SANTA FE Special History Study

¹Jack Rittenhouse's fine The Santa Fe Trail: A Historical Bibliography (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1971) is entirely devoted to materials pertinent to the trail.

²William Patrick O'Brien reaches a similar conclusion after examining the economic activities of Missouri merchants, "Independence, Missouri's trade with Mexico, 1827-1860: A Study in International Consensus and Cooperation," unpublished dissertation, University of Colorado-Boulder, 1994.

³Thomas D. Hall in Social Change in the Southwest, 1350-1880 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989), agrees that the ricos benefited from the trade, but attributes their economic gains to their dependence on American traders, 154-166.

⁴The terms New Mexican and hispano are used interchangeably to identify individuals with hispanic names living and working in New Mexico. It is not always possible to establish if individuals were born in the province, but for the purpose of this study, such distinctions are not always necessary.

⁵Few scholars have examined New Mexicans in the context of the Santa Fe Trail. David A. Sandoval has completed a dissertation, "Trade and the Manito Society in New Mexico, 1821-1848," unpublished dissertation, University of Utah, 1978, which addresses some of the issues raised in this study. He has also written a series of articles on New Mexican merchants, "Who is Riding the Burro Now? A Bibliographical Critique of Scholarship on the New Mexico Trader," in The Santa Fe Trail; New Perspectives, ed. by David Wetzel (Denver: Colorado Historical Society, 1987); "Montezuma's Merchants: Mexican Traders on the Santa Fe Trail, in Adventure on the Santa Fe Trail, ed. by Leo Oliva (Topeka: Kansas State Historical Society, 1988), 37-60, and "Gnat, Goods, and Greasers: Mexican Merchants on the Santa Fe Trail," Journal of the West 28 (April 1989): 22-31. Jere Krakow is another scholar who has examined New Mexican merchants, "Hispanic Influence on the Santa Fe Trail," Courier, October 1991, 21-23. Marc Simmons also made available to the author a copy of "The Mexican Side of the Santa Fe Trail," a paper he presented at "Rendezvous-1980," Santa Fe Trail Association Meeting, March 28, 1980. O'Brien, "Independence, Missouri's Trade with Mexico," stresses the importance of cooperation among merchants associated with the Santa Fe trade, 4-9, 169, 255-256.

⁶Mark Gardner, "Locomotives, Oxen, and Freight: The Last Decade of the Santa Fe Trail," summary of a paper that was to be presented at the Western History Association Meeting, Albuquerque, New Mexico, October 1994.

¹Of this loyalty and faithfulness the United States are probably more aware than the citizens of Spain. Cognizant of the abandonment with which Spain has kept this province, they [United States] have tried to attract it through various means. . . they have done this by means of a beneficial commerce, inviting us with benign and protective laws, to join this precious portion of territory to that of the Louisiana purchase. Juan Bautista Pino's book, Exposición sucinta y sencilla de la provincia de Nuevo México, is printed in its original form in Three New Mexico Chronicles, ed. and trans. by H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard (New York: Arno Press, 1967), 211-261. The above citation is from pages 224-225.

²Frances V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review V (1930), 93-115, 186-210, 386-404; Max L. Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road: Trade and Travel on the Chihuahua Trail (Norman: University of Oklahoma Trade, 1958), 34-35, 40-43; John O. Baxter, Las Carneradas: Sheep Trade in New Mexico, 1700-1860 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), 79; Alfred Barnaby Thomas, ed. and trans., Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), 178, 180, 345; Ralph Emerson Twitchell, comp., The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 2 vols. (Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1914), (hereafter SANM1, SANM2), 1299, 1342. The other two routes were the West Mexican Interior Trail, and the Mexican Coastal Trail. These trails greatly facilitated the spread of Mesoamerican culture, agriculture, and religion.

³Scholes, "Mission Supply Service," 187-88; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 28-35; SANM, 1342.

⁴Scholes, "Mission Supply Service," 188; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 34, 49. The most common efectos delpaís (local products) were piñones (pinyon nuts), salt, candles, buffalo hides, gamuzas (deer hides), weavings, blankets, and a coarsely woven cloth, sayal. It is not clear if the use of the wagons for freighting goods from New Mexico was legal, although the governors frequently took the position that the wagons, being the property of the Crown, were at their disposal after the supplies from New Spain had been delivered. James E. Ivey argues that it is unlikely that such an important resource as the supply wagons would have gone unutilized and returned to Mexico City empty. He believes that the conflict was probably over how much space the governor could legitimately claim in the wagons, "In the Midst of a Loneliness: The Architectural History of the Salinas Missions," Southwest Cultural Resources Center, Professional Paper No. 15, Santa Fe, New Mexico, Second Printing 1991, 206. For a general description of the local products that were being exported, see L. B. Bloom, "A Trade Invoice of 1638," New Mexico Historical Review 10 (1935), 242-248.

⁵SANM2, vol. II, 327, 456, 514, 1304, 1324; Henri Folmer, "Contraband Trade Between Louisiana and New Mexico in the Eighteenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review 16 (1941) 249-274; Henri Folmer, "The Mallet Expedition of 1739 Through Nebraska, Kansas, and Colorado to Santa Fe," Colorado Magazine 16 (1939), 161-173; Abraham P. Nasatir, Borderland in Retreat: From Spanish Louisiana to the Far Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1976), 86-106; Marc Simmons, New Mexico: A Bicentennial History (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1977), 79-81; Luis Navarro García, "The North of New Spain as a Political Problem in the Eighteenth Century," in New Spain's Far Northern Frontier: Essays on Spain in the American West, 1540-1821, ed. David J. Weber (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1979), 205; R. L. Duffus, The Santa Fe Trail (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1958), 19-27; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 55-56.

⁶After 1795 there appears to be a growing number of Frenchmen coming to Santa Fe, SANM2, 1888, 1942, 2010, 2023, 2090, 2484, 2565, 2646; Isaac Joslin Cox, "Opening the Santa Fe Trail," Missouri Historical Review 25 (1930), 30-66; Noel L. Loomis and Abraham P. Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967), 110-136, provide a detailed account of the diplomatic, political, and economic factors leading to increased French presence in the New Mexican territory; George Ulibarri, "The Chouteau-Demun Expedition to New Mexico, 1815-1817," New Mexico Historical Review 36 (1961), 263-273; William E. Foley and C. David Rice, The First Chouteaus: River Barons of Early St. Louis (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 176.

⁷SANM2, 1871, 1900, 1925 (32), 2009, 2291, 2340, 2714; Donald Dean Jackson, The Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike: With Letters and Related Documents, 2 vols (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966); Cox, "Opening the Santa Fe Trail," 46-66; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 12-13, 137-261.

⁸De Anza also claimed to have opened the road between Santa Fe and Arizpe in the province of Sonora, Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 367; Navarro García, "The North of New Spain," Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 367; SANM2, 1187, 1322, 1333; George P. Hammond, "The Zuñiga Journal, Tucson to Santa Fe: The Opening of a Spanish Trade Route, 1788-1795," New Mexico Historical Review 6 (1931), 40-65. There were other expeditions of this type. In 1787 Jose Mares went from Santa Fe to San Antonio and returned the following year, Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 288-315. Another expedition was led by interpreter Joseph Miguel who left Santa Fe in June 1800. Miguel was accompanied by two Indians from Taos and four genízaros and was to explore the territory from New Mexico to the Missouri, SANM2, 1490. In 1808 Francisco Amangual embarked on a reconnaissance of the territory between Santa Fe and San Antonio and kept a detailed diary of his expedition, SANM2, 2139; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 459-534.

⁹Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, provide the most complete account of the extensive travels of Pedro Vial; SANM2, 1187, 1321, 1322, 1323, 1333, 1953; Simmons, New Mexico, 95-96.

¹⁰Spanish documents referred to the Indians as naciones bárbaras, indios barbaros, salvajes, or gentiles. Spaniards, Mexicans, Americans, and the Indians themselves participated in slave-trading, a nefarious activity that continued to be quite common at least through the 1850s, see Leland Hargrave Creer, "Spanish-American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800-1853," New Mexico Historical Review 24 (1949), 171-183; Marc Simmons, The Little Lion of the Southwest: A Life of Manuel Antonio Chaves (Chicago: Swallow Press, 1973), 34-37; Thomas D. Hall, Social Change in the Southwest, 1350-1880, (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas), 123-28, 168-69.

¹¹For proceedings against "embarrassing" and illegal trading, see SANM2, 185, 339, 340, 402, 403, 414, 429, 497, 530, 740, 912, 913, 920, 1393, 2511; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 300-301, 306; William B. Griffen, Utmost Good Faith: Patterns of Apache-Mexican Hostilities in Northern Chihuahua Border Warfare, 1821-1848, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 6-7; Navarro García, "The North of New Spain," 210-212; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 380; SANM, 1393, 1670a, 1953; Foley and Rice, The First Chouteaus, 123. It has been claimed that the Spaniards did not want to rid New Mexico of the Indian menace, for most of the Indians made periodic trips to the settlements to conduct fairs of their own and traded valuable furs for trinkets, Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 16-17.

¹²Spanish objectives also included winning and holding the allegiance of the Indian tribes of Louisiana and the Plains, keeping those tribes hostile to all foreigners, specially the English, excluding unlicensed traders, encouraging friendly tribes to pillage French traders, inducing friendly Indians to cross the Mississippi from the east and to establish posts to encourage those crossings, controlling the Indians through carefully regulated trade, and keeping them in a peaceful frame of mind toward the Spaniards, Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 77-78, 80. The Spanish Archives of New Mexico contain large number of records documenting the resources spent in buying gifts and trying to pacify the various tribes, SANM2, 1025, 1228, 1287a, 1303a, 1320, 1366, 1395, 1400, 1410, 1428, 1513, 1633, 1769, 2076. After 1800 hostilities seem to have risen and by 1806 the Navajo chiefs were demanding gifts, SANM2, 1985; Griffen, In Utmost Good Faith, 12-18; Frances Leon Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974), 24-25, 163-170.

¹³R. L. Duffus, The Santa Fe Trail (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1958), 27; William deBuys, Enchantment and Exploitation: The Life and Hard Times of a New Mexico Mountain Range (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985), 69, 75, 94, 97; Leland Hargrave Creer, "Spanish-American Slave Trade in the Great Basin, 1800-1853," New Mexico Historical Review 24 (1949), 171-183; Marc Simmons, New Mexico: A Bicentennial History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1977), 85-86; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 306. Taos remained the most important fur-trading center in the southern Rockies throughout the 1820s and 1830s, deBuys, Enchantment and Exploitation, 94.

¹⁴Peter Gerhard, The Northern Frontier of New Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 161-243; Oakah L. Jones, Jr., Nueva Vizcaya: Heartland of the Spanish Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 117-147; John O. Baxter, Las Carneradas: Sheep Trade in New Mexico, 1700-1860 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), 42-43; Marc Simmons, Spanish Government in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1968), 12-13, 72-73; Moorhead, The Royal Road, 49-54. In 1805 the viceroy decreed that all goods bartered by New Mexicans at the annual fair in San Bartolome valley would be free from the payment of alcabala, Lansing Bartlett Bloom, "New Mexico Under Mexican Administration, 1821-1846," Old Santa Fe I (July 1913), 40.

¹⁵Enrique Florescano, "The hacienda in New Spain," in Colonial Latin America, ed. by Leslie Bethell (London: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 275-276; Henry Bamford Parkes, A History of Mexico (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1969), 100-104.

¹⁶Florescano, "The hacienda in New Spain," 276; Lillian E. Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico at the End of the Colonial Period," New Mexico Historical Review 7 (1932), 143-164; Parkes, History of Mexico, 104.

¹⁷MANM, roll 9 # 1142-1143; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 49-52; Jones, Nueva Vizcaya, 122, 186-188; Baxter, Las Carneradas, 43.

¹⁸Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," discusses how the peso fuerte or peso de a ocho, a silver coin divided into eight reales, was often cut with a cold chisel in two parts to make tostones, or in eight 'bits' or reales, 359-360; Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 113-114; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial, 5; Hubert H. Brancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888 (San Francisco: History Company, 1889), 277-78; SANM2, 247; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 50.

¹⁹Moorhead documented the extent of the New Mexico increasing economic dependence on Chihuahua's merchants, particularly as they obtained contracts to supply the garrison at New Mexico, New Mexico's Royal Road, 52-54.

²⁰Florescano, "The hacienda in New Spain," 275-277; Fray Juan Agustín de Morfi, "Geographical Description of New Mexico," Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 113-114; Marc Simmons, ed. and trans., Fray Juan Agustín de Morfi's Account of Disorders in New Mexico, 1778 (Isleta, N. M.: Historical Society of New Mexico, 1977), 14-21. The practice of mortgaging crops years in advance would continue through the nineteenth century, see Rafael Armijo papers, New Mexico State Records Center.

²¹Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 49.

²²Every European government, during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, followed mercantilism. This economic policy meant that the state directed all economic activities within its borders, theoretically subordinating private profit to public good. In particular governments sought to increase national wealth by discouraging imports and encouraging exports.

²³Lillian E. Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 145; Charles C. Cumberland, Mexico: The Struggle for Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 84-112; Henry Bamford Parkes, A History of Mexico (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1969), 100-104; Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 5-6.

²⁴Murdo J. Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," 340-341; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100.

²⁵Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," 340-341; Lillian E. Fisher, "Commercial Conditions m Mexico," 146-147; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100. For a detailed discussion of the taxation in the Spanish colonies see C. H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1947), 256-78. New Mexico was one of the provinces that remained exempt from paying the alcabala through the 1840s.

²⁶Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 146-147; Haring, The Spanish Empire in America, 256-278; Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy," 340-343; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100-101.

²⁷Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 147.

²⁸Fisher, "Commercial Conditions in Mexico," 147; Macleod, "Aspects of the internal economy, 342-345; Parkes, History of Mexico, 100-101; Marc Simmons, Spanish Government in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1968), 90-111.

²⁹Baxter, Las Carneradas, 44-60.

³⁰SANM2, 1844.

³¹Bloom, "New Mexico Under Mexican Administration," 47-49; David J. Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 1821-1846: The American Southwest Under Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 16-17; Simmons, New Mexico, 105-106. For a description of the political system as it operated in New Mexico between 1821 and 1846, see Ralph Emerson Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History, 2 vols, (Albuquerque: Horn & Wallace, 1963), vol II, 9-16.

³²New Mexico was one of the Provincias Internas until 1824. In that year it was joined to the provinces of Chihuahua and Durango to form the Estado Interno del Norte. The people of Durango protested vehemently, so finally Chihuahua and Durango were made into states while New Mexico came to be a territory of the Mexican republic. With the constitution of 1836 the territory was changed into a department, Twitchell, Leading Facts, vol. II, 7-8; Weber, Mexican Frontier, 25.

³³Pino was also selected as New Mexico's representative in 1820, but was unable to make the trip to Spain due to lack of financial resources, SANM2, 2937, 2940, 2993; Weber, Mexican Frontier, 18-19; Simmons, New Mexico, 105-106; Pino, Exposición, 224-225.

³⁴Pino listed bayetones (large woolen ponchos), sargas (serge), frazadas (blankets), sarapes, bayetas (baize), sayales (coarse woolen cloth), gergas (sp. jerga—another type of coarse woolen cloth), medias de algodón (cotton stockings), and mantelería (table linen), Exposición, 219.

³⁵Pino, Exposición, 227.

³⁶Pino, Exposición, 223-224; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 64.

³⁷Pino also noted the lack of doctors, surgeons, and even that of a pharmacy, Exposición, 228-229.

¹Without money there are no troops, and without them there is no doubt that my province is in danger. . .There have been some wicked dissidents who in my province are spreading rumors that it would be better for it [my province] to join the United States. José Rafael Alarid, MANM, roll 3 # 1068-69.

²New Mexicans were quite serious about autonomy. In 1822 electors from fourteen alcaldías (municipal districts) met in Santa Fe and elected seven vocales (representatives) to serve in the diputación (delegation to representative body). There was no authorization to do this, nevertheless these representatives met on a regular basis for over a year until the Mexican Congress formally sanctioned their existence, Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 19.

³El Fanal, Jan 6, 1835, pp. 5-6.

⁴Hira de Gortari Rabiela, "La minería durante la guerra de independencia y los primeros años del México independiente, 1810-1824," in The Independence of Mexico and the Creation of the New Nation, ed. by Jaime E. Rodríguez O. (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publication, 1989), 129-161. According to Lucas Alamán average silver production between 1815 and 1820 fluctuated between six and eleven million pesos, cited in Rabiela "La minería durante la guerra de la independencia," 145; Stanley C. Green, The Mexican Republic: The First Decade, 1823-1832 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987), shows that in the 1820s the value of silver production averaged 8.3 million pesos, but between 1822 and 1827 the mean dropped to 3.8 million, 112-113, 128-129.

⁵Lenders could charge an interest rate of 3 percent a month because capital had disappeared. Two thirds of it had been the property of the gachupines, many of whom had returned to Spain taking their money with them, and the remainder—accused of conspiring to restore Spanish authority—were to be expelled in 1829, Harold Dana Sims, The Expulsion of Mexico's Spaniards, 1821-1836 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 38-41, 136-138, 152-153; José María Quiroz set the amount of capital flight at 786 million pesos, cited in Barbara A. Tenebaum, "Taxation and Tyranny: Public Finance during the Iturbide Regime, 1821-1823," in The Independence of Mexico and the Creation of the New Nation, ed. by Jaime E. Rodríguez O. (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publication, 1989), 203. Government expenditures were often twice the revenue. Between 1821 and 1868 government income averaged ten and a half million pesos, its expenses seventeen and a half, Parkes, A History of Mexico, 178-179; Cumberland, Mexico, 136-145.

⁶Charles A. Hale, Mexican Liberalism in the Age of Mora, 1821-1853 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 254-257; Cumberland, Mexico, 169.

⁷Albert William Bork, "Nuevos aspectos del comercio entre Nuevo Méjico y Misuri, 1822-1846," unpublished dissertation, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1944, 11-12; Cumberland, Mexico, 170-171; Green, The Mexican Republic, 115.

⁸MANM, roll 1 # 703-705.

⁹Green, The Mexican Republic, 135; Bork, "Nuevos aspectos," 11-12.

¹⁰Green, The Mexican Republic, 134-135; Hale Mexican Liberalism, 255.

¹¹Hale, Mexican Liberalism in the Age of Mora, 257, 268-277. Taxation of foreign trade presented two major problems which promoted conflict and instability—supervision of collections and international trade fluctuations. First, given the high cost of transportation in nineteenth-century Mexico, the ports and border crossings were relatively far from the capital and other centers of population. If high costs of supervising the collection of foreign trade taxes allowed customs officials to pilfer from the treasury, the national government's dependence on trade taxes collected in the periphery threatened the government's fiscal basis The national government's main source of income was highly vulnerable to dissidents who found it easy to appropriate custom revenues to pay their own supporters. Second, dependence on taxation of foreign trade meant that revenues were subject to the vicissitudes of economic fluctations as well. With total revenues largely dependent on international trade fluctuations and business cycles, a decline in foreign trade produced government revenue shortfalls; Donald Fithian Stevens, Origins of Instability in Early Republican Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991), 12, 17-18.

¹²Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 13-44; Twitchell, Leading Facts, vol. II, 103; Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 125-26; Michael L. Olsen and Harry C. Myers, "The Diary of Pedro Ignacio Gallego Wherein 499 Soldiers Following the Trail of Comanches Met William Becknell on his First Trip to Santa Fe," Wagons Tracks: Santa Fe Trail Association Quarterly (November 1992), 1, 15-20.

¹³Cited in Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 128.

¹⁴Moorhead, The Royal Road, 195-196.

¹⁵The Franklin Intelligencer, May 8, 1824, page 2, col. 3.

¹⁶The Franklin Intelligencer, June 18, 1825; the same concerns were expressed in the November 4 issue, p 3; David Lavender, Bent's Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 61-64.

¹⁷MANM, roll 6 # 459-471; for Beaubien's guía, see # 469-470; for Wilson's, see # 471; in 1831 James Harrison received a guía for 30,000 yards of cloth, close to 150 dozen shoes, 22 dozens socks, silk, scarves, ribbons, combs, hairpieces, mirrors, hair pins, parasols, lace, belts, thread, knives, pocket knives, razors, snaps, saws, files, scissors, tin boxes, soap boxes, inkstands, ink, stoneware, crystal, shawls, threads for sewing and embroidery, thimbles, needles, paper, cinnamon, and many others. For a comparison between earlier and later guías see MANM, roll 4 # 1213-28; roll 7 # 743-757; roll 8 # 1341-1353; roll 10 # 367-382; roll 12 # 1133-1160; roll 14 # 176-319; roll 15 # 1018-1043; roll 17 # 1108-1123.

¹⁸The cuadernos (notebooks) de guías for 1826-1828 identify the specific amount of duties paid by each merchant, MANM, roll 6 # 472-514. Other cuadernos failed to record the duties exacted. The Aduana (custom house) records show that by 1835 in addition to the derecho de consumo custom officials were collecting derecho de reserva and derecho de alcabala, but the actual rates were not indicated, only the actual sums collected, MANM, roll 21 # 135; James Josiah Webb, Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 1844-1847 (Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1931), 80-84; Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 79-80, 265-268.

¹⁹Tenebaum, "Taxation and Tyranny", 201-214.

²⁰Green, The Mexican Republic, 135-138; Bork, "Nuevos Aspectos," 40-47. It should also be noted that the mark-up of 100 or 120 percent was not unusual; see Chapter IV for a look at contraband and Chapter V for a discussion of the rates wholesale merchants charged retailers.

²¹For example, there were eight different types of wines identified in the tariff of 1822 and each one was assigned a different duty; it would have been difficult for custom officials to have enforced such a variety of duties had they been the same throughout the period, but both the duties assessed and the categories of wines changed periodically, MANM, roll 1 # 724-725; Weber, Mexican Frontier, 149. Excessive regulation of products, like tobacco, also continued to be the rule, MANM, roll 1 # 565-568.

²²Before 1830 only those New Mexicans carrying foreign merchandise had to obtain guías, MANM, roll 10 # 513-574.

²³Beginning in 1826 local customs officials at Santa Fe kept cuadernos (notebooks) where they recorded most of the information from the guías issued. The cuadernos provide the most accurate account of the names of the merchants, muleteers, guarantors, the type and value of the goods traded south, and their destination. Some guías were not registered in the cuadernos. Many have been lost. Still these documents contain excellent sources for the study of the commercial activities associated with the Santa Fe trail before the Mexican War; David Sandoval's "Trade and the Manito Society," was the first attempt to analyze the role of New Mexicans through the study of guías; Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, ed. by Max L. Moorhead (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1954), 265-267; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 139; Susan Calafate Boyle, "Comerciantes, Fiadores, Arrieros, y Peones: The Hispanos in the Santa Fe Trail," paper delivered at the Santa Fe Trail Association Symposium, Arrow Rock, Missouri, September 27, 1992. Customs officials were expected to follow extremely complex procedures following the arrival of caravans from the United States. For the instructions issued to the Taos administrators, see MANM, roll 4 # 776-778.

²⁴Starting in 1831 the customs office at Santa Fe began to record the foreign merchandise introduced by all merchants. It is not clear if officials were required to do so, but in general these documents lack the consistency of the guías and are often missing, MANM, roll 14 # 182-187; roll 21 # 142-271; roll 28 # 730-760; roll 32 # 1598-1610; roll 34 # 1171-1210; roll 41 # 811-815; for Parkman's manifest, see MANM, roll 14 # 182-187; for his guía, see MANM, roll 14 # 243-249.

²⁵MANM, roll 1 # 724-725. At times New Mexicans were unwilling to perform their jobs according to the legal stipulations, and authorities in Mexico City were forced to insist that proper procedures be followed, MANM, roll 17 # 762-793. With the exception of tornaguías, which were issued in other custom houses, there is no evidence that regular communications were maintained with either terrestrial or maritime customs.

²⁶Requests for additional revenues became quite regular as political instability and conflict within Mexico increased; MANN, roll 1 # 1098-1099, roll 3 # 758-759; roll 12 # 1091; roll 22 # 940, roll 23 # 592, roll 24 # 663, 671, 674, roll 25 # 820, roll 26 # 336, roll 30 # 669, roll 38 # 608.

²⁷"La miseria de estas gentes llega a tal grado que me consta que ya se han comenzado a alimentarse con cueros de reses," MANM, roll 1 # 1098-1099.

²⁸"Extrañan muchísimo no saber para que se dirigen estas contribuciones tan anuales," MANM roll 3 # 758-759.

²⁹Daniel Tyler, "The Personal Property of Manuel Armijo, 1829," El Palacio 80 (Fall 1974), 45-48.

³⁰MANM, roll 22 # 940-976, 982-983.

³¹Manuel Armijo wrote to Pérez on May 16 and May 21, 1837 advising him that Mariano Chávez only had 600 pesos in cash and would be unable to meet his 1,500 pesos assessment, MANM, roll 23 # 353, 360, 592-96; Janet Lecompte, Rebellion in Rio Arriba, 1837 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985), 11-21.

³²MANM, roll 17 # 645. Concern about the dire economic circumstances which they faced appear in many documents, see MANM, roll 17 # 743-746, 747-754, 755-57, 762-764, 774-776.

³³MANM, roll 22 # 1075. There are numerous examples of public employees receiving their salaries months after they were due, MANM, roll 22 # 1061, 1079, 1082.

³⁴MANM, roll 21 # 568.

³⁵MANM, roll 22 # 1035, 1096, 1097, 1098; roll 24 # 663, 671, 674-75; roll 26 # 336-341; roll 25 # 820-849; roll 30 # 669; roll 38 # 608; in 1836 American Thomas Rowland lent the New Mexico treasury almost 1,000 pesos to pay for uniforms for the troops, MANM, roll 22 # 1096; subcomisario Francisco Sarracino provided almost 5,000 pesos to pay for officials' salaries and supplies for the troops, MANM, roll 22 # 1097, 1098; but the records show that in general New Mexican ricos contributed a substantial portion of these funds, roll 24 # 663, 674-675.

³⁶MANM Roll 22 # 1091-1092.

³⁷MANM, roll 21 # 847-852; Daniel Tyler, "The Mexican Teacher," Red River Valley Historical Review 1 (1974), 207-221.

³⁸MANM, roll 1 # 1475-1481; roll 3 # 219-285. Some of the census information is not reliable. The documents show a lot of errors in adding the reported figures; they often contain blank categories and some of the information is suspect. It is also not clear from the census if those who listed themselves as teachers were actually working in that capacity.

³⁹MANM, roll 7 # 2-5, 52. There is no record of any action on the part of officials in Mexico City to address educational issues in New Mexico.

⁴⁰MANM, roll 19 # 646-48; Weber, Mexican Frontier, 111-114; Lecompte, Rebellion in Rio Arriba, 9-10.

⁴¹Lecompte, Rebellion in Rio Arriba, 10. Pino noted that some men were ruined in a single campaign trading their clothing for ammunition or selling their children into peonage to perform their military duty, Exposición, 227.

⁴²MANM, roll 23 # 705-710; Baxter, Las Carneradas, 92-95; Frank D. Reeve, ed., "The Charles Bent Papers," New Mexico Historical Review 30 (1955), 344, 348-350.

⁴³Weber, Mexican Frontier, 92.

⁴⁴These patterns appear to have been equally applicable to many other regions along the northern Mexican frontier, Weber, Mexican Frontier, 94-95; for growing tensions between foreigners and New Mexicans see MANM roll 23 # 406-409, 622-23.

⁴⁵MANM, roll 1 # 260-261.

⁴⁶MANM, roll 6 # 947.

⁴⁷For examples of Navajo stealing see MANM, roll 5 # 491, 574-576.

⁴⁸MANM, roll 9, # 627, 632, 654, 658, 665, 834-835, 866-868; roll 10, # 941.

⁴⁹MANM, roll 9, # 805-806, 815-816, 831-833.

⁵⁰MANM, roll 9, # 1083-1112.

⁵¹MANM, roll 13 # 481, 559-583, 600.

⁵²MANM, roll 14 # 975-978.

⁵³MANM, roll 18 # 356.

⁵⁴MANM, roll 21 # 660-682; roll 38 # 540.

⁵⁵MANM roll 22 # 772-800, 809-826, lists of men eligible for the militia between the ages of 14 and 60 and they often indicated the type of weapons they had available. In 1836 many of them showed flechas (arrows). Officials also published lists of men who had to march with the regular troops in the campaign against the Indians.

⁵⁶MANM, roll 5 # 1322-1325; roll 8 # 387-438, 440-503.

⁵⁷The wording of the petition by Andrés Archuleta is, "como siempre ha sido estilo," MANM, roll 27 # 1031, roll 41 # 548-551; Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores, 62-63; Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 281; Simmons, Spanish Government, 185.

⁵⁸"Sin dinero no hay tropas y faltando éstas está fuera de duda que peligra mi provincia," MANM, roll 3 # 1068.

⁵⁹"No han faltado disidentes malvados que en mi provincia andan diseminando la especie de que le estaría mejor agregarse a los Estados Unidos del Norte," MANM, roll 3 # 1069.

⁶⁰MANM, roll 3 # 1071-1074. There is no record of the extent of the funds, if any, released by this authorization.

⁶¹The letter was signed by Juan Diego Sena, Antonio Sena, and Francisco Baca y Ortiz, MANM roll 4 # 702-704. For a concise discussion of the problems which plagued the judicial system, see Weber, Mexican Frontier, 37-40.

⁶²Letter signed by A. Armijo in 1828 stresses the "hambre y miseria a que se hallan reducidos estos habitantes," (the hunger and misery to which the inhabitants have been reduced) MANM, roll 7 # 1181; for Pino's letter see MANM, roll 8 # 1119-1126. For continuous problems with the judicial system, see Weber, Mexican Frontier, 37-40.

⁶³MANM, roll 9 # 1142-1143. There is no record of official acknowledgement of Alarid's request.

⁶⁴MANM, roll 13 # 601, 613.

⁶⁵MANM, roll 13 # 393-394, 601, 613, 630-642; it is not clear why this plan never received much attention; Santiago Abreu, the jefe político at the time decided to archivar (archive) the project, MANM, roll 13 # 642.

⁶⁶MANM, roll 13 # 635.

⁶⁷MANM, roll 23 # 705-710.

⁶⁸El Fanal, p. 56 Jan 6, 1835, "Dijimos en el aríiculo de que se trata después de quejarnos de esta indiferencia, que el Estado por conservarse rompería los vínculos que lo unen con la Nación Mexicana y se uniría a la República del Norte para salir de la abyección a que lo tiene reducido la guerra de los bárbaros y el abandono del Gobierno general." El Fanal was published between September 29, 1834 and September 22, 1835. Many of its editorials were quite critical of the central government and the paper was closed as a result. El Noticioso, the newspaper that replaced El Fanal explained in its editorial of October 2, 1835, the reasons for the closure. Rejoicing at the demise of the "subversive" El Fanal, "pues los editores de aquel periódico a fuerza de presentar al Supremo's general ante sus conciudadanos como un padrastro cruel, acaso alguna vez conseguirián alarmar a estos pacíficos paisanos. Las incesantes declamaciones de EL Fanal eran reducidas a persuadir que el alto gobierno no atiende con igual zelo al centro de la República que a sus extremos, no advirtiendo o afectando no advertir que si no sobran los recursos para exninguir la guerra desoladora que nos aflige, es porque tampoco hay los suficientes para cubrir las vastas asenciones que pesan sobre el erario federal. Hace el Gobierno supremo. . . cuanto está en la esfera de su posibilidad para asender a aquel objeto y por consiguiente exigirle más de un modo irritante es procurar el trastorno del orden; más los señores redactors de El Fanal jamás tomaron en consideración la crítica posición del gobierno para denostarlo casi en todos sus números, porque no ha disuelto como al humo a las hordas de los salvajes: lejos de esto incitan a la rebelión invocando principios del derecho público con que alucinan a los incautos." (The editors of that newspaper trying to depict the Supreme Government before the citizenry as a cruel stepfather, perhaps they would manage to alarm the peaceful countrymen. The never-ending declamations of El Fanal were limited to persuade the people that the government does not pay equal attention to the edges of the Republic than to its center, not noticing or pretending not to notice that if there are not enough resources to extinguish the devastating war that afflicts us, is because there are insufficient fund to cover the vast number of responsibilities that have to be taken care by the public treasury. The government does everything that is possible to take care of this and as a result to demand more in an irritating fashion in to look for upheaval and disorder; but the editors of El Fanal never took in consideration the critical situation of the government and insulted it in every issue because it has not dissolved as smoke the savage; far from this they [editors] incite a rebellion invoking the principles of public right with which they hallucinate the innocent).

⁶⁹El Fanal, p. 56, Jan 6, 1835.

⁷⁰Thomas Chavez, "The Trouble with Texas: Manuel Alvarez and the 1841 'Invasion.'" New Mexico Historical Review 53 (1978): 133-144.

¹The road to Chihuahua (and the interior of Mexico) was called the camino real, el camino real de la tierra adentro, and the Chihuahua trail.

²The records indicate that between 1821 and 1838 the only hispano who travelled east to purchase manufactures directly in the United States was Manuel Escudero, a merchant from Chihuahua, see chapter V.

³Franklin Intelligencer, Jan 25, 1825, p 3; June 18, 1825, p 3. Some scholars, like T. D. Hall's Social Change in the Southwest, 150, argue that this was an attempt on the part of Missourians to discourage competition; but the traders themselves complained that selling for a profit was quite difficult.

⁴The first surviving guías issued in July 1825 demonstrate that initially shipments were fairly small and consisted of a wide array of goods, MANM roll 4 # 1213-1228. By the 1830s the volume and value of the merchandise had increased considerably although there was a proportional decline in the variety of items, MANM roll 11 # 1133-1160, roll 14 # 188-319, roll 15 # 1018-1041; roll 17 # 1107-1123; roll 19 # 226-294; roll 21 # 273-398; roll 24 # 767-802; roll 25 # 1429-1467; roll 27 # 620-643; roll 28 # 753-799; roll 30 # 315-324; roll 32 # 1630-1663; roll 34 # 1202-1271; roll 37 # 392-535; roll 40 # 282-358; Webb bemoaned the fact that after more than three weeks and close to four hundred miles on the road he had only been able to sell 350 dollars worth of goods, Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 116.

⁵Gerhard, Northern Frontier, 24; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 64-65. Figures on the population of Nueva Vizcaya vary as Jones reports 190,159 for the census of 1821, Nueva Vizcaya, 245; Missouri newspapers also advertised the advantages of these markets, Franklin Intelligencer, May 28, 1825, p. 1; Nov 4, 1825, p 3.

⁶These patterns continued until the Mexican War in 1846, Robert W. Frazer, ed. Over the Chihuahua and Santa Fe Trails, 1847-1848: George Rutledge Gibson's Journal (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1981), 8. After 1846 changes resulted because Mexican duties made importation of efectos del país uneconomical; for a brief discussion of commercial exchange between New Mexican merchants and their Mexican counterparts, see chapter VI and VII.

⁷Gregg computed the distance between Missouri and Santa Fe several times; in all cases the total was less than 800 miles (the distance between Santa Fe and Mexico City is about 1660 miles, more than twice that between Missouri and Santa Fe), and he also commented on the poor quality of the drinking water, The Commerce of the Prairies, 217, 275; "el ideal carácter del territorio que se tenía que recorrer entre Misuri y Nuevo Mexico en comparación con el paisaje tan difícil de naturaleza en gran parte de la ruta interna," Bork, "Nuevos aspectos," 13.

⁸Gibson seldom made positive comments about native New Mexicans, Frazer, Over the Chihuahua and Santa Fe Trails, 14-15. He observed that women accompanied the men on trading trips, an observation that was confirmed by other travelers, ibid, 15.

⁹Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, 305; MANM, roll 23 # 900; John Adam Hussey, "The New Mexico-California Caravan of 1847-1848." New Mexico Historical Review 18 (1943), 8-9.

¹⁰Of the 476 dated guías eight were issued in January, ten in February, two in March, one in April, fourteen in July, 216 in August, 143 in September, 74 in October, 38 in November, and five in December, see Appendix I; Gregg's description of his trip to Chihuahua follows the norm, leaving on August 22, it took him about 40 days to arrive at his destination (October 1), The Commerce of the Prairies, 268, 277-278.

¹¹The Westport Border Star published a register of the men, wagons, and stock which passed Council Grove during the months of June and July 1859. During these two months more than 500 men and 1,000 wagons traveled to New Mexico carrying almost 3,000 tons of merchandise, July 15, 1859, p 3; August 12, 1859, p 3; according to the Trinidad Chronicle News some of wagons trains were so long in the late sixties and early seventies that it took two or three days for their teams to pass through Uncle Dick Wootton's toll gate, cited in Honora DeBusk Smith, "Early Life in Trinidad and the Purgatory Valley," unpublished Master's Thesis, Colorado College, 1930, 29; although many of these caravans were larger than the 1847-1848 convoy to California that involved 209 men (50 of whom were boys under 16), they probably also relied on very young males for much of the work, Hussey, "The New Mexico-California Caravan of 1847-1848," 1-16.

¹²See Appendix I.

¹³William B. Napton, Over the Santa Fe Trail, 1857 (Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1964), 16.

¹⁴Alvin R. Sunseri, "The Hazards of the Trail," El Palacio 81 (Fall 1975), 29-38. George R. Gibson traveling north with very light wagons noted that they were able to travel twice the distance as when they had full loads, but he seldom made more than twenty-five miles in a day, Over the Chihuahua and Santa Fe Trails, 12-13, 15, 28, 30, 33-36.

¹⁵Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 288-289; for a list of arrieros listed in the guías, see Appendix II.

¹⁶Frazer, Over the Chihuahua and Santa Fe Trails, 17.

¹⁷Cooke, Philip St. George, "A Journal of the Santa Fe Trail," Mississippi Valley Historical Review XII (1935), 72-98, 227-255.

¹⁸Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 128-129; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 87.

¹⁹Cited in Sunseri, "The Hazards of the Trail," 33.

²⁰Not all New Mexican goods traveling south were carried by mules. Some of them were hauled in wagons pulled by oxen, but it appears that until the Mexican War pack mules were the favored mode of transportation, Jose Ortiz y Pino III, Don José: The Last Patrón (Santa Fe: Sunstone Press, 1981), 5; Erasmo Gamboa, "The Mexican Mule Pack System of Transportation in the Pacific Northwest and British Columbia," Journal of the West, 29 Jan 1990), 16-28; Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 319; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 86; Janet Lecompte, Pueblo Hardscrabble Greenhorn: The Upper Arkansas, 1832-1856 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978), 81; Gregg asserts that even the nomenclature of the apparatus had been adopted by the Army, The Commerce of the Prairies, 129.

²¹Gamboa, "The Mexican Mule Pack System," 17-18; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 86-87.

²²John Keast Lord, cited in Gamboa, "The Mexican Mule Pack System," 18.

²³Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 87-89; Gamboa, "The Mexican Pack Mule System," 18.

²⁴Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 286; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 87; Gamboa, "The Mexican Mule Pack System," 19.

²⁵It is not possible to establish if these represented standard measurements of volume, weight, or value.

²⁶Subcomisario Francisco Sarracino admitted that the scribe had made an honest error in recording the merchandise of Eduardo Ara on November 29, 1835, MANM, roll 21 # 377.

²⁷For the cuaderno de guías reference see MANM, roll 34 #1215; for the guía itself, see roll 36 #1267.

²⁸MANM, roll 34 # 1205.

²⁹MANM, roll 34 # 1208, 1215.

³⁰For Tomás Baca see MANM, roll 21 # 278, 302, 311, 320, roll 22 # 1180 and roll 30 # 319; for Vicente Baca see roll 10 # 328, roll 12 # 1155, and roll 30 # 320; for Francisco García see roll 21 # 277 and roll 37 # 402; for José Montaño see roll 21 # 304, 307, 314, 336, and roll 32 # 1651.

³¹See Appendix I. The number and possibly the bulk of the shipments sent by hispanos was greater than that sent by Anglos although the value was smaller. For example surviving records indicate that in 1835 there were 19 Anglo shipments to 31 Hispano, in 1836 34 Anglo and 11 Hispano, in 1837 almost even, 24 Anglo and 25 Hispano; in 1838 12 Anglo and 40 Hispano, in 1839 32 Anglo and 77 Hispanos; in 1840 6 and 74 and in 1843 12 and 72 respectively; Gregg does not distinguish between American and New Mexican loads, but also notes the growth in value of the merchandise sent to Mexico through the Royal Road after 1831, The Commerce of the Prairies, 332.

³²MANM, roll 32 # 1206, 1639, 1648, 1652, 1660.

³³More than 300 individuals were listed as owners of merchandise. Some, like Agapito Albo, José Cordero, Francisco Elguea, and Manuel Escudero were from the internal provinces, but the majority were New Mexicans; Barreiro noted that, "New Mexicans trade quite actively with the neighboring provinces exporting annually flocks of sheep, hides, piñon nuts, coarse woolen goods, tobacco and other articles. Some have contracts in Durango for the delivery of fifteen thousand sheep or more for which they received nine or more reales," Ojeada sobre Nuevo Mexico, 287. Barreiro' s report is printed in its original form in Three New Mexico Chronicles, ed. and trans. by H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard (New York: Arno Press, 1967), 263-318. It is not clear if, and how, New Mexicans ever carried tobacco to the interior of Mexico, as its production and sale had been an important government monopoly throughout the colonial period; for the excessive regulations associated with the tobacco monopoly, see MANM, roll 1 # 565-568.

³⁴Their last names were Archuleta, Armijo, Baca, Chavez, Gutiérrez, Luna, Ortiz, Otero, Perea, Pino, Saavedra, Salas, Salazar, Sandoval, Valdez, and Yrizarri; one of the best studies of socio-economic conditions in New Mexico John O. Baxter's, Las Carneradas: Sheep Trading in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987) devotes an excellent chapter to the period prior to the Mexican War, 89-110.

³⁵The few surviving records for 1842 do not include any shipments of sheep, but surviving tornaguías and guías issued in Mexico appear to indicate that trading might not have been too different from that of previous years; Felipe Chávez's papers at the University of New Mexico and at the State Archives Center at Santa Fe clearly demonstrate the importance of the sheep trade at least through the 1870s; for a more detailed discussion of the sheep trade to California, see chapter 4 and Baxter, Las Carneradas, 111-150; Donald Chaput, Francois X. Aubry: Trader, Trailmaker and Voyageur in she Southwest, 1846-1854 (Glendale, CA: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1975), 113-122, 137-149; Walker D. Wyman, "F. X. Aubry: Santa Fe Freighter, Pathfinder, and Explorer." New Mexico Historical Review 7 (1932), 1-31.

³⁶In 1839 Juan Silva carried two bundles of domestic merchandise valued at 35 pesos 2 reales, MANM, roll 21 # 327. The same day Anastasio Sandoval took 14 bundles assessed at 38 pesos, MANM, roll 21 # 327. Two weeks later Juan Bautista Montoya hauled four bundles worth 46 pesos, MANM, roll 21 # 334. For Santillanes's pase (pass) see MANM, roll 25 # 1460. There were others whose loads were not appraised and who were likely to have carried goods not in excess of the above sums.

³⁷This assessment appears extremely low and might be a mistake, MANM, roll 32 # 1660.

³⁸MANM, roll 32 # 1648, 1652, 1654, 1656, 1658, 1660.

³⁹MANM, roll 15 # 828-835; for samples of exemption requests see MANM, roll 21 # 897-898, roll 23 # 705-710; roll 25 # 804.

⁴⁰Juan Armijo carried 1,200 common blankets in Aug 1839, MANM, roll 21 # 325; Manuel Armijo took 1,800 common blankets at the same time, roll 21 # 325; he had carried 20 tercios of blankets in 1835, roll 21 # 274; Juan Bautista Baca also took 460 blankets in 1836, roll 21 # 294; others, like Antonio Sandoval, Julián and Juan Tenorio carried smaller quantities, roll 21 # 324, 308, and 309; for Felipe Romero's shipment, see MANM roll 25 # 1445.

⁴¹See Appendix I.

⁴²For Agapito Albo see MANM, roll 19 # 323; roll 21 # 318. For Manuel Armijo see MANM roll 21 # 274, 275, 294, 299, 301, 303, 305, 325, 348, 349, 354; roll 37 # 393; roll 40 # 282; the fact that the guías include no information on Armijo's shipments of foreign goods to Mexico, particularly after 1839, is a good indication that a sizable proportion of the trading activities was not recorded by the Aduana (Customs) officials.

⁴³MANM roll 21 # 278, 279, 302, 311, 346; roll 22 # 1180; roll 30 # 319; roll 34 # 1206.

⁴⁴MANM roll 30 # 320; roll 37 # 397, 398; roll 40 # 314, 316.

⁴⁵MANM, roll 21 # 279, 311, 332, 1206, 1207; roll 34 # 1206, 1207. Pedro Córdoba is another merchant who appeared to have increased his relatively small investment. He made three trips in 1838, 1844, and 1845. He specialized in domestic merchandise and augmented the size and value of his shipments each year, MANM, roll 21 # 312; roll 37 # 401; roll 40 # 332.

⁴⁶MANM, roll 21 # 297, 314, 337, 360; roll 27 # 643.

⁴⁷For Diego Gómez, see MANM, roll 21 # 361, roll 34 # 1214, roll 37 # 407; for Salvador López, see MANM, roll 21 # 312, 355; for José Dolores Durán, see MANM, roll 21 # 312, 353; for Juan Miguel Mascarenas, see roll 21 # 326, roll 25 # 1467, roll 34 # 1208, roll 40 # 324; for Blas Lucero, see MANM roll 21 # 304, 333; roll 34 # 1207; for Mariano Lucero, see MANM roll 21 # 305; roll 34 # 1215; for Pedro Antonio Lucero, see MANM roll 21 # 329, 352; roll 34 # 1209; roll 37 # 403. There were many others who appear to fall in this category—Juan Miguel Mascarenas made trips in 1838, 1839, 1843, and 1845, roll 21 # 326, roll 25 # 1467; roll 34 # 1208, and roll 40 # 324; Francisco Antonio Mestas in 1839, 1840, 1843, 1844, roll 21 # 329, 361, roll 34 # 1207, roll 37 # 403; José Nicolás Montoya in 1839, 1840, and 1841, roll 21 # 338, 352, roll 30 # 320; Antonio Matías Ortiz in 1839, 1840, 1843, and 1844, roll 21 # 323, 354, roll 34 # 1207, roll 37 # 396; Isidro Ortiz in 1839 and 1840, roll 21 # 335, 360; Antonio Alejandro Pacheco in 1838 and 1839, roll 21 # 313, 327, roll 25 # 1449; Blas Padilla in 1839, 1840, and 1845, roll 21 # 327, 354; Manuel Antonio Sánchez in 1835, 1837, and 1839, roll 21 # 283, 303, 328; Jesús María Silva in 1840, 1844, and 1845, roll 21 # 348, roll 28 # 762; roll 37 # 397, 398, roll 40 # 286, # 321; Juan Tenorio in 1838 and 1839, roll 21 # 309, 333; Julián Tenorio in 1838, 1840, and 1844, roll 21 # 308, 309, 357, roll 37 # 399; Ignacio Díaz Valdez in 1843 and 1844, roll 34 # 1271, roll 37 # 396, 397.

⁴⁸See Appendix I.

⁴⁹MANM, roll 21 # 305; roll 34 # 1205; roll 40 # 283; roll 21 # 317; roll 21 # 316.

⁵⁰MANM, roll 21 # 356; roll 37 # 402; roll 24 # 759; roll 34 # 1209.

⁵¹Crampton, C. Gregory and Madsen, Steven K, In Search of the Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles, 1829-1848 (Salt Lake City: Gibbs-Smith Publisher, 1994); Antonio Armijo Journal, University of New Mexico, Zimmerman Library, Special Collections.

⁵²MANM, roll 21 # 334; roll 34 # 1202; roll 37 # 403, 405.

⁵³Hussey, "The New Mexico-California Caravan of 1847-1848," 1-16.

⁵⁴It is not possible to establish if García and Sánchez were from New Mexico. Sánchez received guías numbers 3 and 6. García's guía has not survived, but it is listed in the cuaderno, MANM, roll 6 # 463. 465, 474, 475, 477. For a complete listing of all surviving information on guías issued to hispanos in New Mexico and pertinent tornaguías, see Appendix I.

⁵⁵Jesús Contreras purchased one tercio of foreign goods from Solomon Houck, Aug 2, 1832, MANM roll 15 # 1028; José Francisco Ortiz from Z. Nolan, Oct 14, 1828, roll 8 # 1342; José Francisco Valverde from John E. Hardman, Oct 3, 1831, roll 14 # 250; Juan Vizcarra purchased from Luis Robidoux, roll 14 # 294, Nov. 28, 1831; José María Zuloaga, foreign merchandise purchased in the United States and in the area, Sep 22, 1845, roll 40 # 349; Vicente Baca, (possibly arriero for Antonio Robidoux), one tercio of foreign merchandise bought in the country, Nov 18, 1829, roll 10 # 382; Juan Felipe Carrillo, two piezas of foreign merchandise bought in Sta Fe, roll 21 # 360, Oct 16, 1840; José Manuel Sánchez, two tercios of foreign merchandise bought locally, Sep 4, 1845, roll 49 # 285.

⁵⁶Their businesses probably extended to many communities in northern Mexico; Vicente Otero made a significant purchase in Chihuahua in 1832 paying 1,541 pesos in duties, MANM, roll 15 # 1023; José Chávez dealt with wholesalers in Durango where in 1837 he purchased 50 pieces of foreign goods valued at 7,680 dollars, MANM, roll 24 # 802.

⁵⁷Juan Otero paid 100 percent surcharge on the merchandise he purchased from Manuel Alvarez, MAP, roll 1 # 458461.

⁵⁸Few guías survive detailing shipments of foreign goods, see Appendix I; for the most interesting ones, see MANM roll 34 # 1205, roll 37 # 397, 472. For José's guías see MANM, roll 34 # 1294, 1205, roll 37 # 394, 398; for Mariano's see roll 37 # 395; for Antonio José Otero, see roll 37 # 392, 395, 396.

⁵⁹MANM, roll 34 # 1233-1240.

⁶⁰The documents record 47 consignments. The most popular consignees were José Cordero, Juan de Dios Márquez, Juan María Ponce de León, Ignacio Ronquillo, Juan Nepomuceno Urquide, Juan Yzurrieta, and Francisco Zuviría; for a complete list of these transactions, see Appendix I.

¹"I continued my way watching those who were espying to see if the Americans were leaving any tercios, stopping for this reason several times along the road," testimony of Francisco Pérez Serrano, MANM, roll 8 # 514.

²For the occupational census of 1822 see, MANM, roll 3 # 214-285; for the 1841 census see roll 30 # 339-401; for the 1844 census for La Cañada, see roll 37 # 703-705. For the 1860 and 1870 census data, see Population Schedules, Eighth Census of the United States; Original Return of the Assistant Marshalls, Microfilm Edition, 14/6, roll 712-716; Population Schedules, Ninth Census of the United States; Original Return of the Assistant Marshalls, Microfilm Edition, 12/7, roll 893-897.

³Records kept by Felipe Delgado, who operated the Chávez store at San Miguel del Vado indicate the wages paid, Delgado Family Papers (Dingee Collection), 1837-1853; Marc Simmons, ed., "José Librado Gurulé's Recollections, 1867," in On the Santa Fe Trail (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1986), 120-133.

⁴Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 184.

⁵Charles Raber, "Personal Recollections of Life on the Plains from 1860 to 1868," Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society 16 (1925): 325; T. J. Sperry, "A Long and Useful Life for the Santa Fe Trail," Wagon Tracks 4 (May 1990): 14-17; Darlis Miller, "Freighting for Uncle Sam," Wagon Tracks 5 (November 1990): 11-15.

⁶Darlis A. Miller, Soldiers and Settlers, 308-320, 357, 359-362, 365, 369, 372-373, 377; Mamie Bernard Aguirre, "Spanish Trader's Bride," Westport Historical Quarterly 4 (Dec. 1968), 5-23.

⁷Richard L. Nostrand demonstrates that between 1790 and 1880 the New Mexican population greatly expanded. This expansion, however, though in part a result of increasing demand for local products, was mostly the result of the search for additional grazing lands, and it did not enhance the circumstances of most of the people who continued indebted to the wealthy, "The Century of Hispano Expansion." New Mexico Historical Review 62 (1987): 361-386.

⁸During the 1850s Rafael Armijo kept a notebook where he recorded the cash loans he made. Most borrowed small sums of money, but were forced to mortgage their future crops to secure these loans. In many instances they mortgaged crops two or three years in advance, Rafael Armijo papers, New Mexico State Records Center, Santa Fe, New Mexico, see Chapter VII. The 1860 and 1870 Censuses indicate that few native New Mexicans declared any real or personal estate property.

⁹Clarence L. Ver Steeg, The Formative Years, 1607-1763 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1964) 173-202; Susan Calafate Boyle, "Inequality and Opportunity: Wealth Distribution in Ste. Genevieve, 1757-1804," paper delivered at the Social Science History Association Meeting, Washington, D.C., October 1983.

¹⁰Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 332-333.

¹¹U. S. House of Representatives, Report No. 458 to accompany H. R. No. 358, 13th Cong. First Session.

¹²Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 159.

¹³Frank D. Reeve, editor. "The Charles Bent Papers." New Mexico Historical Review 29 (1954): 234-39, 311-317; 30 (1955): 154-167, 252-254, 340-352; 31 (1956): 75-77, 157-164; 251-53.

¹⁴Barton H. Barbour, ed. Reluctant Frontiersman: James Ross Larkin on the Santa Fe Trail, 1856-1857 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), 103; Robert W. Frazer, ed., Over the Chihuahua and Santa Fe Trails, 1847-1848: George Rutledge Gibson's Journal (Albuquerque: published jointly by University of New Mexico Press and New Mexico Historical Society, 1981), 21.

¹⁵John P. Bloom, "New Mexico Viewed by Anglo Americans, 1846-1849." New Mexico Historical Review 34 (1959), 182.

¹⁶MANM, roll 15 # 230-257; roll 16 # 1000-1014; roll 20 # 2-124, 126-150, 355-458; 522-530; roll 22 # 3-5; 6-192; roll 23 # 1046-1075; roll 25 # 262-368; roll 26 # 602-650, 681-729; roll 28 # 103-131; roll 29 # 168-177, 289-320; roll 32 # 2-12, 31-63; roll 33 # 752-772; roll 35 # 5-48; 227-257; roll 39 3-37, 143-162; roll 42 # 453-490.

¹⁷MANM, roll 8 # 662-663, 665-667.

¹⁸MANM roll 36 # 380-389.

¹⁹MANM, roll 5 # 1322-1330, case against Silvester Pratte for illegal hunting of beaver; roll 8, # 387-417, case against Vicente Guion for illegally owning 300 lbs of beaver; roll 15 # 162-170, case against Ewing Young; for a colorful description of the fur traders' adventures in the New Mexican territory, see Lavender's Bent's Fort, 59-89.

²⁰MANM, roll 4 # 707-708; roll 5 # 1322-1330; roll 6 # 851-852, 1017-1020; roll 7 # 204-247; roll 8 # 372-418, 448-504; 1319-1332.

²¹MANM, roll 5 # 1322-1330; roll 8 # 387-418; # 1319-1332.

²²MANM, roll 15 # 162-170.

²³MANM, roll 15 # 268-270.

²⁴MANM, roll 8 # 504-672.

²⁵MANM, roll 13 # 647-49.

²⁶MANM, roll 10 # 565-572.

²⁷MANM, roll 1 # 208; roll 8 # 1349-1353; roll 10 # 545-546, 556-558; 565-572; roll 15 # 909-910,1007; roll 22 # 505; roll 38 # 90; roll 39 # 222-223.

²⁸MANM, roll 8 # 440-503, 118, 1142; roll 13 # 647-49; roll 14 # 49-52; roll 15 #635-650, 835, 869-70; roll 16 # 311-312, 998-999; roll 18 # 400-401; roll 26 # 675-678; roll 39 164-239.

²⁹Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 75

³⁰MANM, roll 23 # 406-409, 622-623; roll 38 # 511-514.

³¹MANM, roll 8 # 505-664.

³²MANM, roll 8 # 505-532.

³³MANM, roll 8 # 533-536.

³⁴MANM, roll 8 # 538-552.

³⁵MANM, roll 8 # 604-609.

³⁶MANM, roll 8 # 611-630.

³⁷MANM, roll 8 # 631-645.

³⁸MANM, roll 8 # 645-660.

³⁹MANM, roll 8 # 661-664.

⁴⁰MANM, roll 14 # 49-52.

⁴¹MANM, roll 13 # 647-654.

⁴²MANM, roll 15 # 620-623.

⁴³Appendix I; Barry, The Beginning of the West, 437, 449, 455, 475-476, 486, 565, 571.

⁴⁴Documents indicate that after 1839 wealthy New Mexicans regularly paid a substantial portion of the import duties collected by the Customs Office, MANM, roll 28 # 698-719, 730, 736-38, roll 32 # 1598-1620, roll 34 # 1171-1199, roll 37 # 413-458, roll 41 # 811-812, but the Armijos (Manuel, Juan and Rafael) were not identified among those bringing merchandise in 1840 and 1842, nor were their names among the lists of those paying import duties.

¹It is somewhat tangled, but it is a way to make money. Letter by Damaso Robledo to Manuel Alvarez, October 29, 1846, Manuel Alvarez Papers [hereafter MAP], roll 1 # 598.

²Council Grove Press (Kansas), August 17, 1863; ibid., Sep 14, 1863; MAP, roll 2 # 557.

³Westport Border Star, July 15, 1859; Westport Border Star, Aug 12, 1859; Barry, The Beginning of the West, 1037-1038; Missouri Republican, September 8, October 21, and December 17, 1858; June 8, July 18, and August 15, 1859; Fort Dodge (KS) Records, frame # 227, July 23, 1867; frame # 272, Sep 1867; Sister Lilliana Owens, "Jesuit Beginnings in New Mexico, 1867-1882," Jesuit Studies - Southwest, Number 1 (n.d.), 32-35; "Preliminary Report of Survey of Inscriptions Along Santa Fe Trail in Oklahoma," Chronicles of Oklahoma (Autumn 1960), 310-322. The inscriptions, however, do not reveal if the names belonged to owners or freighters.

⁴The commercial activities of Felipe Chávez provide an excellent example of operations associated with the Santa Fe trail, see Chapter VI for the specific details.

⁵Barry, The Beginning of the West, 117.

⁶Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexico History, vol. II, 118; MANM, roll 5 # 575-576, 846-847; Barry, The Beginning of the West, 117, 132; James W. Covington, "Correspondence Between Mexican Officials at Santa Fe and Officials in Missouri: 1823-1825," The Bulletin, Missouri Historical Society (October 1959), 20-32; William R. Manning, Early Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Mexico (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), 177-186; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 66.

⁷Franklin Intelligencer, June 9, 1826, p 3. Unfortunately there are no official records listing the merchandise Escudero introduced in the Santa Fe custom house at the end of his trip.

⁸MANM roll 6 # 486.

⁹Franklin Intelligencer, June 9, 1826, p 3.

¹⁰MANM, roll 11 # 346.

¹¹This is the last guía that records the introduction of foreign merchandise through Chihuahua, MANM, roll 24 # 802.

¹²The postscript of Cordero's letter requested information on the effects brought on the caravan, their prices and quantity, MANM, roll 24 # 1039-1040.

¹³U.S., Congress, House, Committee on Commerce, To Establish Ports of Entry in Arkansas and Missouri, 26th Cong., 1st sess., May 1840, p. 14-16. On the other hand fluctuations in the mining industry in Chihuahua might have caused a decrease in the demand for foreign goods.

¹⁴MAP, roll 1 # 458-461; roll 2 # 618.

¹⁵For Cordero's manifest, see MANM, roll 27 # 603-12; for the guías see MANM, roll 21 # 341-342.

¹⁶Barry, The Beginning of the West, 383; information from surviving manifests and guías indicate that at least three leading New Mexican merchants participated in this trip—José and Mariano Chávez and Antonio José Otero, MANM, roll 28 # 698-699, 700-704, 730, 736-738, 750; see Appendix II for a list of all surviving manifests presented by Hispano merchants.

¹⁷MANM, roll 28 # 710-750. It is difficult to estimate the value of foreign merchandise coming to Santa Fe because neither manifests nor guías generally include an assessment of the value of the goods; a comparison of the loads from this period with those from the 1860s and 1870s reveals that with time their size and value improved dramatically. Another notable Mexican who brought a substantial amount of merchandise from the United States that year was Francisco Elguea (eleven bultos), but unluckily the value was not indicated.

¹⁸Barry, The Beginning of the West, 449, 455.

¹⁹MANM roll 34 # 1176, 1182, 1203, 1204, 1205.

²⁰Moorhead, New Mexico Royal Road, 124-125.

²¹MANM, roll 27, 603-12, 613-618. The customs official sometimes referred to the derecho de internación as derecho de alcabala, which is technically incorrect; it is not possible to ascertain how they assigned import duties; derecho de consumo was 15 percent of the derecho de internación, MANM, roll 28 # 702, 730 738, 750.

²²MANM, roll 28 # 699, 702-204. Gregg confirms that only five merchants traveled that year; he claims that only $50,000 worth of merchandise was shipped that year, the fourth lowest since 1822, The Commerce of the Prairies, 332. Information on the amount of import duties merchants paid in other years is sporadic and does not allow for a comparison.

²³Barry, The Beginning of the West, 430, 438; Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 332.

²⁴Webb, Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 111.

²⁵In 1841 Texas Governor Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar believing that public sentiment in New Mexico favored Texas in its dispute with Mexico City, sent a party of over three hundred armed men across the plains to assert Texas jurisdiction over New Mexico. Governor Manuel Armijo was warned of the Texans' intent and easily forced the surrender of the weary, hungry and thirsty Texans, Webber, The Mexican Frontier, 266-269; Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 337-345.

²⁶MANM, roll 32 # 1598-1603; see Appendix II.

²⁷MANM, roll 32 # 1607-1628; see Appendix II.

²⁸For Alvarez's manifest see, MANM, roll 32 # 1604-1606; for John McKnight, # 1590-91; for James Magoffin, # 1588-1589; see Appendix II.

²⁹Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 332.

³⁰Marc Simmons's Murder Down the Santa Fe Trail: An International Incident, 1843 (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1987) provides the most complete account of the incident in which Antonio José Chávez lost his life; Barry, The Beginning of the West, 475-476.

³¹MANM, roll 34 # 1171. Import duties had increased dramatically following the disposition of a decree issued June 27, 1842 with some fabrics paying up to 80 reales (10 dollars) per vara. The special tax on knitted fabrics was dropped and the derecho de consumo fluctuated between 15 and 20 percent, # 1176-1199.

³²MANM, roll 34 # 1180-1181, 1190; see Appendix II.

³³MANM, roll 34 # 1176-1177, 1193-1195.

³⁴MANM, roll 37 # 413417, 418436, 437-442, 443-455, 456-458; see Appendix II.

³⁵MANM, roll 40 # 287-292, 294-311, 322-323, 325-327, 349-351. For other guías issued to traders carrying foreign merchandise see MANM, roll 40 # 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 399, 400, 402, 408, 472.

³⁶Barry, The Beginning of the West, 571, 580, 591, 600, 628, 638, 642, 685, 702, 827-828, 874.

³⁷Barry, The Beginning of the West, 512-513, 527, 565; David Lavender, Bent's Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 230-231; for the Armijo trip to New York, see New York Weekly Tribune, November 15, 1845, p. 4; see Appendix II.

³⁸Pittsburgh Daily Commercial Journal, April 6, 1846, April 7, 1846, and April 16, 1846; Tom Thomas, "The Evolution of Transportation in Western Pennsylvania," unpublished manuscript, 56-59.

³⁹ Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 331-332.

⁴⁰Wyman, "Freighting in the Santa Fe Trail," 19-25; Missouri Republican, August 15, 1859; O'Brien, "Independence, Missouri's Trade," 98-108; Hall, Social Change of the Southwest, 150.

⁴¹Cooke, "A Journal of the Santa Fe Trail," 254. Cook is saying that he did not see ten wagons that belonged to Americans who resided in the United States. But of the 200 wagon loads that Cook mentions, several belonged to Americans who lived in Mexico. For example, Henry Connelly, a naturalized Mexican citizen, partially owned twenty-two wagons on the trail that year. Information from Mark Gardner, personal correspondence, 11/1/94.

⁴²Eugene T. Wells, "The Growth of Independence, Missouri: 1827-1850," Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, vol. XVI (Oct 1959), 33-46; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 110; Barry, The Beginning of the West, 438, 455, 486, 565; for Armijo's guías, see Appendix I.

⁴³A cart laden with foreign goods could carry $3,390 worth of merchandise, see MANM roll 21 # 352; MANM, roll 28 # 730, 736-738.

⁴⁴Westport Border Star, July 15, 1859, Aug. 12, 1859.

⁴⁵1841 and 1842 were not good years for keeping records associated with the Santa Fe trail; in 1841 the Texan Santa Fe expedition disrupted the trade and as a punishment the Custom Offices in Santa Fe and Chihuahua were closed for seven months, between August 7, 1843 and March 31, 1844, Gregg, The Commerce of the Prairies, 344; Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road, 124-125; for American guías in 1843 see MANM roll 34 # 1202, 1206, 1211, 1212, 1216; roll 37 # 392, 405, 407; roll 39 # 287-292, 294-311. Possibly as result of the drawback bill passed by the U. S. Congress in 1845 American traders showed renewed interest in the trade. James Magoffin took $26,000 in merchandise, Albert Speyer close to $70,000, MANM, roll 40 # 294-311.

⁴⁶Sandoval, "Trade and the Manito Society in New Mexico," passim.

⁴⁷Atherton, Lewis E., "James and Robert Aull—A Frontier Missouri Mercantile Firm, "Missouri Historical Review 30 (1935), 3-27; "Business techniques in the Santa Fe Trade," Missouri Historical Review 34 (1940), 335-41; "The Santa Fe Trader as Mercantile Capitalist," Missouri Historical Review 72 (October 1982), 1-12.

⁴⁸Parish, Robert J., The Charles Ilfeld Company: A Study of the Rise and Decline of Mercantile Capitalism in New Mexico (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), 3-10, 11-82; "The German Jew and the Commercial Revolution in Territorial New Mexico, 1850-1900," New Mexico Historical Review XXXV (1960), 3-29; 129-143.

⁴⁹Parish, "The German Jew and the Commercial Revolution in Territorial New Mexico," 18-23; Parish, The Charles Ilfeld Company, 33-35.

⁵⁰Parish, "The German Jew," 9.

⁵¹It is possible that Henry Connelly, George and Charle Bent, and others could have developed similar commercial techniques as Alvarez; Parish, "The German Jew," 5.

⁵²The life of Manuel Alvarez has received a splendid treatment at the hands of Thomas E. Chávez, Manuel Alvarez, 1794-1856: A Southwestern Biography (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1990). Unfortunately this biography does not explore in sufficient detail Alvarez's economic activities. His extensive ledgers and correspondence in Spanish, French, and English deserve a more careful reading; they might provide a better understanding of the economic system which developed in New Mexico prior to the Mexican War; for a discussion of his transactions that involved other Santa Fe trail merchants. See also O'Brien, "Independence, Missouri's Trade," 231-247.

⁵³MAP, roll 1 # 441-443.

⁵⁴Parish, "The German Jew," 18.

⁵⁵MAP, roll 1 # 458-461, 479, 480, 481.

⁵⁶MAP, roll 1 # 1-102; roll 2 # 557, 546, 618; O'Brien, "Independence, Missouri's Trade," 231-247.

⁵⁷Parish, "The German Jew," 19; MAP roll 1 #441-443, 560-561, 574, 576, 594, 598, 600-601, 603, 634-635, 654-655, 694-695, 697, 723-724.

⁵⁸MAP, roll 1 # 441-443, 576, 723-724.

⁵⁹MAP, roll 1 # 594, 598, 600-601, 603, 694-695.

⁶⁰Parish, The Charles Ilfeld Company, 8.

⁶¹Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; for a listing of New Mexican merchants listed in the 1860 and 1870 Census, see Appendix III; unfortunately, the 1850 and 1880 censuses include no information on personal property. Darlis A. Miller presents the best analysis to date on cross-cultural marriages, "Cross-Cultural Marriages in the Southwest: The New Mexico Experience, 1846-1900," New Mexico Historical Review 57 (1982): 335-59. See also Nancie L. González, The Spanish-Americans of New Mexico: A Heritage of Pride (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1967), 80.

⁶²Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; see Appendix III.

⁶³Lincoln County was created in 1869 out of the eastern part of Socorro County. Colfax County was created out of Mora in the same year. Grant County had been created the year before (1868) out of the western fourth of Doña Ana County. Both Valencia and Bernalillo Counties ceded their eastern third to San Miguel County.

⁶⁴Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; see Appendix III.

⁶⁵Surviving stationery from the Perea family indicates that they owned at least one store in Bernalillo, Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881; Webb, Adventures in the Santa Fe Trade, 92-93.

⁶⁶In 1844 Simón Delgado wrote to his brother Pablo, "a estos individuos no les aflojen un momento hasta que te paguen el último medio, (don't let up until these individuals pay you the last cent)," Delgado Papers (Dingee Collection), 1837-1853, 1843-1851.

⁶⁷Delgado Papers (Dingee Collection), 1837-1853; Delgado Papers (Jenkins Collection), 1828-1876; Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881.

⁶⁸A note on the back of one receipt said, "Apunte de los carneros que tiene cuidando Nicolás Casados pertenecientes a esta tienda," (Note on the wethers that Nicolas Casados is taking care that belong to this store), Delgado Papers (Jenkins Collection), San Miguel del Vado Accounts, 1837-1853; the document has no date.

⁶⁹Delgado Papers (Dingee Collection), 1851-1854; according to Agnes C. Laut, José Chávez was one of the foremost miners in New Mexico, Pilgrims of the Santa Fe (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 272.

⁷⁰Correspondence (May 17, 1844) from José Zubía to Manuel Delgado, Delgado Papers, Dingee Collection, 1842-1846; correspondence from José Leandro Perea (1865, 1877, and 1881) shows both Perea and Delgado doing favors for each others, Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881; correspondence (Sep 9, 1877) from Juan García to Martín Amador, a merchant from Las Cruces, Martín Amador Papers, Río Grande Historical Collections/Hobson-Huntsinger University Archives, Las Cruces, New Mexico, box 15; O'Brien, indicates that cooperation was also crucial to the success of non-Hispano merchants; see "Independence, Missouri's Trade with Mexico," passim.

⁷¹Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881.

⁷²MAP, roll # 2 1076-1078.

⁷³In 1854 Fernando Delgado sold 101 ounces of silver in St. Louis for which he received $360.09, Delgado Papers (Dingee Collection) 1851-1854; see Chapter VI for a more detailed discussion of Felipe Chávez's shipments outside New Mexico.

¹"I will never forget him because for me he was the finest and most sincere friend that I have known; I do not have enough words to express my gratitude to a friend like him who was always ready to help me when I was in need. . .I beg and plead with you that you continue to lend me the money, if you wish at 6 percent as your kind father, my boss, Don Felipe, had done..." FCZIM, folder 33 (Felipe Delgado, 6/16/1906). This letter was addressed to José E. Chávez right after the death of José Felipe Chávez, his father.

²Felipe Chávez played a very important role in the history of New Mexico during the nineteenth century. Substantial records survive to conduct a biographical study incorporating an in-depth analysis of both his business career as well as his private life. The present study does not include materials after 1880 and does not claim to have examined all of the Chávez records. For a brief summary of his life see, Tibo J. Chávez's "'El Millonario:' Ambitious Merchant Cut Stylish Figure on Frontier," New Mexico Magazine LXVII (June 1989), 73-79.

³His papers are at the New Mexico State Records Center, thereafter FCSRC, and at the Zimmerman Library at the University of New Mexico, hereafter FCZIM. The latter are part of the New Mexican merchants collection. Most of the documents used in this work come from box 1, but the folder number has been indicated. To facilitate the identification of the individual documents, the author of the letter and/or invoice is listed followed by the date of the document. Unluckily only scattered correspondence survives that records the economic activities of other members of this and other influential New Mexican families.

⁴FCZIM, folder 66 (Agustín de la Rúa, 12/2/52). Felipe Chávez died in June 1906, FCZIM (folder 33, Felipe Delgado, 6/1906).

⁵For example, the borrador for 1859 to 1863 included 76 letters addressed to W.H. Chick, P. Harmony, Edward James and William Henry Glasgow, Joseph Amberg, José Cordero, Henry Connely, R. Bernard, William Smith, Antonio Castillo, Ambrosio Armijo, and others.

⁶FCZIM, borrador 1859-1863, letters to P. Harmony on 8/13/59, 9/16/59, 9/22/59; to E. Glasgow 8/29/59; folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 9/13/59, P. Harmony 12/15/59); for the itemized list of the bolts of cloth Chávez purchased, see FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 519/56).

⁷Parish, "The German Jew," 18.

⁸Walter Barrett, The Old Merchants of New York City (New York: Thomas R. Knox & Co., 1885), 226-227; for invoices, see FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 4/26/56, 4/30/56; E. Glasgow, 5/10/56, 5/21/56); FCZIM, folder 39 (P. Harmony, 4/26/56, 5/2/56; E. Glasgow, 5/21/56); folder 41 (Harmony, 5/14/56). A month and a half later Felipe arranged for the purchase of an additional 16,000 pounds of goods, this time from Kearney & Bernard, from Westport, Missouri, FCZIM, folder 41 (Kearney & Bernard, 6/6/56).

⁹FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 6/16/56; 4/30/56; 12/13/60; E. Glasgow, 5/6/56). There are more than one hundred examples of these types of transactions. Edward James and William Henry Glasgow were among the leading Missouri mercantile firms that engaged in active trade with New Mexico and the northern Mexican provinces; see Mark L. Gardner, ed., Brothers on the Santa Fe and Chihuahua Trails: Edward James Glasgow and William Henry Glasgow, 1846-1848 (Niwot: University of Colorado Press, 1993).

¹⁰FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 4/30/59).

¹¹FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 3/14/60); FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 3/15/60).

¹²FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 4/23/63); folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 3/31/63).

¹³Mark L. Gardner, The Glasgow Brothers (Niwot: University of Colorado Press, 1993),

¹⁴FCSRC, Business papers (E. Glasgow, 5/6/56).

¹⁵FCZIM, folder 31 (Chick, Browne & Co., 7/4-7/71).

¹⁶FCZIM, folder 31 (Chick, Browne & Co., 11/17/1873); folder 68 (S. Davis & Co., 2/22/76).

¹⁷FCZIM, folder 31 (Chick, Browne & Ca., 7/10/72, 11/17/73).

¹⁸Robles's comments were very interesting. More than once he noted that sometimes the packaging of the merchandise was worth more than the content itself, "Las pomadas son de buena calidady si se tira lo que adentro contienen, el pomo o botellita vale el dinero y un poco más," (Unguents are of high quality and after the contents are gone the tube or little bottle are worth the money, or even more); this citation is from a letter dated 2/22/60; FCSRC, Business papers (A. Robles, 2/17/60, 2/22/60); FCZIM, folder 67 (A. Robles, 2/21/60; 2/26/60).

¹⁹FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 5/4/59, 5/9/59).

²⁰Robles did not continue as Chávez's agent after this trip, possibly because Harmony sent a very unflattering report on him. Robles's activities offended Harmony and almost delayed the shipment of the order. According to the Spanish entrepreneur while his workers were trying to prepare the final invoice for shipment, numbering and checking the various loads, Robles would appear announcing the purchase of a new set of merchandise which had to be packaged adequately, labeled, and included in the invoice. To accommodate the additional goods the workers would have to stop their work on the invoice and shift their attention to the items Robles had bought. They were pressed for time since the merchandise had to be ready for shipment. Harmony admitted that in their hurry his workers had misnumbered various fardos. Chávez also complained that he had not received some of the shovels that Robles had purchased, FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 8/1/60).

²¹FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 6/30/58);

²²FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 5/17/61, 3/31/63).

²³FCZIM, folder 67 (Charles Stem, 4/15/67); FCSRC, Miscellaneous Documents 2 (Cuno, Bohms & Co., 2/20/68); FCZIM, folder 67 (Appleton, Noyes & Co., 4/14/68).

²⁴FCZIM, folder 68 (E. Glasgow, 6/23/71; R. D. Wells, 6/23/71; A. Mellier, 6/21/71; B. & J. Slevin, 6/23/71).

²⁵FCSRC, Business papers (S. P. Shannon, 6/65).

²⁶FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick & Co., 3/22/67; Chick Browne & Co., 10/11/69).

²⁷FCSRC, Miscellaneous Papers 2 (Cuno, Bohms & Co, 2/20/68); FCZIM, folder 68 (Bartels Brothers & Co., 9/26/1876); folder 21 (Browne & Manzanares, 4/25/79).

²⁸FCZIM, folder 68 (P. Brother, 8/15/1871).

²⁹FCZIM, folder 67 (A. Montoya, 3/60).

³⁰FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 6/5/59).

³¹FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 4/5/62); FCSRC, Business papers (E. Glasgow, 3/4/60).

³²FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 6/8/69).

³³FCZIM, folder 31 (Chick, Browne & Co, 7/4-8/71, 11/22/71).

³⁴FCZIM, folder 21 (F. Manzanares, 4/25/78).

³⁵FCZIM, folder 21 (V. Baca, 7/17/78). Storage and commission fees were other expenses that had to be added to the cost of merchandise. These charges at times could be fairly high, FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 4/23/63); FCSRC, Business papers (W. H. Chick, 6/6/63).

³⁶FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 9/28/64).

³⁷FCSRC, Business papers (Otero & Sellars, 9/22/68).

³⁸FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 6/26/69).

³⁹There is a considerable number of documents that show this pattern, see FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 10/20/63); folder 31 (W. H. Chick & Co, 6/18/69).

⁴⁰FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 62); folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 6/8/69, 6/18/69); folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 10/6/79).

⁴¹FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 6/8/69, 6/18/69); FCSRC, Business Papers (Chick, Browne & Co., 4/25/72; W. C. Houston, Jr. & Co., 10/2/1880); FCZIM, folder 39 (E. J. Glasgow, 8/6/79); folder 68 (Benjamin Walker, 5/21/1879).

⁴²FCSRC, Business papers (Harmony, 6/16/56).

⁴³FCSRC, Business papers (Harmony, 7/14/57).

⁴⁴FCZIM, folder 5 (Nicolás Armijo, 2/2/69, 3/2/69, 3/9/69, 11/15/69), folder 13 (9/8/72); folder 26 (J. Francisco Chávez, 10/10/65). His associates and friends also kept him informed of developments that could negatively affect his family and that required his attention. In 1871 the vicar of Denver wanted to discuss with Felipe's mother the inheritance of her recently-deceased daughter. Delgado advised Chávez that the vicar had been named administrator of the estate, and that he (Delgado) had informed the vicar that Mrs. Chávez was not the guardian. Since the vicar insisted, Delgado felt it would be better for Mrs. Chávez if Felipe himself went to Santa Fe and spoke directly with the vicar, FCSRC, Business papers (Pablo Delgado, 2/23/71).

⁴⁵FCZIM, folder 27 (Melquiades Chávez, 11/4/67).

⁴⁶FCZIM, folder 24 (Francisco Chávez II, 5/21/79, 6/25/79).

⁴⁷FCSRC, Business papers, (J. B. Rougemont, 3/28/73, 10/20/79), (Nicolás Quintana, 6/21/74); Gutiérrez's addressed Felipe as primo (cousin), FCSRC, Miscellaneous papers, (José Gutiérrez, 1/16/68).

⁴⁸FCZIM, folder 33 (Pablo Delgado, 5/12/71); folder 68 (Rita R. de Valencia, 5/22/73; Luis M. Baca, 5/21/77; Benito and Eleuterio Baca, 2/21/79); folder 16 (Benito and Eleuterio Baca, 3/3/79); FCSRC, Business papers, (Jacob Amberg, 5/30/69; A. Zeckendorf, 7/29/67).

⁴⁹FCSRC, Miscellaneous Papers 2 (J. Martin Amador, 2/3/68); FCZIM, folder 33 (Pablo Delgado, 7/30/70). He also lent $3,000 to the Baca brothers and extended the loan for an additional year, FCZIM, folder 68 (Baca Hermanos, 2/21/79); folder 16 (Baca Hermanos, 3/3/79). Americans also borrowed, folder 33 (Pablo Delgado, 5/12/71).

⁵⁰At the time of his death Felipe was charging Delgado 6 percent interest, FCZIM (Felipe Delgado, 6/16/1906). It is not clear if this was the standard rate that he levied on his debtors.

⁵¹FCSRC, Business papers (A. Zeckendorf, 6/26/67; 7/29/67); it is possible that Chávez was guilty of anti-semitism. His correspondence does not indicate such sentiment, but a letter from Antonio Robles, his trusted agent, reveals a strong anti-Jewish sentiment. Writing from New York on February 26, 1860, Robles told Chávez, "...esta judillada is infernal, si Salomón no es judío, vive con ellos, y sigue las mismas huellas," (...this bunch of jews is infernal; if Salomón is not a Jew, he lives with them and follows the same tracks), FCZIM, folder 67 (Antonio Robles, 2/26/60).

⁵²FCZIM, folder 33 (Felipe Delgado, 6/16/1906).

⁵³FCSRC, Miscellaneous papers 2 (José Felix Benavídez, 1/27/68).

⁵⁴FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 10/11/69); folder 41 (P. Harmony, 11/3/65, 4/23/67).

⁵⁵FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 4/6/60).

⁵⁶FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 8/12/59; José Cordero, 2/24/60, 9/20/62); FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 8/18/59, 8/7/61); folder 67 (José Cordero, 9/11/62).

⁵⁷FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 6/6/61), folder 67 (P. Harmony, 7/10/61); FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 7/10/61).

⁵⁸FCSRC, Business papers (Delino Hermanos, 9/16/62).

⁵⁹FCZIM, folder 68 (F. Maceyra, 4/26/78).

⁶⁰FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 3/15/60), folder 66 (Alvarez Araujo, 11/29/59); FCSRC, borrador (Felipe Chávez to Harmony, 10/5/59).

⁶¹FCSRC, Business papers (Antonio José Otero, 7/8/62); FCZIM, folder 41 (Antonio José Otero, 12/3/62).

⁶²It is possible that Pablo was also a partner. An invoice from the First National Bank of Santa Fe indicates that Pablo Delgado was making regular deposits on Felipe Chávez's account, FCSRC, Business papers (no date, ca. Nov. 1872). See Figure 8 for a look at Felipe Chávez's store in Belen.

⁶³FCSRC, business papers (P. Harmony, 1/10/57).

⁶⁴FCZIM, folder 33 (Simón Delgado, 2/4/63; 2/10/63; 3/25/63; 9/15/65; Pablo Delgado, 5/9/69; 6/18/69; 7/30/70; 5/12/71; 7/20/71; 2/25/72); FCSRC, Business papers (Simón Delgado, 9/1/61; W. H. Moore & Co., no day or month/65; Pablo Delgado, 6/28/70; 10/13/70; 2/23/71); FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 4/16/67).

⁶⁵FCSRC, Business papers, 1868 (Pablo Delgado, 6/11/68).

⁶⁶FCZIM, folder 21 (F. Manzanares, 12/26/68).

⁶⁷FCZIM, folder 33 (Pablo Delgado, 5/9/69). Amberg informed Chávez at the end of May that his partner (Gustave Elsberg) had cheated him and had stolen all the property and destroyed his reputation. He had even sold their store in Chihuahua. As soon as he heard of this Amberg went to Chihuahua to take care of the situation. Amberg assured Chávez that he would pay everything he owed even before it was due, FCSRC, Business papers, (Jacob Amberg, 5/30/69).

⁶⁸FCZIM, folder 33 (Pablo Delgado, 5/9/68, 6/18/69).

⁶⁹FCZIM, folder 33; unluckily it is not clear how much each partner invested in the operation initially; the one surviving invoice indicates that Chávez contributed $20,795.14 while Simón Delgado's share was substantially smaller, $3,827.65; FCSRC, Business papers (no name, 1861; Simón Delgado, 9/1/61).

⁷⁰FCZIM, folder 33 (P. Delgado, 2/2/5/72).

⁷¹FCZIM, folder 39 (Antonio José Otero, 1/9/59); FCSRC, Business papers (Pablo Delgado, 10/27/70).

⁷²FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 9/2/61); folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 10/3/69).

⁷³FCSRC, Business papers (A. Montoya, 7/12/58).

⁷⁴FCZIM, folder 39. In 1871 he was still authorizing P. Harmony to make payments in gold, but the reasons for this specific request are not clear, FCZIM, folder 41 (Theodore Herrmann, 4/18/71).

⁷⁵FCSRC, Business papers, 1859. This was not unusual. In Sep 1861 Simón Delgado sent in Chávez's behalf $15,400 in libranzas to P. Harmony in New York, FCSRC, Business papers (S. Delgado, 9/1/61); in 1864 P. Harmony gave him credit for $38,833.37, FCZIM, folder 41(10/1/64).

⁷⁶FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 8/24/63); folder 31 (Chick, Armijo y Cia., 11/10/67, 11/18/67).

⁷⁷FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 10/31/57); FCZIM, folder 66 (P. Harmony, 9/29/56).

⁷⁸Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712.

⁷⁹Ninth Census of the United States, roll 897.

⁸⁰FCZIM, folder 41 (Harmony 1/11/71); folder 39 (Glasgow. 1/1/79); folder 21 (Browne & Manzanares, 7/3/79), (Chick, Browne & Co., 7/3/79); FCSRC, Business Papers (Bank statement for 1872; FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 12/31/79). In November 1870 Manzanares wrote explaining that even though Chávez had been proposed as one of the director of the National Bank to be established in Santa Fe, all the stock being sold, however, it would not be possible for him to become a director. It is interesting to note that three of the six directors were merchants from the Río Abajo—José Leandro Perea, Manuel Antonio Otero, and Frank A. Manzanares. The other three directors were S. B. Elkins, J. L. Johnson, and J. L. Griffin, FCSRC, Business papers, 1870 (Frank A. Manzanares, 11/18/70). Unfortunately due to changes in census format it is not possible to establish if the family wealth continued to grow during the 1870s.

⁸¹FCZIM, folder 31 (10/18/67).

⁸²The evidence is not conclusive. The only reference to deposit of gold comes from one invoice, FCZIM, folder 33 (W. H. Chick, 6/24/71).

⁸³Most of the surviving partidos are in FCZIM, folder 59; folder 68 (Luis M. Baca, 10/14/78).

⁸⁴FCSRC, Business papers (Edwin Edgar, 10/1/69).

⁸⁵The first surviving record of Chávez's shipping wool dates from 1869, FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 10/3/69); FCSRC, Business papers (Chick, Browne & Co., 10/14/72). The strategy on wool deliveries was also complex, FCZIM, folder 68 (Luis M. Baca, 10/14/78); sometimes if only a small lot arrived at the railroad terminal, the middle-man would wait until he accumulated a larger amount to negotiate for a better price, FCSRC, Business papers (Chick, Browne & Co., 4/25/72).

⁸⁶FCZIM, folder 31 (W. H. Chick, 10/3/69, 10/17/69, 10/10/70); folder 21 (Browne y Manzanares, 4/2/1878); folder 25 (Jesús Bonifacio Chávez, 9/10/70); folder 39 (Glasgow Brothers, 5/17/1878, 6/14/1878, 7/11/1878, 7/27/1878); folder 41 (P. Harmony, 10/1/1878, 10/6/1878, 11/6/1878); folder 68 (Luis M. Baca, 10/14/78); FCSRC, Business papers (Chick Browne & Co., 8/14/72); Business papers (Glasgow Brothers, 4/21/79, 4/25/79).

⁸⁷FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 12/31/1879).

⁸⁸FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 10/26/1879, 11/8/1879, 11/10/1879); folder 39 (E. J. Glasgow, 10/2/79)

⁸⁹FCZIM, folder 17 (Vicente M. Baca, 4/29/79).

⁹⁰FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 6/5/61); FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 6/6/61).

⁹¹FCSRC, Business papers (Z. Staab & Brother, 6/14/68).

⁹²FCZIM, folder 67 (José Lobato account, 7/21/68-5/20/72); folder 68 (José Miguel Baca account, 2/12/68-6/24/63; Rita R. de Valencia, 5/22/73)

⁹³FCZIM, folder 67 (Baca's partial account, Jan. 1868-Jun. 1873).

⁹⁴FCSRC, Business papers, 1868 (Pablo Delgado, 10/27/70, 11/13/70).

⁹⁵FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 1/10/64; 5/10/64; 10/10/64); FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 2/7/65); the former was at No. 59 East 28th Street, the latter was at No. 36 East 29th Street.

⁹⁶FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 22/1/65); FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 5/6/65; 5/10/65; 10/3/65).

⁹⁷FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 4/5/66; 10/5/66).

⁹⁸FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 1/29/66; 2/20/66; 3/19/67; 5/9/67); FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 12/28/67).

⁹⁹FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 9/13/69, 10/9/69).

¹⁰⁰FCZIM, folder 41 (P. Harmony, 3/8/71, 5/6/71, 7/11/71).

¹⁰¹FCZIM, folder 39 (E. Glasgow, 1/1/79); folder 41 (P. Harmony, 7/22/1879, 10/28/79).

¹MANM, roll 28 # 736-38; roll 32 # 1607-28; roll 37 # 456-58.

²Westport Border Star, July 15, 1859, p. 3; August 12, 1859; Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; R. G. Dun & Company Collection, Baker Library, Harvard University, New Mexico, vol 1, 346.

³Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897.

⁴MANM, roll 24 # 794; roll 28 # 772-773; roll 37 # 396; FCZIM, folder 39 (Antonio José Otero, 1/9/59); FCSRC, Business papers (Antonio José Otero, 7/8/62); FCZIM, folder 41 (Antonio José Otero, 12/3/62); FCZIM, folder 5 (Manuel Antonio Otero, 1/10/67); folders 6-11 numerous letters from Manuel Antonio writing from La Constancia.

⁵Gross, Kelly & Company, letter to Manuel Antonio Otero, 12/22/81, Center for Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.

⁶Miguel Antonio Otero, Otero: An Autobiographical Trilogy, 3 vols., My Life on the Frontier, 1864-1882 (New York: Arno Press, 1974), 1, 280-288.

⁷Otero, My Life on the Frontier, 8-164.

⁸Otero, My Lfe on the Frontier, 11-12.

⁹Otero, My Life on the Frontier, 87, 164. In return for ceding their lands Indian tribes received yearly payments, known as annuities, from the United States government. See O'Brien, "Independence, Missouri's Trade," 56-58.

¹⁰Howard Roberts Lamar, The Far Southwest, 1846-1912; A Territorial History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), 197-201; the January 1992 issue of the New Mexico Historical Review is totally devoted to the career of Miguel Antonio Otero; Gerald D. Nash, "New Mexico in the Otero Era: Some Historical Perspectives," 1-12; Maria E. Montoya, "The Dual World of Governor Miguel A. Otero: Myth and Reality in Turn-of-the-Century New Mexico," 13-32; Cynthia Secor Welsh, "A 'Star Will Be Added': Miguel Antonio Otero and the Struggle for Statehood," 33-52; Jolane Culhane, "Miguel Antonio Otero; A Photographic Essay," 53-62. None of these publications address the business background of the Otero family.

¹¹Manuel Antonio Otero listed $10,000 in real estate and $154,550 in personal estate. José Leandro Perea was the richest with $225,000; he was followed by Mariano Yrizarri with $213,000, Cerain St. Vrain with $211,000, and W. H. Moore with $165,000, rolls 712-716; see Appendix III and IV.

¹²Otero, My Life on the Frontier, 65; for credit reports on Otero, see R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library, Harvard University, New Mexico, vol. 1; for a discussion of Lewis Tappan's Mercantile Agency, the first credit reporting firm in the United States, see O'Brien, "Independence, Missouri's Trade," 130-132.

¹³Lamar, The Far Southwest, includes a lot of information on the political activities of native New Mexicans, like the Pereas, but never addresses their economic interests, 87, 90, 99, 134-135, 187-188, 192, 198-199; W. H. Allison, "Colonel Francisco Perea," Old Santa Fe I (1913), 209-222.

¹⁴Westport Border Star, August 12, 1859, p. 3.

¹⁵Simmons, "José Librado Gurulé's Recollections," 120-133.

¹⁶MANM, roll 28 # 769, roll 34 # 1232; roll 37 # 524; R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, Baker Library, Harvard University, New Mexico, vol. 1, p. 348.

¹⁷Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Ninth Census of the United States, roll 893. According to his granddaughter at the time of his death in 1882, José Leandro owned seven million dollars. This information comes from a newspaper clipping, possibly from an Albuquerque newspaper, n.d., Center for Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.

¹⁸Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Ninth Census of the United States, roll 893.

¹⁹E. Boyd Collection, State Records Center, Santa Fe, Box 11, Folder 180

²⁰R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, New Mexico, vol. 1, p. 364.

²¹R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, New Mexico, vol. 1, p. 364; Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Ninth Census of the United States, roll 893; Appendix III and IV.

²²Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Ninth Census of the United States, roll 893; see Appendix III.

²³The documents examined during the course of this study do not permit an assessment of Governor Manuel Armijo's wealth; Janet Lecompte is working on a definitive biography of Manuel Armijo and it is quite likely that her study will answer many questions regarding Armijo's business activities; for a study of two others members of the Armijo family (Rafael and Manuel) at the time of the Civil War and the impact of their support for the Confederacy, see Susan V. Richards, "From Traders to Traitors? The Armijo Brothers Through the Nineteenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review 69 (July 1994): 215-229.

²⁴Westport Border Star, July 15, 1839, p. 3.

²⁵Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Ninth Census of the United States, roll 893; R. G. Dun & Co. Collection, New Mexico, vol. 1, p. 341; see Appendix III.

²⁶Richards, "From Traders to Traitors?", 215-229; Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Rafael Armijo Business Papers, Account Book, SRC.

²⁷Rafael Armijo Business Papers, Account Book, SRC.

²⁸John J. Gay papers, items 12, 15, 16, 22, Center for Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.

²⁹John J. Gay papers, item 10, 1/5/1859; item 11, 1/13/1859, Center for Southwest Research, General Library, University of New Mexico.

³⁰Richards, "From Traders to Traitors?", 215-229; Parish, The Charles Ilfeld Company, 35-36, 38-45; "The German Jew," 18-23, 139-142.

³¹John O. Baxter has published the best study on Armijo, "Salvador Armijo: Citizen of Albuquerque, 1823-1879," New Mexico Historical Review 53 (July 1978): 218-237.

³²Baxter, "Salvador Armijo," 223-227; Eighth Census of the United States, roll 712; Ninth Census of the United States, roll 893.

³³Eighth Unites States Census, rolls 712-716; Ninth United States Census, rolls 893-897; Appendix III.

³⁴See Chapter 5 for a description of changes in wealth distribution and the geographic location of merchants; see Appendix III and IV.

³⁵Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; see Appendix III.

³⁶Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897. Most of these individuals appeared to be reaching middle age, the accumulation of personal estate seems excessive for the conditions in a territory where the average farmer reported less than one hundred dollars in personal estate.

³⁷Nestor and Nicolás were the children of Juan Crist&ocute;bal Armijo. There is an extensive correspondence between Nicolás Armijo and Felipe Chávez which documents the commercial activities of the Armijo brothers in Mexico. See FCZIM. folder 5 (Nicolás Armijo, 2/2/69, 3/2/69, 3/9/69, 11/15/69).

³⁸Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; Baxter, "Salvador Armijo," 229.

³⁹The trend is even more pronounced among the five wealthiest, three had Hispano wives (Lucien Maxwell, William Moore, and Henry Bierbaum). One of the few studies that addresses cross-cultural marriages is Darlis A. Miller's "Cross-Cultural Marriages in the Southwest: The New Mexico Experience," New Mexico Historical Review 57 (September 1982): 335-359.

⁴⁰Both Valencia and Bernalillo counties ceded their eastern third to San Miguel while Doña Ana and Socorro counties relinquished a substantial portion of their territory to make possible the creation of Grant and Lincoln counties. Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United State, rolls 893-897; see Appendix III and IV; Beck, Warren A. and Hasse, Ynez D, Historical Atlas of New Mexico (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1969) 34-38.

⁴¹For a discussion of some of the problems associated with the use of census information see, Susan C. Boyle, Social Mobility in the United States: Historiography and Methods (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1989), 115-116; Margaret Walsh, "The Census as an Accurate Source of Information: The Value of Mid-Nineteenth Century Manufacturing Returns," Historical Methods Newsletter, III (September 1970), 4-13; Joel Perlman, "Using Census Districts in Analysis: Record Linkage and Sampling," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, X (Autumn 1979), 279-289; Ian Winchester, "The Linkage of Historical Records by Man and Computer: Techniques and Problems," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, I (Autumn 1970), 107-125; Theodore Hershberg, Alan Burstein, and Robert Dockhorn, "Record Linkage," Historical Methods Newsletter, IX (March-June 1976), 137-163.

⁴²Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; Appendix III and IV.

⁴³Delgado Papers (Dingee Collection) 1837-1853, 1842-1846, 1843-1851; Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881; FCSRC, Business papers (n. d., ca. Nov 1872); FCSRC, Business papers (P. Harmony, 1/10/57); FCZIM, folder 33 (Simón Delgado, 2/4/63; 2/10/63/ 3/25/65; Pablo Delgado, 5/9/69; 6/18/69; 7/30/70/ 5/12/71/ 7/20/71/ 2/25/72); FCSRC, Business Papers (Simón Delgado, 9/1/61; Pablo Delgado, 6/8/70; 10/13/70); Felipe Delgado worked for Felipe Chávez until the latter's death in 1906, FCZIM, folder 33 (Felipe Delgado, 6/16/1906).

⁴⁴Delgado Papers (Dingee Collection), 1854; Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United States, rolls 893-897; see Appendix III; for a discussion of the Felipe Chávez's asssets, see Chapter VI.

⁴⁵Eighth Census of the United States, rolls 712-716; Ninth Census of the United states, rolls 893-897; see Appendix III.

⁴⁶Delgado Papers (Jenkins Collection); Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881.

⁴⁷Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881.

⁴⁸Felipe Delgado Business Papers, 1864-1881.

⁴⁹Internal conflict between Porfirio Díaz and Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada highlight the history of Mexico during the 1870s; Parkes, A History of Mexico, 270-273, 281-322; Cumberland, Mexico: The Struggle for Modernity, 194-196.