Selected Papers From The 1989 And 1990 George Rogers Clark Trans-Appalachian Frontier History Conferences
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Traders and Invaders, Assimilators and Destroyers: The Scots and Irish Among the Cherokee
William L. Anderson
Western Carolina University

European historians often have made the observation that most of Napoleon's greatest victories as well as his greatest defeats involved the Russians. In fact, Napoleon left instructions that he wanted his tomb constructed of a special red marble and the only place in which that red marble could be found, ironically, was in Russia. Just as the Russians were major factors in determining Napoleonic history, a similar statement might be made concerning the Scots and Irish in regard to Cherokee history. The Scots and Irish were definitely instrumental in most of the greatest and in most of the worst moments of the Cherokee. In fact, James Mooney, the noted ethnologist who helped preserve much of the Cherokee history and culture, states that families who have made Cherokee history were nearly all of mixed descent, especially the Scots and Irish. [1]

Indeed the Scots and Irish seemed to be everywhere along the southern frontier. All of them cannot be identified precisely, but still many others can. They appeared among the Cherokee in many different and varied capacities. They appeared as such notable traders as Cornelius Doharty (1719), Ludovic Grant (1726), James Adair (1735-44 and 1751-59), John Elliot (1750), Daniel Ross (1785) and Clement Vann (1780). They surfaced in unofficial and official capacities for the British crown. Alexander Cuming was an unofficial ambassador to the Cherokee in 1730. In an official capacity there were individuals like George Chicken (commissioner of Indian affairs), Lachlan McIntosh (commanding officer at Fort Prince George), John Stuart (first appearing as a soldier and later as superintendent of Indian affairs of the South). Both of Stuart's deputies among the Cherokee, Alexander Cameron and John McDonald, were also Scots. Although technically speaking there were no Scot or Irish missionaries among the Cherokee in the 18th or early 19th centuries, William Richardson, the first missionary to live among the Cherokee, was educated in Scotland and was a missionary for the Presbyterian Church. Scots also appeared as invaders and conquerors like Archibald Montgomery (1760), James Grant (1761), Andrew Williamson and Griffith Rutherford (both in 1776). Even the governors of surrounding states which dealt with the Cherokee were often Scot or Irish. Glasglow-born Robert Dinwiddie was governor of Virginia in the 1750s. [2] The first governor of North Carolina, William Drummond, was a Lowland Scot (1663-1667) as was Gabriel Johnston (1734-1752). [3] Governor Arthur Dobbs who served in mid-century (1754-1765) was Scotch-Irish (his family migrated from Scotland to County Antrim in Ireland in the 16th century); [4] and Samuel Johnston who served as governor of North Carolina from 1787-1789 was also a Lowland Scot. [5] In South Carolina Governor James Glen [6] was from Linlithgow and in the 19th century Governor George Troup [7] of Georgia was also of Scottish descent. And of course, the ultimate defeat of the Cherokee — removal and the Trail of Tears — was brought about largely by the Scotch-Irishman, Andrew Jackson.

A first look should be given to the influence of some of the Scottish traders. Traders as a whole had a bad reputation. They were known to be of the "vilest sort" and the "scum of the earth." [8] But the Scot and Irish traders were not typical for the most part. Cornelius Doharty was described as an "old Virginia trader and a Scot." He was considered fair and honest by both the Cherokee and his own government. In fact when the Cherokee War of 1760-1761 broke out, Doharty was spirited away from harm by his Cherokee friends. Although the Cherokee were certainly familiar with black slavery as practiced by the whites, it was Doharty, as the owner of at least four slaves, who offered the Cherokee the first opportunity to observe it closely in practice. By the 19th century the peculiar institution was adopted by the more progressive Cherokee. It may have been the slaves of Doharty who introduced watermelon to the Cherokee, a crop which they were growing by mid-18th century. [9]

Ludovic Grant was a Scot who supported the Old Pretender in the "uprising of the '15" and as a ruined Jacobite was transported to America. By 1726 he had taken up residence among the Cherokee and his popularity and fairness gained him considerable influence with the headmen of every part of Cherokee country. Grant is regarded as perhaps the most intelligent and influential of the early traders. He left considerable information on the Cherokee and took at least one Cherokee wife. [10]

James Adair (1709-1783) was born in County Antrim, Ireland, and his ancestors lived in both Ireland and Scotland. Like many Scots of a later generation he left numerous offspring among the Cherokee. [11] Although Adair was considered a diplomat and a peacemaker among the southern Indians, he is remembered primarily as a recorder of Indian history in his History of the American Indians published in London in 1775. Although the major thesis of his book is the idea that the Indians were the descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, his work has outlived his thesis. His accurate account of tribal manners, customs and language is invaluable today, giving Adair a permanent place in Native American and Cherokee history. [12]

Chronologically the next trader who should be mentioned is the Scot, John Elliot. Unlike his Scottish predecessors, Elliot was not liked by the Cherokee. In fact, he was among the most hated of the traders. Little Carpenter, a prominent 18th century peace chief, complained in 1758 that the trade goods were insufficient and the prices too high. Little Carpenter believed that Elliot was the major source of his complaints. [13] Indeed at one point while Elliot was away, the Cherokee seized his weights and measures and the scales were found to register two pounds underweight and his measuring sticks were several inches short. When the Cherokee War broke out in 1760, militant braves picked Elliot as one of the first to be killed. [14]

One last Scottish trader worth mentioning is Clement Vann, who established a trading post in Cherokee country about 1780. He married a Cherokee woman and had a son, James, who built a personal empire controlling more than 4,000 acres, 100 slaves, numerous orchards, a blacksmith and a liquor still. In doing so, he set an example for aspiring mixed bloods in the 19th century. Vann helped establish the Moravian mission and school at Spring Place where many future leaders of the Cherokee Nation such as Elias Boudinot, Stand Watie and John Ridge were educated. [15]

The first Scot who appeared in an unofficial capacity among the Cherokee did so in a way that deserves a historical novel. This Scot was the eccentric Alexander Cuming (c. 1692-1775) who appeared in 1730. Cuming was born in Aberdeenshire, Scotland, and wanted to be involved in Indian education. Later his wife had a dream about going into the American wilderness and he organized a private trip to South Carolina. Arriving in Charleston in December 1729, Cuming traveled to Cherokee country the following spring taking some guides and others with him. By the time he was deep in Cherokee country, Cuming had at least four other Scottish companions (George Chicken, Angus McPherson, Ludovic Grant and Lachlan McBain). Cuming visited Moytoy of Tellico (in present-day Tennessee) and proclaimed him emperor of all the Cherokee — a title for which later Cherokee would vie and in so doing would upset the entire Cherokee political organization. [16]

Cuming also somehow got the Cherokee to recognize the supreme authority of England and persuaded the first Cherokee to visit England on his return trip. Among the Cherokee who went to England with Cuming was Little Carpenter. This trip gave Little Carpenter the prestige to move forward in Cherokee politics and started his career as the greatest 18th century Cherokee leader. Cuming's trip undoubtedly added strength to the Anglo-Cherokee alliance and his journal and correspondence serve as a source on Cherokee culture. [17]

Another Scot, John Stuart (1718-1779) was, according to his standard biographer, a descendant of the royal house of Scotland. Stuart was born in Inverness in 1718. Although he and his father did not participate in the 1745 Jabobite uprising, they were probably Jacobite sympathizers. This possibly explains why, in 1748, [18] Stuart came to America where he opened a store with Patrick Reid, another Scot. In 1757 he was appointed a captain in the South Carolina provincial army and was sent to Fort Loudoun to reinforce that newly established fort in Cherokee country. Tradition has it that shortly after his arrival in Cherokee territory he married Susannah Emory, the mixed blood granddaughter of Ludovic Grant. They had one son who inherited from his father a bushy shock of red hair [19] and whom the Cherokee called Oo-no dota or Bushyhead. Oo-no dota founded a family who remains prominent in Cherokee society today. One of Stuart's descendants, Jesse Bushyhead, was the first Cherokee to become a Christian minister. He also became chief justice of the Cherokee Supreme Court and he led one of the groups of Cherokee west during the Trail of Tears. [20]

During the Cherokee War, Stuart's life was saved by Little Carpenter. In 1761, the English crown appointed Stuart superintendent of the Indians in the South. (Incidentally, his counterpart, William Johnson, superintendent of the Indians in the North, was also a Scot who brought over many highlanders to the Mohawk Valley in New York.) [21] Stuart was a loyalist who constantly was criticized by the Americans for trying to use the Indians against them. His papers show, however, that he was reluctant to employ the tribes against the colonists and he did so only under pressure from his superiors.

Almost all the men employed by Stuart were Scots, [22] including Alexander Cameron and John McDonald, the two deputies Stuart sent to Cherokee country. Cameron, whose real name was McLeod, was a native of Scotland who is believed to have migrated to Georgia with the highlanders who settled at Darien in 1736-1737. Although not well educated and "not brought up to business" he secured the rank of ensign in the Independent Regulars of South Carolina and probably served in the Cherokee War. He was stationed at Fort Prince George for about a year after that conflict and was employed by Stuart not long after the Independent Regulars were disbanded. By 1768 he was promoted to deputy superintendent and resided among the Cherokee. Cameron was a loyalist during the American Revolution, hoping to prevent any outbreak on the part of the Indians until the British were ready for a combined effort. Cameron married a Cherokee woman and had three children by her. The Cherokee obviously appreciated "Scotchie" as they affectionately called him, and gave him 12 square miles for his mixed blood offspring. [23] According to one historian, Cameron lived like a Scottish nobleman among his clansmen at his Lochaber estate in South Carolina. [24]

John McDonald was another Scot who was Stuart's second deputy superintendent among the Cherokee. McDonald was born in Inverness about 1747 and came to Charleston around 1756. He obtained a license for a trading post near Fort Loudoun where in 1769 he met and married Anna Shorey, the mixed blood daughter of interpreter William Shorey (who accompanied Henry Timberlake and some Cherokee to London in 1762). [25] McDonald was a loyalist during the American Revolution. After the Revolution he moved to Chickamauga (near Chattanooga, Tennessee) where he had tremendous influence over the Cherokee there who would continue to fight the Americans until the 1790s. After the American Revolution, some Americans believed that the only way they could win over the Cherokee was to win over McDonald first. But McDonald, influenced by the trading firm of Panton, Leslie and Company (originally composed only of Scots), became the first and only Spanish agent among the Cherokee. [26] And it was with Spanish aid that the Cherokee continued to fight the Americans until 1794. In 1816 the United States government purchased 160 acres from McDonald at Chickamauga. Upon this tract of land was established the famous Brainerd Mission School for Cherokees destined to become a showplace of Native American learning. [27]

In addition to his direct personal influence with the Cherokee, McDonald perhaps had an even greater influence through his Cherokee offspring. His Cherokee daughter married a Scottish trader by the name of Daniel Ross. Ross was born in Southerlandshire, Scotland, about 1760 and was brought to Baltimore shortly afterwards. Orphaned by the end of the Revolution, Ross turned to the frontier for his living and by 1785 began trading with the Chickasaw out of Tennessee. The Cherokee asked Ross to establish trade with them. He responded by setting up a trading post at Settico in Lookout Mountain Valley which was reminiscent of his Scottish Highland home. Within a year he married Mollie, the daughter of John McDonald and Anna Shorey. Mollie and Daniel had a child who is perhaps the best known Cherokee in that tribe's history. He, of course, was John Ross, chief of the Cherokee for almost 50 years, and who led the majority of the Cherokee in their opposition to removal. [28]

Another Scot who was among the Cherokee in an official capacity was Lachlan McIntosh who was born in Raits in Badenoch, Scotland, in 1727. [29] In the winter of 1735, McIntosh's father led his family and nearly 200 highlanders to settle and to defend Georgia's southern frontier. In 1748 McIntosh moved from Georgia to Charleston, South Carolina, where he began a prominent military career. Scottish Governor James Glen of South Carolina appointed McIntosh to be the first commander of Fort Prince George, the first European fort built in Cherokee country. McIntosh remained in that capacity until 1759. As commander of Fort Prince George, McIntosh conducted frequent council meetings and maintained an "open door" policy with the Cherokee. He was liked so well by the Cherokee that some historians have suggested that McIntosh might have been able to prevent the Cherokee War had he remained in his post at Fort Prince George. [30]

Another Lachlan McIntosh, and one often confused with the first, was also a Darien settler. He was appointed colonel of a Georgia battalion in 1776 and soon was commissioned a brigadier general. In 1777 he fought a duel with Button Gwinnett, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Following the American Revolution, McIntosh was elected a delegate to the Continental Congress and was named one of the four congressional commissioners to treat with the southern Indians in 1785-1786. In November 1785, McIntosh was instrumental in negotiating the Treaty of Hopewell, the first treaty between the Cherokee and the newly formed United States government. Twelve years later Governor John Sevier of Tennessee appointed him to negotiate the Treaty of Tellico with the Cherokee (1798). Although he resigned that commission, he is remembered as a skillful handler of both diplomatic and military relations with the Cherokee. He always treated the Indians kindly and ultimately won their respect and confidence. [31]

John McIntosh, possibly the mixed blood grandson or cousin of Lachlan, was appointed in 1809 to the Cherokee National Committee to manage Cherokee affairs. In 1813 he fought for Andrew Jackson and led a company of Cherokee warriors against the Creek. [32] Simultaneously his mixed blood cousin and Creek Chief William McIntosh also supported Jackson against the Red Stick or traditional Creek. [33]

The first white invader and conqueror of the Cherokee since DeSoto was Archibald Montgomery (1726-1796), a Scot born in Aryshire, Scotland, and who eventually was named 11th Earl of Eglinton. In 1756 at the beginning of the Seven Years' War in Europe, Montgomery raised a regiment of 1,465 Highland Scots whom he took to America in 1757. [34] The following year his regiment served as an advance expedition to Fort Duquesne. In 1760 Montgomery and his regiment of Highland Scots (numbering more than 1,300) were sent to end the Cherokee War which had erupted in the South. [35] After destroying several Indian towns and villages as well as bringing smallpox, Montgomery was stopped just south of Etchoe — about 14 miles south of present-day Franklin, North Carolina. Montgomery believed he had defeated the Cherokee sufficiently for them to sue for peace, so he retreated to Charleston and embarked on his next assignment. Montgomery did not know the Cherokee that well. They continued to fight and even captured Fort Loudoun. One of the officers in Montgomery's regiment, James Grant (1720-1806) was assigned the task of leading another expedition against the Cherokee. Grant was born in Ballindalloch and had fought in the battles of Culloden and Fontenoy. [36] In 1757, Grant and Montgomery came to America together. After the failure of Montgomery's expedition, Grant was appointed to lead approximately 2,400 men, of whom approximately 20 per cent were Highland Scots, against the Cherokee. Grant was the first white invader to penetrate the Middle Towns of the Cherokee, destroying numerous towns and inflicting a defeat on the Cherokee at a point near Montgomery's defeat. Grant's expedition was so destructive that the Cherokee quickly sued for peace ending the Cherokee War. [37]

One of the lieutenants in the Grant expedition was Andrew Williamson (1730-1786) who was also a Scot and who had come to America as a child. He supplied forts and army expeditions and in 1760 served in the Grant expedition. By 1765 he was an established planter with his plantation called Whitehall located about six miles west of present-day Ninety Six, South Carolina. [38] Williamson was instrumental on at least one occasion in supplying the English with Cherokee clay which had been used in making the first porcelain in America and later was used in making jasper by Josiah Wedgwood. [39] In 1776, during the American Revolution, the Americans planned a three-pronged attack from North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia against the Cherokee. Williamson led the forces from South Carolina and the following year signed a treaty which resulted in the loss of more than 6,000 square miles by the Cherokee in North and South Carolina. [40]

Griffith Rutherford (1731 - 1800) led the North Carolina prong of the attack against the Cherokee. Rutherford was born in Ireland about 1731 and came to America eight years later. He settled in Rowan County, North Carolina, about 1753. Rutherford served in both colonial assemblies and provincial congresses. In 1753 he was appointed captain in the North Carolina militia and by 1776 achieved the rank of brigadier general. Rutherford led approximately 2,500 men into Cherokee territory where he destroyed 36 towns in the Middle Settlements before he was joined by Williamson's forces (of 1,800) to attack other Cherokee settlements. [41] This three-pronged attack resulted in the Cherokee being too devastated to make any further concerted action against the Americans. Fear of similar devastation kept other southern Indians from playing more than a minor role in the American Revolution. [42]

So Scots made up significant numbers of the forces invading Cherokee territory and Scots or Irish seemed to have led the majority of invasions, especially the most devastating ones in the second half of the 18th century. The history of the Scots, Irish and Cherokee crossed paths for a variety of reasons. Many Scots came to the English colonies for political reasons after the failure of the Jacobite rebellions. [43] Scotland lost more of her sons and daughters by high rents and changing agricultural methods. The New World attracted these lost souls by holding out the prospect of economic gain. The Scottish clan system declined due to social and economic change and the failure of the Jacobite rebellions accelerated this decline. The clan culture was a warrior one and the British Army offered a familiar alternative by enlisting thousands of highlanders.

Scots became involved with all the tribes along the frontier perhaps because the frontier could employ their Old World talents in war. Many Scots who came to the New World were more sympathetic to Indian ideas and ideals. In many ways, the Scots also were the group best able to empathize with Native Americans. Scots saw similarities between themselves and Indian society. Indians followed a clan system. Both Scots and Indians had a tremendous sense of identity with nature and the environment. Neither viewed land ownership as individual. The Gaelic language as well as Native American tongues were spoken and not written until relatively recently. Both languages were rich in imagery. No wonder there was a close association between Scots and Indians. [44]

This close association between the Scots and the Indians had both a negative and positive impact on the Cherokee. Scots and Irish generally treated the tribe fairly in business affairs. Many intermarried with the Cherokee and their progeny are part of the modern Cherokee population. As indicated, many of the great Cherokee leaders of the 19th century (most notably John Ross with a Scottish father and Scottish grandfather and Major Ridge with a Scottish grandfather) were of Scottish ancestry. But intermarriage also had some negative results. Mixed blood leaders were the ones more prone to acculturation and the adoption of white man's ways. The rapid acculturation by the Cherokee in the early 19th century shocked Georgians who were already impatiently awaiting the United States government's extinguishment of Indian claims to land in their state. Consequently the Georgians, assured of presidential sympathy, passed a number of oppressive laws effectively ending Cherokee control over their tribal lands in Georgia. [45] These laws in turn sped up the demand for removal. Acculturation also had a negative impact on the status of Cherokee women. In traditional Cherokee society, women had an equal voice in council meetings and were powerful due in part to the Cherokee matrilineal kinship system. With acculturation, women were relegated to an inferior status with no right to vote and with little control over land and family. Cherokee women became "as subserviant, oppressed and powerless as their white sisters." [46]

Many Scots and Irish, notably Ludovic Grant, George Chicken, James Adair, John Stuart and James Grant, left records, either official or unofficial, which are invaluable in reconstructing Cherokee history and culture of the 18th century. But these same Scots, as well as their English colleagues, helped contribute to the destruction of the very Cherokee culture they were recording. The demand for deerskins brought change to the traditional precontact harmony with nature in which the Indians killed only what they needed. Commercial hunting also brought a decline in traditional prehunting rituals. [47] By the end of the 18th century, perhaps long before, the Cherokee seriously had depleted the abundant game that once had existed on their land. [48] With their resources becoming exhausted, the Cherokee gradually replaced them with white man's meat, especially swine and chicken. They eventually turned to farming, an action which threw women out of what had been their traditional role as well as one of their primary responsibilities. [49]

One of the items most demanded by the Cherokee from Scot, Irish and other traders was guns. The guns swapped with the Indians were known as "trade guns." They were lighter and preferred by the Indians who wanted a weapon easy to carry. However, they broke down quicker and had a larger bore, requiring special shot. The use of these "trade guns" made certain the dependency of the Indians on the white man. Guns were extremely important for the Cherokee. Guns certainly facilitated the hunt and, together with the acquisition of white man's horses, extended rather rapidly the Cherokee hunting. [50] Equally important, the Cherokee needed guns because their Creek enemies had guns. If the Cherokee did not have guns, they would be at a decided military disadvantage. The Cherokee had a choice of killing deer as a means of buying guns to defend themselves or else the tribe could face being killed or being enslaved. [51] In the early 18th century the Cherokee traders on more than one occasion encouraged the Cherokee to wage war for slaves and to fight on the English side against the French or Spanish. The Cherokee were important as a barrier against the French or Spanish and they tried to use this rivalry to their own advantage. They allied themselves with the English in return for trade goods. The French and Indian War ended the French threat. Unfortunately it also ended the importance of the Cherokee as a barrier. By the end of the American Revolution when the British were driven out, the Cherokee and other Indians lost their last realistic opportunity to play one side against the other. The Cherokees then had to play the losing game of treating with the more powerful new Americans who steadily were increasing their demands for more land. [52]

Thus the Scots, Irish, as well as the English increased the frequency and the reasons for war for the Cherokee. Fighting beside and against the white man changed traditional Cherokee tactics. The Cherokee normally fought for revenge or in retaliation, usually killing the same number of enemy that the tribe had lost earlier. By 1817 the Cherokee attacked an Osage village in Arkansas while the men were away. The Cherokee actually "killed women and children, stole livestock and property, took about one hundred captives and burned the village," activities unheard of in earlier days . Traditional Cherokee tactics had been replaced by methods that came "to resemble those of the United States Army." [53] The increase in the frequency of war also brought a decline in population and as long as the Indians were fighting one another, the threat of Indians unifying against the white man was lessened.

As early as 1725, the Cherokee reported that they had become dependent on white man's trade. [54] Trade goods and a "better kind of hatchet," as one historian has put it, helped bring about a decline in traditional crafts of the Cherokee. [55] Trade goods brought by Scot, Irish and other traders also helped destroy Cherokee values of subsistence and equality. Prior to white contact, equality had existed among the Cherokee. "Getting ahead" was a white man's concept. Of course there were some Cherokee who were better off than others but the difference was never great — that is until the appearance of the white man. Cherokee often obtained goods from traders on credit and these trade debts led to several land cessions in the 18th century and to more cessions in the 19th century. [56]

Cuming and Chicken, as well as other Scots and English, also interfered with and helped change the Cherokee political system. A Cherokee chief became chief because of his ability to achieve a consensus of opinion, but often whites such as Cuming and Chicken dealt with certain individuals or towns of their own choosing, thus lending undue importance to those individuals or towns. A new standard was introduced into Cherokee politics — how well one could deal with the white man or how close one was located to white settlements. In fact, trader locations and the establishment of factories brought about a change in the settlement patterns of the Cherokee. [57]

Besides death through increased warfare, white man's diseases (especially smallpox) had a devastating effect on the Indians. The white man had been exposed to these diseases for centuries and had built up an immune system against them. Cherokee and other Native Americans did not have this immune system and whole villages were wiped out when exposed to these diseases. In 1738, a smallpox epidemic destroyed approximately one-half of the total Cherokee population. [58] In 1760, an invading army led by the Scot Archibald Montgomery brought another epidemic of smallpox. Normally the Cherokee went to their medicine men for cures, but the medicine men had no power against these new diseases. As a result, the power of this figure declined. Often medicine men believed the failure lay in their ritual paraphernalia. Believing the paraphernalia had lost their power, the medicine men threw the apparatus into a fire. White man's diseases brought by Scots and others were especially harsh on the elderly. With the unexpected death of their ancients, much Cherokee history and oral tradition were lost. [59]

The impact of the Scots and Irish on the Cherokee was tremendous. Although not accomplished unilaterally, the Scots and Irish did help record and preserve Cherokee culture; but they also helped destroy traditional beliefs and societal status; they affected population sizes, changed settlement patterns and altered traditional roles for Cherokee men and women. The Cherokee survive today in spite of the white man. They are rebuilding and rediscovering their heritage and traditions. The positive and negative effects of Scot and Irish contact have both helped and yet also have hindered the Cherokee's search for their traditional heritage.


1. James Mooney, Historical sketch of the Cherokees (Reprint; Chigaco: Aldine Publishing Co., 1975), p. 83. Mooney, himself, was of Irish descent.

2. Allen Johnson, Dumas Malone, and others (eds.), Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner and sons, 20 volumes, 1928; index and updating supplements), III, p. 316, hereinafter cited as DAB.

3. William S. Powell, ed., Dictionary of North Carolina Biography (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 3 volumes to date, 1987), III, pp. 107-108.

4. Powell, Dictionary of North Carolina Biography, III, pp. 83-86; Beth Crabtree, North Carolina Governors: 1585-1968 (Raleigh: Department of Archives and History, 1974), pp. 35-37.

5. DAB, v, p. 150; Crabtree, North Carolina Governors, p. 52.

6. M. Eugene Sirmans, Colonial South Carolina, A Political History: 1663-1763 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1966), p. 194.

7. Kenneth Coleman and Charles Stephen Gurr, eds., Dictionary of Georgia Biography (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2 volumes, 1983), II, p. 1,001.

8. John Philip Reid, A Better Kind of Hatchet: Law, Trade and Diplomacy in the Cherokee Nation during the Early Years of European Contact (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976), p. 142.

9. Samuel Cole Williams, ed., Adair's History of the American Indians (Promontory Press, 1986), p. 438; William Shedrick Willis, "Colonial Conflict and the Cherokee Indians, 1710-1760," (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1955), p. 115; Cornelius Doharty to Governor James Glen (31 July 1751) in William L. McDowell, ed., Documents Relating to Indian Affairs. 1750-1754 (Columbia: South Carolina Archives Department, 1958), pp. 115-116; William L. McDowell, ed., Documents Relating to Indian Affairs. 1754-1765 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. 1970), pp. 426-427.

10. Ludovic Grant, 'Historical Relation," in Public Records Office, Colonial Office, 5, 375, 113, hereinafter cited as PRO CO. Samuel Cole Williams, ed., Early Travels in the Tennessee Country: 1540-1800 (Johnson City: Watauga Press, 1928), 123n.

11. Cherokee descendants of Adair usually have the name Martin or Mays. Williams, ed., Adair's History of the American Indians, p. xix.

12. Williams, ed., Adair's History of the American Indians, pp. vii-xxx.

13. McDowell, Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 1754-1765, p. 137.

14. Tistoe and the Wolf to Governor William Henry Lyttleton (5 March 1759) and an affidavit of Issac Atwood (31 January 1760), Lyttleton Papers, William L. Clements Library (Ann Arbor, Mich.); David H. Corkran, The Cherokee Frontier: Conflict and Survival. 1740-1762 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962), p. 192.

15. William G. McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries. 1789-1839 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 47-48, p. 146.

16. "Journal of Sir Alexander Cuming" in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country edited by Samuel Cole Williams, pp. 115-143.

17. Ibid.; Reid, A Better Kind of Hatchet, p. 147.

18. The date given in the DAB as 1700 is inaccurate. See John Richard Alden, John Stuart and the Southern Colonial Frontier (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1944), pp. 159-161.

19. John P. Brown, Old Frontiers: The Story of the Cherokee Indians from Earliest Times to the Date of their Removal to the West, 1838 (Kingsport, Tenn.: Southern Publishers, 1938), p. 67; Alden, John Stuart, says the boy's hair was blond, p. 169.

20. McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, p. 162.

21. George Hamilton-Edwards, In Search of Scottish Ancestry (2nd ed.; Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1986), p. 152.

22. Alden, John Stuart, 213n.

23. John Stuart to Earl of Dartmouth (8 January 1773) in PRO CO 5/74/35; also see map outlining acreage given to Alexander Cameron in PRO MPG 338. A copy of this map is in the Anderson and Lewis Cherokee Collection, Western Carolina University, Cullowhee, N.C.

24. Brown, Old Frontiers, p. 122.

25. Samuel Cole Williams, ed., Lieutenant Henry Timberlake's Memoirs: 1756-1765 (Marietta, Ga.: Continental Book Company, 1948), p. 129; Gary E. Moulton, John Ross, Cherokee Chief (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1978), p. 2.

26. William S. Coker and Thomas D. Watson, Indian Traders of the Southeastern Spanish Borderlands: Panton, Leslie & Company and John Forbes & Company (Pensacola: University of West Florida Press, 1986), p. 162.

27. McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, p. 110

28. Moulton, John Ross, pp. 2-3.

29. Janet and David Campbell, "The MacIntosh Family Among the Cherokees," Journal of Cherokee Studies, V (Spring 1980), p. 4.

30. Brown, Old Frontiers, p. 90; Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, p. 240.

31. DAB, XII, pp. 66-70: John Bartlett Meserve, "The McIntoshes," Chronicles of Oklahoma X (September 1932), p. 312.

32. Meserve, "The McIntoshes," p. 312.

33. Meserve, "The McIntoshes," pp. 312-314.

34. Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds., The Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 22 volumes, 1908-1909; index and updating supplements), XIII, pp. 749-750, hereinafter cited as DNB; Alden, John Stuart, p. 112; Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, pp. 208-212.

35. General Jeffrey Amhearst to Governor Lyttleton (26 February 1760) in PRO C05/57/320; Alden, John Stuart, p. 112; Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, pp. 208-212.

36. DNB, VIII, p. 389; Alden, John Stuart, p. 129; George C. Rogers, Jr., "The Papers of James Grant of Ballindalloch Castle, Scotland," South Carolina Historical Magazine, LXXVII (July 1976), p. 146.

37. Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, pp. 247-255.

38. DAB, X, pp. 296-297; McDowell, Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 1754-1756, p. 447.

39. William L. Anderson, "Cherokee Clay, from Duche to Wedgwood: The Journal of Thomas Griffiths, 1767-1768," North Carolina Historical Review, LXIII (October 1986), p. 482.

40. DAB, X, pp. 296-297; McDowell, Documents Relating to Indian Affairs, 1754-1756, p. 447.

41. James H. O'Donnell, III, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973), p. 47.

42. John Stuart to John Knox (18 May 1778) in PRO CO 5/79/1 58 and David Taitt to Governor Patrick Tonyn (23 May 1777) in PRO CO 5/557/299; O'Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution, pp. 143-144.

43. There was no great exodus from the Highlands after the Jacobite rebellions. Only about 800 Jacobite prisoners were transported after the "Forty-Five." Hamilton-Edwards, In Search of Scottish Ancestry, p. 151.

44. Jaime Brown, "The Highland Connection with Native America" Christian Science Monitor (7 April 1988); Merwyn S. Garbarino, Native American Heritage (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1976), p. 435.

45. William G. McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 410-413.

46. Theda Perdue, "The Traditional Status of Cherokee Women," Furman Studies 26 (December 1980), p. 24.

47. Gary Goodwin, Cherokees in Transition: A Study of Changing Culture and Environment Prior to 1775 (Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography Research Paper No. 181, 1977), p. 148.

48. For a discussion of the reasons why the Indians depleted their resources, see Charles Hudson, "Why the Southeastern Indians Slaughtered Deer," in Indians, Animals and the Fur Trade: A Critique of Keepers of the Game edited by Shepard Krech III (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1981), pp. 155-176.

49. Williams, Adair's History of the American Indians, pp. 241-242; Tom Hatley, "Cherokee Agriculture, Cherokee Women, and the Adaptiveness of Cherokee Society in the Eighteenth Century." Unpublished paper delivered to the Conference on the Appalachian Frontier, May 1985, Harrisonburg, Va.

50. Goodwin, Cherokees in Transition, p. 142.

51. Hudson, "Why the Southeastern Indians Slaughtered Deer," p. 167.

52. O'Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution, p. 144.

53. Theda Perdue, "The Trail of Tears: Removal of the Southern Indians," in The American Indian Experience. A Profile: 1524 to the Present edited by Philip Weeks (Arlington Heights, Ill.,: Forum Press, 1988), p. 113; Theda Perdue, Slavery and the Evolution of Cherokee Society, 1540-1866 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1979), p. 23.

54. "Journal of George Chicken, 1725," in PRO CO 5/12/21. A printed version of the journal maybe found in Newton D. Mereness, Travels in the American Colonies (New York: Macmillan Company, 1916), pp. 112-113.

55. Reid, A Better Kind of Hatchet, p. 195.

56. "Map of the Creek and Cherokee Country, 1772," in PRO CO 5/73/161. Ron Satz, American Indian Policy in the Jacksonian Era (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1975), p. 110.

57. Goodwin, Cherokees in Transition, pp. 112-124.

58. Williams, Adair's History of the American Indians, p. 244. Although perhaps not as devastating, smallpox epidemics also occurred among the Cherokee in 1698, 1759-60, 1780, 1783 and after the Civil War. Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), pp. 22, 33-34, 97.

59. Williams, Adair's History of the American Indians, p. 245.

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Last Updated: 23-Mar-2011