbated the damage caused by the
periodic flooding of the Verde River. Repeated flood events led to the
deepening of the river channel, the expansion of the floodplain, and the
destruction of property, crops, and irrigation features along the Verde
watershed. The wreckage caused by flood events over the years, combined
with the increasing demand for water for domestic and agricultural uses
in the growing Salt River Valley, prompted calls for flood protection
and water storage developments on the lower Verde River. Completed in
1939 and 1946 respectively, Bartlett Dam and Horseshoe Dam were designed
to help provide for the downstream water needs and offer protection from
flood events. [8] A later proposal to build the
Orme dam and reservoir on the Fort McDowell Reservation for additional
flood control and storage of Central Arizona Project water for the Salt
River Valley attracted much attention, but was never implemented.
The manipulation of the regional water resources, as
evinced by the construction and management of dams and reservoirs,
reflects the exertion of influence by the emerging Phoenix metropolitan
area. As this urban center expanded at extraordinary rates in the years
following World War II, the Salt River Project made use of its water
rights along the Verde River for the benefit of the growing population.
Thus, urban perceptions, values, and attitudes were projected onto the
Verde Valley landscape: the river was viewed and treated as a resource
and commodity above all else. With portions of the Verde managed largely
to serve the needs of the Phoenix metropolitan area, the natural
environment along much of its course changed significantly. Historian
James Byrkit once commented that though the Verde is the only perennial
waterway remaining in Arizona, it has essentially been "tamed" through
such exploitation of its resources. The recent attempts to conquer the
desert and develop the Salt River Valley have come at the expense of the
transformation of the Verde River. [9]
Other instances of the manipulation of the resources
of the river offer evidence of the alteration of the Verde Valley
landscape and the ideologies informing these activities. A power plant
was completed at the town of Childs in 1909 to take advantage of the
natural springs located on Fossil Creek. The operation included a dam
and flume that diverted water from the creek to a man-made reservoir and
then down a precipitous drop to run three hydroelectric generators
before emptying into the Verde. The plant, which is still in operation,
has provided electricity for years to many central Arizona communities.
This diversion of Fossil Creek for the sake of power generation is
indicative of the prioritization of the exploitation over the protection
of the natural resources of the Verde River through most of the historic
European American settlement of the region.
Tourism and recreation are two other activities that
have exploited the resources of the river in some fashion. Near the
Childs Power Plant, the Verde Hot Springs resort was built in the late
1920s. Although this resort, which burned down in 1958, did not have a
significant impact on the landscape, its construction reveals the
influence of European American ideas of leisure and health on the
resources of the area. [10] More recently, the
Verde River and some of its tributaries have become popular outdoor
recreation destinations. In the areas that experience frequent usage,
the river suffers from trampling, litter, paving for parking lots and
facilities, water-quality problems, and strains on water supplies. [11] These impacts from recreational activities
stand as further examples of how particular perceptions, values, and
attitudes have informed the uses of natural resources and helped reshape
the Verde environment in recent times.
While the Verde Valley became increasingly popular as
a tourist destination in the postwar years, it also experienced
significant residential growth. The boom in population during this time
led to the fast-paced development of the area communities and created an
enlarged demand for water. James Byrkit astutely observed how the built
environment of the Verde Valley has been rapidly transformed during the
past several decades to accommodate the new residents:
The area, once bucolic and serene, saw its first
traffic light installed as recently as 1977. The signs of growth are
everywhere. Subdivisions, real estate offices, mobile-home sales lots
and shopping centers now command attentionnot wildlife, sunsets and
green stream beds. Newcomers in a quest for simplicity, solitude and a
haven from the crime and tensions of the city are changing the Verde
Valley from a rural, slow-paced area into familiar suburbia. . . . These
people are going to destroy the very thing they come to enjoy. The
invasion threatens to spoil permanently the Valley's fragile geographic
and biologic attractions. [12]
In addition to the physical changes associated with
the development of the valley communities, the regional growth has put
strains on the available natural resources. As land previously used for
grazing and agriculture was subdivided into concentrated residential and
commercial areas, the local demand for water has increased. Because of
the prior appropriation of all surface water rights in the Verde Valley,
however, the area communities have had to depend on groundwater pumping
for much of their water needs. This practice has not had a significant
impact on the river to date, but concerns have been expressed about the
impact of future regional growth and groundwater pumping on the surface
flows of the Verde. The prospect of reduced water supplies inspired two
different projects in the 1960s aimed at clearing the watershed of
water-loving riparian vegetation that consumes valuable water resources.
Both the project undertaken cooperatively by private land owners and the
one initiated by the U.S. Forest Service were found to have mixed
results in terms of water retention and were later discontinued. [13] However, continued concerns about the
long-term water resources in the region have prompted other studies and
activities, including the formation of the Verde River Corridor Project
in 1989. This locally directed effort set out to examine the various
uses and values of the river corridor and to develop a plan of action to
conserve the river and its related resources in a way that is balanced
with growth and economics. [14] The changing
patterns of demand on the Verde River water resources highlight the
tremendous growth and development that have occurred in the Verde Valley
in recent years. These changes also reflect the ideologies and values
that have accompanied the regional growth and have set the terms of
people's interactions with the natural environment.
Ironically, one of the values that has most recently
affected the Verde Valley landscapeenvironmental protectionhas come
about largely in response to the earlier activities that impacted the
area environment. As studies on the quantity and quality of the natural
resources in the valley appeared beginning in the 1970s, government
agencies, nonprofit organizations, and private citizens recognized the
need to take action to protect the wildlife and natural features of the
region from future damage and overexploitation. Those active in
supporting this cause have drawn from the inspiration and lessons of the
well-established environmental movement. However, wilderness and
environmental protection are by no means universal values. The conflicts
that have arisen between advocates for environmental issues and those
supporting other causes emphasize the contested ideological terrain that
has often determined the fate of the physical landscape.
An example of such conflicting values regarding the
use and management of natural resources can be found in the recent
debates about the development of the Verde Valley Ranch. In the
late-1980s, the Phelps Dodge Corporation announced a proposal to build a
major housing development and golf course in the vicinity of Peck's
Lake. The plans called for reclaiming and building on top of a tailings
pond created from earlier mining activities. During public hearings,
some local citizens and environmental groups expressed concerns about
the possibility of hazardous materials in the tailings pond and the
impact of the project on area wildlife, habitat, and water quality. The
construction schedule was delayed amidst heated debates. Environmental
groups filed numerous protests, and state and federal agencies became
involved in overseeing and regulating different stages of the
development. Continued delays occurred while Phelps Dodge awaited the
issuance of various permits related to project construction. Now, more
than a decade after the introduction of the project proposal, the
development of the Verde Valley Ranch is still far from finished. [15]
The severity of the ideological clashes over this
proposed development is a testament to the power of cultural
perceptions, values, and attitudes in shaping the physical landscape of
the Verde Valley over time. Particular sets of ideological perspectives
have also informed NPS natural resource management efforts at Montezuma
Castle National Monument. To understand these perspectives, the scope of
the agency's activities, and their impact on the landscape, it is
important to consider them in light of the historical changes to the
regional landscape and within the context of agency policies toward
natural resources.
Although the federal government technically became
responsible for the administration of Montezuma Castle upon its
establishment as a national monument in 1906, many years passed before
serious efforts were made to manage the natural resources of the site.
The General Land Office, the first agency placed in charge of the
Castle, and later the National Park Service, valued the monument
primarily for its archeological features and focused on their
preservation. However, as a result of these agencies' essential neglect
of the monument, the officials first assigned to look after the Castle
were overburdened by the basic protection and stabilization needs of the
ruins and lacked adequate resources to do much about them. Faced with
numerous management challenges relating to the threatened prehistoric
structures, these officials viewed the natural resources at the monument
to be of secondary importance and devoted practically no attention to
their study or protection. This situation typified early NPS management
of natural resources at many parks and monuments under its jurisdiction.
Although the 1916 Organic Act that created the NPS stated that the
purpose of the national parks was "to conserve the scenery and the
natural and historic objects and the wild life therein and to provide
for the enjoyment of the same in such a manner and by such means as will
leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations," the
fledgling agency interpreted this mandate loosely and acted primarily to
promote recreational developments, tourist accommodations, and the
protection of scenery. [16]
In his book Preserving Nature in the National
Parks, historian Richard Sellars documents the influence of
biological science and ecological principles on NPS management policies
over time. He notes that the years between 1929 and 1940 witnessed the
agency's initial efforts to manage natural resources based on the
principles of ecological science, including surveys of park wildlife,
various research projects, and the creation of the Wildlife Division.
However, these scientific endeavors, which came into being largely as a
result of biologist George Wright's personal initiative and fortune,
proved to be short-lived. [17] Despite a
growing awareness of ecological ideas and the publication of specific
wildlife management recommendations in the groundbreaking 1933 study
Fauna of the National Parks of the United States: A Preliminary
Survey of Faunal Relations in National Parks, the NPS administration
renewed its emphasis on recreation and public use in its management
policies during the 1930s and 1940s. The widespread development of park
and monument facilities performed by New Deal programs further
solidified the agency's commitment to the utilitarian use of its sites
at the expense of scientifically based approaches to management. As
Sellars points out, however, many of the administrative efforts
undertaken during the early years of the Park Servicefrom recreational
tourism development to the implementation of natural resource management
initiativesprimarily affected the national parks. Most of the national
monuments received minimal NPS attention and remained outside the
purview of agency policies. [18]
This situation accurately reflects the status of
natural resource management activities at Montezuma Castle in the years
prior to World War II. The Castle was basically neglected for years
because of its designation as a national monument, and management
efforts there suffered as a result. [19] One
incidental benefit of this policy of neglect was the fact that the
resources at the monument were spared from the impact of large-scale
tourist facility developments, such as occurred at many national parks
at this time. However, NPS officials considered Montezuma Castle to be
first and foremost an archeological monument and paid scant attention to
the natural resources of the site. Because the agency had no policy in
place for the systematic study and protection of these resources,
research on and protection of the natural features at Montezuma Castle
depended on the personal interests and talents of the monument staff and
their families and on the efforts of independent researchers.
Even though the NPS administration ignored the
natural resources at Montezuma Castle for years, the lush riparian
vegetation and diverse faunal populations found in this location along
Beaver Creek were apparent to most visitors. Researchers Walter Taylor
and Hartley Jackson from the U.S. Biological Survey recognized the
scientific interest of the birds and mammals of the region, and in 1916
published the findings of a biologic survey they conducted throughout
the Verde Valley, including areas within monument boundaries. This study
includes information about the species that the biologists observed and
is a useful document for examining the changes in the regional
environment over time. [20]
Such a professional scientific study of the natural
features at Montezuma Castle, however, was the exception rather than the
rule for many years. Betty Jackson's study of birds was more typical of
the informal research conducted during the early years of the monument.
Soon after her husband, Earl, took over as the custodian at Montezuma
Castle in 1937, Mrs. Jackson began watching and later banding birds at
the monument and recorded her observations. Having a lifelong interest
in natural history and anthropology, she started watching birds while
earning her degree in geology at Vassar College and continued this hobby
when she taught at a private school in New Mexico. Mrs. Jackson began
the bird-watching and bird-banding program at Montezuma Castle out of
personal interest and because of the potential scientific information
she thought it could provide. Her column "Bird Notes" became a regular
feature in the Southwestern Monuments Reports and inspired
similar bird-watching projects at other monuments. She remembers that
Frank Pinkley encouraged her in this pursuit and was extremely
appreciative of the contributions she made to the monument. [21] Mrs. Jackson compiled extensive files that
formed the foundation for the research on the birds of Montezuma Castle
that continued long after the Jacksons were transferred from the
monument in 1942.
This example of a personally initiated natural
history study was typical of the research efforts at Montezuma Castle
and other national monuments in lieu of an agency-wide program to deal
with the study and management of natural resources. During his
assignment as the custodian of Montezuma Castle, Earl Jackson performed
several studies of his own on subjects such as the reptiles, insects,
and fish at the monument. Jackson's observations on these topics often
found their way into his submissions to the Southwestern Monuments
Reports, and he incorporated many of the specimens he collected into
the popular natural history displays at the Castle museum. It should
also be noted that Jackson began a program of rattlesnake elimination in
areas of high traffic at the monument out of concern for visitor safety.
Information gained from these studies was included in displays for the
nature trail constructed at the monument. In addition, Ranger William
Bowen spent time investigating the native plants of the region,
collecting samples for the museum herbarium, and adding plants to the
garden area along the nature trail. Reporting on his rare visit to
Montezuma Castle in 1941, NPS regional biologist W. B. McDougall noted
the numerous research and interpretation activities that the monument
staff were pursuing. He was impressed by these accomplishments,
especially considering the small size of the monument and what he
considered to be the limited natural resources at this archeological
site. McDougall wrote, "When there is a real, energetic will to do
biologic work it can be done regardless of the locality or the size of
the area at the worker's disposal." [22] Given
the NPS lack of commitment to the scientific management of natural
resources at this time, especially for the national monuments, the
dedicated efforts of the Montezuma Castle staff had to suffice.
During the period of U.S. involvement in World War II
and the immediate postwar years, the Park Service faced a drastic
cutback in its budget, programs, and personnel. The agency as a whole
was reduced to a "protection and maintenance basis," and issues
concerning the study and management of natural resources, which were
already a low priority, were pushed further back on the agency agenda.
[23] However, the long-awaited acquisition of
Montezuma Well following the conclusion of the war provided the staff at
Montezuma Castle with a wealth of natural resources to study. The
geological and biological features at the Well had attracted the
curiosity of visitors and area residents ever since the Spanish
exploration party led by Antonio de Espejo likely passed through the
Verde Valley and recorded descriptions of them in the late sixteenth
century.
Soon after the establishment of Camp Verde and the
increasing European American presence in the Verde Valley, numerous
articles and reports began to appear that described the unique natural
and cultural features around Montezuma Well and suggested various
theories about them. These accounts ranged from professional in nature
(such as the reports prepared by archeologist Jesse Walter Fewkes on his
observations at the Well) to promotional (such as the travel writings of
Colonel Hiram C. Hodge and the articles penned by regional booster
Charles Lummis) to mythical (as seen in the fanciful rumors that the
Aztec ruler Montezuma dumped his treasures in the Well). [24] One of the more popular topics for speculation
had to do with the origin of the Well, with claims indicating that it
was really an extinct volcano or had been created by a falling meteor.
[25] Authors also had various ideas about the
depth of the Well; reported measurements taken over the years ranged
from sixty feet to more than eight hundred feet without reaching bottom.
[26]
During the time when the Back family owned the
property, the natural features around the Well experienced some changes
as a result of both natural occurrences and the family's activities
there. Natural occurrences reported at the Well included a fire in the
early 1900s that destroyed most of the ash, walnut, alder, cottonwood,
willow, and sycamore trees located inside the Well interior; an
occasional bubbling of mud that appeared at the water surface; and the
collapse of a portion of the rock wall that surrounded the Well. [27] Notable activities of the Back family that
impacted the natural resources of the site included an unsuccessful
attempt to stock the Well with catfish and bluegills, the periodic
clearing of the outlet that affected the water level in the Well, and
the reported blasting of part of the outlet cave to enlarge it. [28]
Although members of the Back family claimed that a
number of different research efforts were conducted when they owned the
property, the scientific studies of Montezuma Well undertaken after the
site became part of the monument helped to dispel much of the
misinformation that had circulated for years and provided useful
information about the natural resources there. These studies, however,
were not part of any agency initiative to better understand and manage
the resources at this new addition to the NPS system; they came about as
a result of the interests of nonPark Service researchers. One such
study took place in July 1947, when Dr. Harold Colton and Edwin McKee of
the Museum of Northern Arizona (MNA) took soundings of the Well using a
string with a weight attached at the end. The deepest measurement they
recorded was fifty-five feet, near the center of the Well. Soundings in
other locations indicated the bottom to be saucer shaped, with two steep
drops occurring at different distances from the outer edges of the Well.
[29]
Colton returned the following year to conduct further
studies of Montezuma Well. This time the MNA sponsored H. J.
Charbonneau, a former navy diver, to make a series of underwater
explorations and gather information about the floor of the Well. With
the assistance of Dr. Colton, Ferrell Colton, and Richard Suraunt from
the MNA and of monument archeologist Albert Schroeder, Charbonneau made
several descents into the Well on 15 May 1948 using a diving mask and
compressed air (figure 36). The results of this research provided new
data about the depth and bottom surface of the Well, but also raised
additional questions. Eight years later, monument officials authorized
another underwater study of the Well. Alice Schultz collected various
plant and animal specimens while using an Aqua-Lung as part of a
research project sponsored by Phoenix College. It seems, however, that
Schultz did not produce a report on her findings. [30]
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Figure 36. H. J. Charbonneau and monument staff preparing for diving
research at Montezuma Well. Photos taken in May 1948 by Custodian Homer
Hastings, on file in the Montezuma Well office.
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In contrast to the earlier underwater studies at the
Well, the Park Service directly supported more recent endeavors,
indicating the agency's improved commitment to scientific research and
management over the years. In 1968, George R. Fisher and a crew of NPS
researchers used scuba gear to conduct an underwater archeological
survey of Montezuma Well and look for deposits of artifacts at the
bottom. Although the team recovered some ceramics and chipped stone
materials that matched artifacts from Swallet Cave and the pueblo on the
rim of the Well, the diving conditions in general were poor, and the
project produced disappointing results. [31]
The most recent diving research effort was undertaken in 1991, this time
using more sophisticated equipment and research techniques. The goals of
this project, which involved a team of divers from the U.S. Geological
Survey, included accurately mapping the bottom surface of the Well,
determining the depth of the water, locating the springs that act as
inlets, gathering information about the geological source of the water,
collecting water samples, and studying the flow dynamics of water in the
Well. The results of this project and the earlier studies added to the
growing body of knowledge about the Well's geological, hydrological, and
biological characteristics. [32]
Around the time of the MNA-conducted research at the
Well, other activities at the monument also affected the natural
resources of the area. In the late 1940s, monument officials authorized
a lease of the tillable land at the Well unit to the Montezuma Dairy
Company for growing oats. In later years, the monument leased
twenty-seven acres of its irrigated farm and meadow land for hay crops
and also allowed the incidental grazing of this area. One condition of
this arrangement was that the lessee would maintain fences and
irrigation ditches. Over the years, neighboring ranchers who owned some
of the rights to the water from the Well also helped with the cleaning
and repair of the prehistoric and modern irrigation ditches that
delivered water to them (figures 37 and 38). [33] Also at the Well, Allen G. Hely from the Water
Resources Branch of the U.S. Geological Survey measured the flow of
water through the Well outlet. The readings taken between 1948 and 1951
found the flow to be between 1,340,000 and 1,800,000 gallons per day,
depending in part on obstructions in the outlet. Through much of the
1950s, monument staff continued their informal natural history research
and interpretation efforts at both of the units, including ongoing
counts of birds in the region, the collection of native plants for an
herbarium installed at the monument museum, and studies of the
monument's geological features. [34]
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Figure 37. Top: Joint water users' ditch
cleaning project at Montezuma Well. Bottom: Traces of the prehistoric
ditch in the bottom of the modern ditch located during the
ditch-cleaning project. Photos included in the Montezuma Well 1956
Review Pictorial Report, Montezuma Castle National Monument Monthly
Narrative Reports, on file at the Montezuma Castle visitor center
library.
|
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Figure 38. Burro from neighboring lands
looking for water in a prehistoric irrigation ditch. Photos included in
the Montezuma Well 1956 Review Pictorial Report, Montezuma Castle
National Monument Narrative Reports, on file at the Montezuma Castle
visitor center library.
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The tremendous national growth of tourism in the
postwar years that inspired the creation of the Mission 66 program and
its plans for systemwide developments also resulted in new approaches to
the agency's management of natural resources. In contrast to the
rhetoric of the Mission 66 goals that indicated a strong commitment to
research and the biological sciences, the NPS biology programs continued
to languish and received just a fraction of the funding allocated for
development and construction projects. And, in place of expanding its
own programs for scientific research, the NPS continued its practice of
encouraging outside research done by universities and other government
agencies. [35] Yet despite the neglect of the
NPS research programs, consideration of natural resources did figure
into the Mission 66 plans formulated for the different parks and
monuments during the late 1950s. At the outset of the program, agency
officials viewed "controlled pattern developments"that is, containing
public use to designated areasas the best way to limit the impact to
natural resources and wilderness areas. This attitude reflected the
influence of landscape architects in shaping Mission 66 plans and agency
policies toward natural resources, as well as the weakness of the NPS
biology programs. During the course of implementing the Mission 66
program, agency officials thus continued to prioritize the values of
recreational tourism and public enjoyment over the scientific management
of sites based on ecological principles. [36]
At Montezuma Castle National Monument, Mission 66
planning documents advocated that the proposed new facilities be
restricted to the designated developed areas in order to minimize the
impact to sensitive natural resources. Although the plans recognized the
urgent need to expand the monument facilities to keep pace with the
explosive increases in visitation, they also noted the importance of
protecting and interpreting the natural features. Thus, by the careful
placement of the planned developments, preferably near ones already in
existence, officials hoped to concentrate the intensive use of the
monument in specified areas without compromising the integrity of the
unspoiled natural areas. Given the small size of the monument and the
patterns of intensive visitationespecially the recent trend of bus
toursthis proved to be a difficult task. Yet the landscape architects,
engineers, and regional officials worked with the monument staff and
agreed on a master plan that provided facilities to accommodate visitor
use at the monument while setting aside undeveloped areas for the
protection of the diverse vegetation, wildlife, and geological features
along Beaver Creek. The master plan also contained ideas for improving
the interpretation of the natural resources of the monument, such as the
enlargement of nature trails and the creation of displays on the
riparian habitat. Although in later years NPS officials reevaluated
several aspects of this master plan in light of continued regional
growth and different environmental values, the Mission 66 program
improved the general status of the natural resources at the monument.
[37]
It is interesting to note that the Mission 66 plans
make only limited reference to research issues relating to the natural
resources of the monument. As a result of NPS neglect of its own
biological research programs, outside individuals and institutions had
conducted most of the previous studies at the Castle and Well. In
particular, the Museum of Northern Arizona contributed significantly to
the natural history investigations of the area. In addition to its
sponsorship of the earlier research on the hydrology and geology of the
Well, the MNA cosponsored with the Western Speleological Institute in
1954 a detailed study of the outlet cave. Directed by Arthur Lange, this
project involved mapping the cave interior and gathering data about the
origin of the Well and cave. The MNA further demonstrated its commitment
to the cause of regional research by publishing Myron Sutton's bird
survey in its journal Plateau and by sponsoring a study of the
plants at Montezuma Castle. [38]
Although the 1961 master plan notes the need for
further scientific research at the monument, such studies would have to
originate from outside of the NPS. On the research questions about the
geology of the monument, the master plan stated that "The questions of
larger scope must, in the main, be left to cooperating geologists; we
can assist them with on-the-spot reporting, collecting, and recording of
observations." [39] The agency's hesitancy to
support ecological research hindered its ability to make management
decisions based on empirical information about the resources of sites
such as Montezuma Castle. Eventually, the NPS created the Cooperative
Park Studies Unit (CPSU) program that linked NPS sites with
university-based research offices and helped systematically address the
agency's research needs. Yet prior to the establishment of the CPSU at
Northern Arizona University in 1988, scientific research on the natural
resources at the Castle and Well usually had to wait until an interested
individual or organization took the initiative. Fortunately, researchers
from Arizona's universities picked up where the Museum of Northern
Arizona left off and helped fill in some of the serious gaps in the
research program at Montezuma Castle National Monument.
As the NPS wavered in its commitment to ecological
science in the 1960s, it advanced natural resource management programs
that were typically more traditional in their perspectives, oriented
around practical matters, and carried out by park rangers. [40] Examples of such resource management issues
appeared in sections of the 1961 master plan for Montezuma Castle
dealing with topics such as fire control, forest insect and disease
control, grazing and browsing control, vegetation management, and soil
and moisture conservation. Although ideally a solid foundation of
scientific evidence usually informed these management concerns, this was
not always the case. Especially at a small archeological monument such
as Montezuma Castle, many natural resource management activities were
conducted when funding and staff permitted, never mind whether or not
they were supported by research findings. However, for urgent issues
such as fire control and insect and disease control, the monument
provided training to staff, supplied necessary tools and equipment, and
took preventative measures to ensure the protection of its resources
from disaster. [41]
Other important resource management issues addressed
by Mission 66 and later planning documents were the status of the
monument boundaries and the impact of changes to the surrounding lands
on its resources. Reacting to the rapid growth of regional tourism and
the development of the Verde Valley communities in the postwar years,
monument officials expressed concerns about activities at neighboring
properties and their potential to detract from the scenic and
environmental qualities at the monument units. Although much of the land
surrounding the Castle and Well was included within the Coconino
National Forest, grazing and rock-mining activities done under permit
created visual distractions and threatened to affect the natural
resources nearby. In addition, the recent subdivision of private
properties along the approach roads and in places visible from the
public-use areas of the monument raised concerns about incoming
residential and commercial developments that would compromise the visual
setting of the monument units. As it was, the boundaries contained only
the bare minimum amount of land necessary for the inclusion of the
protected monument features, with practically no buffer zone between
these features and the neighboring properties. Moreover, the existing
boundaries posed management problems for the monument staff; the
irregularity of the perimeter lines and their location along portions of
Beaver Creek made fence installation and maintenance extremely
cumbersome, thereby also making it difficult to keep wandering cattle
off of monument property. To resolve many of these problems, monument
staff recommended the expansion of the boundaries at the Castle and Well
units, and suggested that future on-site facilities be carefully planned
to minimize the impact of private developments to the viewshed. [42]
Following these recommendations, the NPS drew up
legislation for the enlargement of the monument boundaries in order to
prevent any unwanted developments or activities from occurring on the
privately owned lands immediately bordering the monument. Thus, by an
act of Congress dated 23 June 1959, the boundary of the Castle unit was
enlarged by 42.17 acres and that of the Well unit by 16.83 acres. This
act also authorized the secretary of the interior to acquire the private
inholdings within these revised boundaries. Though the NPS eventually
purchased the two inholdings at the Castle without great difficulty, the
acquisition of the inholding at the Well proved to be much more
problematic. [43]
The origin of this problem dates back to 1908 when
William B. Back conveyed to Benjamin S. Witter the property in question,
described at the time as "that portion of Lot 4 lying south and east of
Beaver Creek." This property eventually became part of the Soda Springs
Ranch owned by Virginia Finnie Lowdermilk, who later married Paul Webb.
When the NPS began investigations in 1946 regarding the acquisition of
the Montezuma Well property, officials surveyed the area and established
the location of Beaver Creek at this time. However, Mr. and Mrs. Webb
disputed the findings of this survey, contending that the big flood in
1937 shifted the course of Beaver Creek, thereby altering the property
boundaries. Despite NPS officials' numerous attempts over the years to
come to an agreement with the Webbs about this boundary, the issue has
never been resolved. And Mr. Webb's (Virginia passed away in the early
1980s) refusal to sell this parcel to the Park Service despite its
inclusion within the official boundaries of the monument in 1959 has
created a managerial headache. The agency installed fences along the
creek on a number of occasions in order to keep the boundary between the
monument and the Webb property, but floods repeatedly destroyed them.
The monument staff finally gave up trying to maintain a fence in the
floodplain and instead erected one set back from the creek on higher
ground. However, this situation has allowed Webb's cattle to cross
unobstructed from his land onto monument property and forage in the lush
riparian area along Beaver Creek. Thus, in addition to the agency's
failure to date to acquire Webb's inholding and to secure for the
monument its valuable scenic and natural features, the presence of
Webb's cattle jeopardized the riparian corridor within the monument. [44]
The NPS was more successful in its efforts to acquire
a small parcel of land located just outside the northwest boundary of
the Castle unit. Monument officials became interested in this parcel
because of the presence of an exceptionally well-preserved collection of
Pliocene mammal footprintsincluding those made by cats, camels, tapirs,
and mammothsembedded in the former shoreline of the ancient lake located
in the Verde Valley. Montezuma Castle ranger Myron Sutton identified
these footprints, located within the Coconino National Forest, in his
1953 survey of the geology of the Verde Valley, and subsequently
paleontologists and other researchers conducted a number of studies of
the rare tracks. [45] Because of the isolated
location of the mammal tracks and the infrequent visitation they
received, the Forest Service provided minimal supervision and protection
for this area, making the tracks subject to potential theft and
vandalism. To compensate for the lack of staff devoted to this site,
Forest Service officials decided in 1971 to construct a rail fence
around the tracks for protection. [46] However,
within one year it was determined that this fence provided little extra
protection to the tracks and actually caused a negative impact to them.
In addition, an article appearing about this time in a local newspaper
attracted increased attention to the well-known tracks and aroused
heightened concerns about the potential for vandalism. In place of the
ineffective fence, the Forest Service covered the tracks with soil until
a more permanent solution to their preservation and management could be
worked out. [47]
In the early 1970s, officials from the Forest Service
and the National Park Service discussed ways to provide better
protection for the fossil footprints and make them into an interpretive
feature for the public, but inadequate funding and staffing on the part
of both agencies precluded any immediate action from being taken. One
point of agreement, however, was both agencies' desire to transfer
responsibility for the footprints to the National Park Service. The
location of the footprints in an area removed from Forest
Servicedeveloped areas made it difficult for the Forest Service to
provide adequate interpretation and protection; further, the proximity
of the Montezuma Castle unit of the monument made it logical for the NPS
to assume responsibility for them. In a 1972 letter to Montezuma Castle
superintendent Edward Nichols, John Schafer of the U.S. Geological
Survey noted the unique qualities of the fossil footprints and
articulated the following reasons why the NPS should assume their
management:
I believe that the locality is uniquely worthy of
inclusion in the National Monument and of interpretation and protection.
This is so for such reasons as the extraordinary vividness of the
phenomena; the striking contrast between the circumstances of formation
of the tracks and present conditions; the ease of presentation in a
detailed geologic background (the 5-million-year-old Pliocene lake); and
the immediate proximity to the existing National Monument. I cannot
overstate my convictions that this is ideally suited for inclusion in
the National Park System, and that properly displayed it would be an
outstanding attraction to visitors. [48]
Although the Forest Service officials expressed their
willingness to have the NPS assume the protection and interpretation of
the fossil footprints, the transfer or exchange of lands between two
federal agencies required an act of Congress, which typically involves a
lengthy process.
The two agencies began efforts in the mid-1970s to
seek authorization for this land transfer. The urgency of this transfer
was emphasized by the arrest of two visitors in 1977 who were attempting
to remove a set of fossil camel tracks from the deposit on Forest
Service land; until better supervision and protection of the footprints
could be provided, they remained vulnerable to acts of vandalism. While
waiting for the land transfer to become official, staff from Montezuma
Castle lent their assistance to the Forest Service in the protection,
interpretation, and management of the tracks. Eventually the agencies
agreed on a land exchange, whereby Montezuma Castle National Monument
would receive the roughly thirteen-acre parcel containing the fossil
footprints and the Coconino National Forest would receive the nearly
five-acre parcel of land lying north of the right-of-way where
Interstate 17 crosses the northwest corner of the monument. After the
successful completion of compliance requirements, the land exchange
between the two agencies was made official by Public Law 95-625 dated 10
November 1978 (Appendix F). This exchange proved to be mutually
beneficial: the NPS was able to provide better management of the fossil
footprints and no longer had its property bisected by the interstate;
and the Forest Service, which already administered other property
affected by Interstate 17 rights-of-way, built on its working
relationship with the Arizona Department of Transportation and was
relieved of caring for the isolated fossil feature. Administrative
efforts for both agencies were facilitated by this land exchange. [49]
After the NPS acquired the fossil footprints,
monument officials worked on plans to develop an interpretive exhibit
with some type of shelter. To serve the proposed new interpretive area,
a small parking area was built nearby when the Castle entrance road was
reconstructed. However, this is the only development that has occurred
to date. A lack of funding prevented the construction of the planned
trail and exhibit, and the site was once again covered with soil to
protect the footprints. In light of the nearly one million annual
visitors to Montezuma Castle in recent years and the potential high
traffic at the site of the mammal tracks, the monument administration is
reconsidering the wisdom of creating an interpretive exhibit there. The
current levels of visitation already put serious strains on the
resources at the monument; the addition of a new interpretive feature
removed from the main visitor center area would only increase the need
for more monument staff and instigate more funding challenges. At
present, then, covering up the fossil footprints seems to offer the best
solution to their preservation. [50]
Even after the earlier enlargement of the monument
boundaries in 1959, officials continued to express concerns about the
changing context of the Verde Valley and the potential impacts to
monument resources. In particular, they identified the problems created
by the encroachment of rapid development of residential subdivisions in
areas adjacent to both monument units and the Interstate 17 interchange
proposed to be constructed in the northwest corner of the Castle unit.
Studies conducted in the late 1960s noted the various threats to the
monument at this time and suggested that the NPS foster cooperative
relationships with private landowners and local, state, and federal
agencies to coordinate planning efforts and minimize the impacts to
regional resources. [51]
In December 1969, a joint NPS/U.S. Forest Service
task force was formed and produced the study entitled "An Environmental
Integrity Plan, Montezuma Castle National Monument." This study made
recommendations regarding the resource management issues facing the
monument and resulted in a memorandum of agreement between the two
agencies for the purpose of protecting and preserving the environmental
integrity of the area. The agreement established the Montezuma Castle
Backdrop Management Unit, an environmental scenic zone surrounding the
monument on lands within the Coconino National Forest. It further
stipulated that both agencies would mutually pursue an active program to
acquire all private inholdings within the monument and the Backdrop
Management Unit. In addition, the agreement provided for the annual
review of the environmental quality at the monument and allowed for
changes in the Backdrop Management Unit to be made as needed (figure
39). [52]
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Figure 39. Montezuma Castle National Monument Environmental
Backdrop Unit. Included in Final Master Plan, Montezuma Castle and
Tuzigoot National Monuments, October 1975, 34. (click on image for an enlargement in a new window)
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Both responses to the regional changes taking place
as a result of the growth and development of the Verde Valley as well as
values and ideas from the emerging environmental movement informed the
concerns about the natural resources at the monument and the creation of
the Montezuma Castle Backdrop Management Unit. The activism of
environmentalist groups during the 1960s and 1970s fostered a greater
awareness within the Park Service and the general public about the ideas
of ecological science. Yet the NPS was not immediately receptive to some
of the environmentalists' challenges. The agency received sharp
criticism at this time for the impact of the Mission 66 developments on
park areas, the inappropriateness of the modern design of many of the
new facilities, and its development of new recreation areas. NPS
Director Conrad Wirth, a landscape architect by training and an ardent
supporter of developing and managing parks for recreational tourism and
public use, resented the questioning of the agency's priorities and
continued the practice of dealing with resource management issues
through controlled pattern development. However, the issuance in 1963 of
findings from two different independent studies pointed out the agency's
marginal commitment to ecological principles and scientific research in
the past and engendered a rethinking of the purpose and policies of park
management. The Leopold Report and the National Academy Report advocated
the integration of ecological perspectives in resource management
decisions and contributed to the heightened role of scientific research
within the agency during the 1960s and 1970s. [53]
The changing attitudes toward environmental issues at
this time lent support to new ideas about resource management at
Montezuma Castle and Well. Although the creation of the Backdrop
Management Unit helped protect the environmental integrity of the area
surrounding the monument units, the continued growth and development of
the Verde Valley and the steadily increasing visitation to regional
attractions (including the Castle and Well) placed added strains on the
monument facilities and caused NPS officials to reconsider the placement
and nature of the physical developments within the monument. Taking into
consideration this altered regional context and the need to maximize the
efficient use of space and facilities, the master plan prepared in 1975
called for a reappraisal of the physical developments of the monument as
they related to the present and future program as well as to
administrative needs.
In contrast to earlier ideas of self-containment that
guided monument developments, this plan recommended that only facilities
performing essential on-site functions remain within the monument
boundaries. Other functions, such as staff housing, maintenance
operations, visitor orientation, and parking could be moved to proposed
shared community facilities. By removing some of these functions to
off-site locations, space within monument boundaries would be freed up
to reduce congestion and to accommodate more efficiently the intensive
visitor use of both units.
The proposals made in the 1975 master plan also
promised to benefit indirectly some of the natural resources and
features at the monument. For example, the implementation of a public
transportation system between the Yavapai-Apache Cultural Center and the
monument would improve air quality in addition to reducing visitor
traffic and congestion. The proposed relocation of the maintenance,
administration, and residential facilities at the Castle unit would
allow for the restoration of the riparian area along Beaver Creek, thus
protecting valuable habitat and creating an interesting new interpretive
area. And the removal of the staff residences at the Well would clear
the ancient Sinagua farmlands of all modern developments in order to
protect the natural and cultural resources there and provide an
opportunity to interpret another aspect of the prehistoric setting at
the monument. In addition to these proposed structural changes, the
master plan recommended incorporating new themes into the monument
interpretive program to explore issues of past, present, and future
relationships between humans and nature in the Verde Valley. Despite
these ambitious ideas, the only major change that took place was the
relocation of the administrative, visitor orientation, and maintenance
functions of the monument to the new Yavapai-Apache Cultural Center. [54]
Although many of the proposals from the 1975 master
plan were not implemented, the ideas expressed in this document reflect
the growing influence of ideas and values from the environmental
movement on NPS management efforts at this time. The environmental
debates of the 1960s and 1970s caused the agency to rethink its
responsibilities to nature conservation and engendered renewed resource
management and research science activities within the system. Another
product of the environmental activism from this era was the passage of
legislation that affected the activities of federal agencies in a
variety of different ways. The new laws included the Wilderness Act
(1964), the Endangered Species Act (1973), the Clean Air Act (1990, as
amended), the Clean Water Act (1972, as amended), the Land and Water
Conservation Fund Act (1964), and the National Environmental Policy Act
(1969). These laws established new regulations and compliance criteria
governing the management of natural resources and required federal
agencies to devote substantial time and energy toward their fulfillment.
In particular, the National Environmental Policy Act has had a profound
impact on the theory and practice of NPS resource management efforts.
This act mandates that all federal agencies take account of any adverse
environmental impacts that would result from a proposed undertaking and
consider them alongside the impacts from alternative actions. The spirit
of this act seeks the preservation of important historic, cultural, and
natural aspects of our national heritage and calls on agencies to
support this cause by following established procedures in their
decision-making processes. This legislation also promotes efforts to
enrich the understanding of ecological systems and encourages the use of
scientific research to provide baseline knowledge about environmental
resources so that potential impacts can be better monitored, analyzed,
and, ideally, avoided. [55]
As a result of the National Environmental Policy Act
and the other environmental legislation of the 1960s and 1970s, the
National Park Service found itself with greater responsibilities to
research and resource management. To comply with these laws, agency
officials incorporated perspectives from both the natural and social
sciences in their study of existing natural conditions, the historic
changes to them, and the resource management needs for each unit in the
NPS system. The information gained from this approach contributed to the
preparation of resource management plans, environmental assessments,
land protection plans, and other required management documents.
At Montezuma Castle, such plans and reports resulted
in a notable increase in the attention devoted to the natural resources
at the monument. In particular, the preparation of natural and cultural
resource management plans in 1975 and 1996 increased the emphasis of
ecological and environmental perspectives in management decisions. The
staff at the monument has also completed environmental assessments that
carefully evaluate the effects of proposed actions and present
alternative management and development proposals. The initial instances
of such efforts represented the first time that the NPS systematically
considered the protection of the natural resources at Montezuma Castle.
The philosophies and mandates set out in the environmental legislation
of the 1960s and 1970s continue to shape the current management
approaches at the monument and have been complemented over the years by
amendments, new legislation, and new NPS policies. The resulting plans
and reports have added to the understanding of the natural resources of
the monument and have identified challenges to their long-term
protection. [56]
Yet despite the increased consideration of
environmental issues in these documents, the limited budget and staff
for the monument have severely compromised the implementation of natural
resource management programs and the realization of the stated goals at
Montezuma Castle. The Natural and Cultural Resources Management Plan
prepared in February 1996 addresses these shortcomings:
Montezuma Castle National Monument has a small staff,
with no single position having full-time responsibility for either
cultural or natural resources planning or protection. Current staffing
levels are sufficient to allow for the continuance of minimum levels of
natural resource protection through such activities as pest management,
tree hazard removal and other vegetation management activities, program
administration, and the preparation of a management plan for prehistoric
Sinaguan fields. . . . An indication of the resource funding shortage at
the monument is provided by the fact that the total project funding for
both cultural and natural resources programs in the last five years at
Montezuma Castle has been only about $55,000. This funding has come
entirely from cultural cyclic maintenance, natural resource regional
rotating base funds, cultural resource preservation funds, and fee
enhancement funds. Increased base funding is needed by the monument to
adequately do the job at hand. [57]
This plan additionally notes the dire need for a
full-time professional resource manager to address the various cultural
and natural resource issues at both Montezuma Castle and Tuzigoot
National Monuments. However, until the National Park Service commits
substantial funding to increase the base funding for resource management
programs at the monument, this situation will likely change little. [58]
In lieu of a more active program for dealing with
major threats to the natural resources at Montezuma Castle, the agency
has had to resort in recent years to indirect means to provide
provisional protection. In one such attempt, Superintendent Henderson
and the monument staff divided the Castle and Well units into four
different management zones. These zonesnatural, historic, development,
and special usetake account of the locations of the important monument
resources and attempt to limit adverse impacts to them by restricting
intensive activities and uses to specified areas. Reminiscent of the
controlled pattern developments NPS officials advocated during the
Mission 66 era, these management zones provide only limited protection
and reflect the continued influence of tourism and visitor use in
shaping monument management policies. [59]
Another recent pursuit concerning natural resources
involves the rethinking of the interpretive story at the monument to
emphasize more strongly the relationship between the regional
environment and cultural developments over time. NPS officials have
identified the lush resources of the riparian areas along Beaver Creek
as important features that can serve to foster an understanding of the
prehistoric setting and cultural activities of the Verde Valley. In
addition to protecting these areas for their inherent natural qualities,
administrators for the monument reason that because of their
interpretive and educational potential, "it is essential to protect and
preserve the ecological processes that created the cultural setting."
Interpretive developments that would explore the connection between the
natural landscape and cultural features of the monument have been
proposed for the riparian corridor that passes through the Castle unit
and at the prehistoric Sinaguan fields at the Well unit. However, little
beyond the initiation of management studies has been accomplished to
date to realize these interpretive plans. [60]
As noted earlier, the Verde River is the central
feature of both the cultural and natural setting for the Verde Valley.
NPS officials as well as representatives of other agencies and community
groups have duly given their attention to the river and the other water
resources of the region. Over the past two decades, much of the natural
resource management program at Montezuma Castle and Well has centered
around issues relating to these water resources. The changing patterns
of regional land and water use during this time have raised concerns
about water rights, water quality, aquifer protection, floodplain
regulation, instream mining, instream flow, riparian habitats, wildlife,
and endangered species. The need for greater study of the regional water
resources was called into sharp relief in 1979 when the Northern Arizona
Council of Governments identified the Verde Valley as the area with the
highest water-quality planning priority in northern Arizona. This
determination precipitated several subsequent regional hydrological
research endeavors sponsored by groups such as the Arizona Department of
Water Resources, the U.S. Geological Survey, and the National Park
Service. Concerns about the regional water resources also prompted the
formation in 1989 of the Verde River Corridor Project, a planning effort
involving numerous local, state, and federal participants. [61]
Playing a role in these regional efforts, the
National Park Service has sponsored research on the hydrogeology and on
both the surface water and groundwater resources of the area. In
cooperation with the U.S. Geological Survey, the agency has also
monitored the discharge from Montezuma Well. Plus, the monument
administration oversees the water claims on the discharge from the Well
and coordinates the distribution of this water through the network of
prehistoric and historic irrigation ditches. Because of the increasing
demands that urban growth, agriculture, and commercial uses have placed
on water resources, the coordination of water rights in the Verde Valley
has grown more complicated and contested. The monument staff has
attempted to balance, on the one hand, the delivery of discharge from
Montezuma Well to downstream users and, on the other, the protection of
the aquatic and riparian habitats at the monument. In recent years, the
Water Resources Management Plan developed for Montezuma Castle and
Tuzigoot National Monuments in 1992 has guided these efforts. This
document takes into consideration the characteristics of the water
resources, the legislative requirements, the various demands for water,
the management goals and objectives for the monument, and the results of
previous research on changes in the quantity and quality of the regional
water resources. [62]
The growing body of technical literature and the
management policies affecting the water and other natural resources at
Montezuma Castle and Well have benefited notably from the various
scientific research efforts conducted at the monument during the past
thirty years. However, as a result of the National Park Service's
wavering ideological and fiscal commitment to supporting research
science and ecological principles during this time, investigators
affiliated with universities, institutions, and other government
agencies have done much of this research. In particular, natural history
studies conducted at Montezuma Well by professors from universities in
Arizona began to address the research needs of the monument in the years
following the completion of the Mission 66 projects. In some sense, this
new wave of research resumed the earlier work done by the staff from the
Museum of Northern Arizona. The resulting studies have added a wealth of
new data about the natural resources at the monument and have informed
management policies and activities over the years. The bibliography of
this literature dealing with the natural resources at Montezuma Castle
National Monument has expanded tremendously since the mid-1960s. [63]
Two researchers stand out for the exceptional
contributions they have made to the scientific understanding of the
natural resources at Montezuma Well: Dr. Gerald A. Cole, a professor of
zoology at Arizona State University, and Dr. Dean W. Blinn, a professor
of biological sciences at Northern Arizona University. Dr. Cole began
his limnological studies of Montezuma Well in 1960 with the assistance
of a two-year grant from the National Science Foundation. The final
report from this research project included a detailed mapping of the
Well basin and technical data about the geology, water chemistry, flows,
and biotic activity within the Well. [64]
Cole's subsequent studies at the Montezuma Well unit have dealt with
topics such as the value of the irrigation ditch system, the unique
features of the area habitat, characteristics of the water chemistry and
flow, and endemic species of amphipods found in the Well. Since the
early 1980s, Dr. Blinn has actively researched the zoological and
botanical species found in Montezuma Well. He has coauthored a number of
articles and reports detailing the unique characteristics and
interactions of organisms at the Well, including varieties of algae,
amphipods, water scorpions, and leeches. These studies have provided
valuable information about unusual life forms that have evolved and
adapted to the aquatic environment in the Well.
However, despite the research conducted by Cole,
Blinn, and others, significant gaps remained in understanding the
monument ecosystems and threats to them. Because NPS science programs
revolved largely around resource management and compliance issues in the
1960s and 1970s, the agency offered little direct support to scientific
research efforts, particularly at national monuments such as Montezuma
Castle that were primarily regarded in terms of their cultural
resources. NPS officials therefore continued to encourage and capitalize
on research conducted by outside agencies and institutions. In 1970, the
agency formalized arrangements to meet its research needs when it
established at the University of Washington the first Cooperative Park
Studies Unita university-based scientific research office that drew upon
the resources and skills of the university community to address the
particular research problems that NPS units faced. [65]
Montezuma Castle National Monument benefited from the
establishment of the CPSU at Northern Arizona University in October
1988. Conceptualized for coordinating research efforts on an ecosystem
basis, the Colorado Plateau Research Station (CPRS), as it became known
following its transfer to the National Biological Service in 1993,
serves thirty-three Park Service units located within the Colorado
Plateau. Although late in coming, the creation of this CPSU signaled the
agency's recognition of the natural resources of the area and its
growing commitment to incorporate ecological principles in its
management policies. The CPRS utilizes the physical resources and
faculty expertise at Northern Arizona University to provide scientific
and technical guidance for the effective management of the natural and
cultural resources at the NPS units within its jurisdiction. [66]
The staff from Montezuma Castle and the CPRS worked
together to target the most serious research needs at the monument and
developed a plan to address them. Despite earlier research efforts,
there were still critical deficiencies in the baseline information about
the flora, fauna, water, soils, air, and geology at the monument units.
These deficiencies became particularly apparent as the ongoing growth in
monument visitation threatened to impact the natural resources. The
National Park Service's prior consideration of Montezuma Castle mainly
in terms of its cultural resources and its lack of fiscal and staff
support for resource management programs precluded earlier systematic
studies of natural resources that could have helped guide management
policies and prevented damage to the resources. According to
Superintendent Glen Henderson, had such research efforts been initiated
earlier, resource protection efforts would have been greatly facilitated
over the years, and management plans would have focused greater
attention on issues concerning particular natural resources. [67]
Although the lack of funding and staff continues to
challenge the natural resource management goals at Montezuma Castle, the
CPRS has made a tremendous contribution to understanding and protecting
the natural resources. The ongoing CPRS research projects include
natural resource inventories and monitoring, bibliographic and archival
overviews, and the mapping of resources. Reports have been completed to
date on fish and aquatic herpetofauna, aquatic invertebrates and plants,
historic photos, and small mammal communities at the monument. Studies
in progress treat topics such as terrestrial invertebrates, vegetation
mapping, information management, and birds. This CPRS-conducted research
helps the monument staff to fill in the gaps in the baseline data on the
natural resources of the monument and to extend the minimal NPS funding
devoted to natural resource management issues.
The information collected from these recent research
efforts will help to shape management policies affecting the natural
resources at Montezuma Castle National Monument well into the
twenty-first century. Considering the dramatic changes that have already
taken place in the Verde Valley in the years since World War II, it is
imperative that action be taken quickly to gain an understanding of and
to protect these resources before they are forever lost. It is also
important that NPS officials incorporate the results of this research
into the development of a vision for the future of the monument. This
vision should attempt to anticipate changes in the regional population
and development, the demand for resources, the visitation to and use of
the monument, and the possibilities for partnerships with other
stakeholders in the region. Yet though such a vision looks ahead to the
future, it also reflects the attitudes, values, and perceptions that
shape our present relationship with the landscape. The management
activities affecting the natural resources at Montezuma Castle are but
the latest in a long line of human interactions with the environment of
the Verde Valley. Hopefully we can learn from the successes and failures
of those who preceded us here to create a balanced relationship that
respects the natural features of the area and nurtures a vibrant and
prosperous regional community.
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