Salinas Pueblo Missions "In the Midst of a Loneliness": The Architectural History of the Salinas Missions Historic Structures Report

¹ In this report, the word "mission" refers to the Franciscan establishment at a pueblo, including the church, the convento, or missionary residence, and all associated buildings, corrals, stables, and fields.

¹ The fourth is Tabirá, now called Pueblo Blanco, Laboratory of Anthropology site number 51 (LA 51).

² The other three are Tajique, Chililí, and Tabirá. Tajique and Chililí are now modern towns, and Tabirá is owned by the National Forest Service.

³ The fifth is San Estéban at Acoma, and the sixth is San José de Giusewa at Jemez Springs.

⁴ Since 1941, the National Park Service has called the smaller church by the name "San Isidro," and the larger church by the name "San Buenaventura." See Appendix 2 for an explanation of the names for these churches used in this report.

⁵ The other example is a portion of the South Mound at Pecos. Similar room groups exist at Abó and Quarai, but no information is preserved from their excavation, so that their use as early conventos is conjectural. Other possible Spanish-constructed rooms have been seen at Hawikuh and Awatovi, and perhaps Giusewa.

⁶ Somewhat larger spans were built at San José de Giusewa at Jemez Springs, San Isidro de Las Humanas; but the largest was Nuestra Señora de los Angeles de Porciúncula at Pecos, built in 1622-29; Alden C. Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), p. 4. Los Angeles was 39 feet wide across the nave, 146 feet long to the back of the sanctuary, and stood 45 to 50 feet high with walls 9 to 14 feet thick. This building undoubtedly is beyond the optimum limits of wall-and-beam construction. Among many other difficulties, the simple problem of finding, transporting, carving and raising the massive beams capable of spanning a 39-foot nave must have been almost insurmountable; see Appendix 2.

⁷ These were the Tiwa Indians of Quarai, the Tompiro of Abó, and a group at Gran Quivira (called Las Humanas in this report) that was either a somewhat different variety of Tompiro or a composite group with some Plains Indian (probably Apache) characteristics.

⁸ General Management Plan/Development Concept Plan, Salinas National Monument, New Mexico (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1984), p. 107.

⁹ Anonymous, "Ancient Quarai Ruins Taken Over by Museum," El Palacio 1 (November 1913): 1; Salinas National Monument (Abó, Quarai, and Gran Quivira), New Mexico: A Proposal (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1964), p. 8.

¹⁰ Editor's note in Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "San Gregorio de Abó Mission," El Palacio 47 (March 1940): 49; Salinas Proposal, p. 8.

¹¹ Salinas Proposal, p. 10-11.

¹² Draft Master Plan, Gran Quivira National Monument (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1973), p. 9.

¹³ Proposal/Assessment General Management Plan, Proposed Salinas National Monument, New Mexico (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1978), pp. 2-6.

¹⁴ Summary Plan, Salinas National Monument, New Mexico (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1981), pp. 1-2.

¹⁵ Resources Management Plan and Environmental Assessment for Salinas National Monument (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1982), pp. 66, 99, 102; Salinas National Monument, New Mexico: Statement for Management (Santa Fe: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Southwest Regional Office, 1983), pp. 9-11.

¹⁶ Resources Management Plan, pp. 66, 99, 102.

¹⁷ The present report includes the administrative background and historical data sections of a historic structure report. Architectural data sections are planned.

¹⁸ Before 1630, conventos were small and seem to have been designed for only one friar. After 1630 conventos were built with three suites for friars.

¹⁹ The principal change was the moving of the baptistry area from beneath the choir loft to a separate room at the front of the church, built specifically for it. This change occurred about 1640.

¹ Six ranches are known to have been in the area between Tajique and Quarai alone; see notes 56 and 57 in this chapter.

² Wesley R. Hurt, "The 1939-1940 Excavation Project at Quarai Pueblo and Mission Buildings," (manuscript at Salinas National Monument, National Park Service, 1985), p. 132; Joseph A. Tainter and Frances Levine, Cultural Resources Overview: Central New Mexico (Santa Fe: New Mexico State Office, Bureau of Land Management, 1987), pp. 20-68; and Alden C. Hayes, Jon Nathan Young, and A. H. Warren, Excavation of Mound 7, Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico, Publications in Archeology, No. 16 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1981), p. 5.

³ Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, pp. 37, 68-70.

⁴ Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, p. 42.

⁵ Kenneth Hale and David Harris, "Historical Linguistics and Archeology," Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1979), p. 171; William L. Leap, "Who were the Piro?," Anthropological Linguistics, 13 (July, 1971): 329.

⁶ Hale and Harris, "Historical Linguistics," p. 177; and Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 5, 12, 20.

⁷ The pueblo named Las Humanas by the Spanish is today called Gran Quivira. In this report the Spanish name will be used.

⁸ Joseph H. Toulouse and Robert L. Stephenson excavated a small section of Pueblo Pardo (LA 83) in 1941 and concluded that it had been abandoned about 1630, plus or minus ten years; see Excavations at Pueblo Pardo: Central New Mexico, Papers in Anthropology, No. 2 (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico, 1960), pp. 3, 38. Pueblo Colorado (LA 476) was abandoned at about the same time or earlier, according to notes in the Laboratory of Anthropology site files; see also H. P. Mera, Population Changes in the Rio Grande Glaze-Paint Area, Technical Series, Bulletin 11 (Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, 1940), p. 17, and the remarks by Alden Hayes in note 31 of this chapter.

⁹ The languages spoken at the six historical pueblos of Salinas during the seventeenth century are a topic of debate among anthropologists and historians. For example, Albert H. Schroeder argued in "Pueblos Abandoned in Historic Times," Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 9: The Southwest (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1979), pp. 237-39, that all the Salinas pueblos were either Piro or Tompiro; see also Albert Schroeder, "The Language of the Salinas Pueblos: Piro or Tiwa?" El Palacio 39 (July 1964): 235-49. The Franciscans, having to learn the languages, had no doubt about the situation. In Charles Wilson Hackett, ed., Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, English translations edited with introduction and annotations by Charles Wilson Hackett, Vol. 3 (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1937), p. 163, Fray Nicolás de Freitas, Guardian of Concepción de Quarai, stated that a Franciscan who could speak the Piro language of Socorro and Senecú could make himself understood in the pueblos of Las Humanas, Abó and Tabirá, whereas Tiwa was spoken in "the district of Las Salinas;" that is, in Tajique (perhaps including Quarai and Chililí). In Hackett, Documents, p. 178, the testimony of other people about the linguistic affiliations of the Salinas pueblos are recorded; see also Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 6, 7.

¹⁰ See France Scholes, "Documentary Evidence Relating to the Jumano Indians," pp. 271-76, in Scholes and Mera, "Some Aspects of the Jumanos Problem," and Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th-Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira, Archeological Research Series Number 8 (Washington, D. C.: National Park Service, 1979), pp. 9-10, for summaries of the evidence for this.

¹¹ Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 1.

¹² See Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 6-7.

¹³ David M. Brugge, "Pueblo Factionalism and External Relations," Ethnohistory 16 (Spring 1969): 191-93.

¹⁴ See Chapter 8 for a discussion of this.

¹⁵ See figure 2, Chapter 4, for a plan of the pueblo of Abó. The pueblo has seen very little archeological work. West of Arroyo Espinoso, which flows from north to south through the middle of the group of pueblo mounds making up the site of Abó, only three small areas have been examined. These excavations imply the sequence of construction given here, but the sequence should be considered as tentative. Bertha P. Dutton, "Excavation Tests at the Pueblo Ruins of Abó," Collected Papers in Honor of Erik Kellerman Reed, Papers of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico, No. 6 (Albuquerque: Albuquerque Archaeological Society Press, 1981), pp. 182-93; Bertha P. Dutton, "Excavation Tests at the Pueblo Ruins of Abó, Part II," Prehistory and History in the Southwest, Papers of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico, No. 11 (Santa Fe: Ancient City Press, 1985), pp. 100-02. See also Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, p. 63.

¹⁶ Dutton, "Excavation Tests," pp. 182-193; Dutton, "Excavation Tests, Part II," pp. 100-02; Stuart J. Baldwin, "Preliminary report on 1982 Excavations at the Pueblo of Abó," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument, pp. 4-17.

¹⁷ Hurt, "Excavation Project at Quarai," pp. 132-34.

¹⁸ Edgar L. Hewett, who conducted the first excavations at Quarai in 1913, was convinced that he had found a round structure under mound A. All later excavations have found a rectilinear pattern of rooms, but excavators may not have penetrated to the lowest levels of the mound. See Edgar L. Hewett, "Quarai, Excavation of Mound, August 29, 1913," Site LA95 (Quarai), file folder 4, map drawer 2, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe; Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 20; Paul A. F. Walter, "The Cities that Died of Fear," El Palacio, 3 (August 1916): 35.

¹⁹ See figure 12, Chapter 5, for a plan of the pueblo of Quarai. A kiva found under the Spanish-built retaining walls of Quarai by Ele Baker in 1936 may be considered virtual proof that a mound of pueblo ruins underlies the church and convento. Baker, directing the CCC excavations, found a round kiva in the eastern, or second, courtyard at Quarai. This kiva was apparently a buried ruin at the time the convento was built, with walls surviving in the ground to about one or two feet above the top of the ventilator opening in the east wall; see Museum of New Mexico photograph number (hereafter referred to as MNM #) 45438, 45439. The mound suggested by the round kiva is called mound X in this report. No other structural traces of the underlying pueblo have been seen. The excavations in the church and convento in the 1930s did not penetrate the Spanish colonial floors. The probable pueblo ruin is assumed by the author to be contemporaneous with mound A because of its similarity in siting and separation from the later buildings of the pueblo of Quarai. See Hurt, "Excavation Project at Quarai," pp. 134, 141-42; Anonymous, "Kivas Found in Quarai Monastery," El Palacio 40 (May-June 1936): 122; Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th Century Spanish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, Report No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 36, (Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum, 1949), p. 135, n. 43. Because the presence of the kiva is considered sufficient to prove the presence of an associated house mound, the author did not believe it necessary to check on this hypothesis by excavations beneath the convento of Quarai. However, it is still a hypothesis, and should be confirmed when possible.

²⁰ Archeology conducted at Quarai between 1913 and 1959 has been interpreted to indicate that the pueblo was abandoned from ca. 1425 to ca. 1600. This report assumes that such an interpretation is incorrect. The excavations have apparently sampled only the oldest mound and the most recent pueblo construction, resulting in a dearth of occupation debris from the 15th and 16th centuries and the conclusion that the pueblo was not occupied during those years. Hurt, "Excavation Project at Quarai," pp. 60-62, indicates that the hypothetical abandonment is not likely. Artifacts from this period are rare in the areas actually excavated on the north side of the pueblo, but not absent. Because the evidence presented by Hurt seems to show continuous occupation of Quarai, the author considered excavations to check on the dates of the central mounds to be unnecessary. However, the assumption that Quarai has been continuously occupied since 1300 should be tested when feasible. See also Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, p. 62.

²¹ The sequence of construction events for the pueblo of Quarai are conjectural, based on the ceramics discussion by Hurt, "Excavation Project at Quarai," pp. 60-62, who hints at these conclusions. Between 1913 and 1959, the few archeological investigations at Quarai found the greatest concentration of ceramics dating from the sixteenth century in Plaza C. John P. Wilson, "Quarai: A Turbulent History," Salinas, Exploration: the Annual Bulletin of the School of American Research (Santa Fe: School of American Research, 1982), p. 21, points out that there is additional evidence for the occupation of Quarai during the period from 1400 to 1600 in the tree-ring dates of wood samples collected from Quarai. For example, William J. Robinson, John W. Hannah, and Bruce G. Harrill, Tree-Ring Dates from New Mexico I, O, U: Central Rio Grande Area (Tucson: University of Arizona, Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, 1972), p. 88, give one cutting date of about 1428, with others through the 1500s. That the pueblo was two or three stories high in places is implied by the records of the Fray Agustín Rodriguez-Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado expedition of 1581-82. They visited five pueblos in the area of the Salinas basin, one of which was probably Quarai, and explicitly stated that all had two to three stories of buildings. See Schroeder, "Pueblos Abandoned," pp. 237-39.

²² Schroeder, "Pueblos Abandoned," p. 249; Wilson, "Quarai: A Turbulent History," p. 20; Wilson, "Quarai, Living Mission to Monument," El Palacio 78 (January 1973): 15; John P. Wilson to David Brugge, June 12, 1985, in the personal files of David Brugge, Regional Curator, Southwest Regional Office, Santa Fe.

²³ Alden C. Hayes, ed., Contributions to Gran Quivira Archeology, Publications in Archeology 17, (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1981), pp. 1-2, 12. See figure 18, Chapter 6.

²⁴ Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," p. 277.

²⁵ Schroeder, "Pueblos Abandoned," p. 240, thinks the pueblos visited were Abó and an unidentified second pueblo; John P. Wilson, in "Quarai, Living Mission to Monument," p. 15, and "Quarai: A Turbulent History," p. 20, agrees with Schroeder; Joseph H. Toulouse, in The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Santa Fe: School of American Research, 1949), p. 2, thinks they were Las Humanas and a neighboring pueblo; Vivian, Excavations, pp. 11-12, says that Espejo could have visited either Abó or Las Humanas; and Alden Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 2, thinks that the two towns were the site labelled LA 200 in Abó Pass, and Abó.

²⁶ In fact, the only published dates are in Mera, Population Changes, pp. 14-15. Alden Hayes has visited the site and found Glaze F and Tabirá Plain pottery. Some of the Tabirá Plain was in the form of soup plates, a Spanish-introduced design; Alden Hayes to James Ivey, February 8, 1987, manuscript in the files of the Southwest Regional Office.

²⁷ Fray Agustín de Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano: Descripcion Breve de Los Sucessos Exemplares de la Nueva-España en el Nuevo Mundo Occidental de las Indias, José Porrua Turanzas, ed., Coleccion Chimalistac de Libros y Documentos Acerca de la Nueva España, no. 10, Vol. 3 (Madrid: José Porrua Turanzas, 1961), p. 279; Ibid., no. 11, Vol. 4, p. 215.

²⁸ France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629, II," New Mexico Historical Review 20 (January 1945): 68.

²⁹ Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," p. 276; see also Schroeder, "Piro or Tiwa?" p. 243. Schroeder has since argued that there was an additional day of travel between Las Humanas and "the second Abó," making the reference either to a second visit to Abó or to a second town of Abó in the immediate area of Abó itself, i.e., LA 200. Schroeder's argument fits the evidence, and could well be correct. Personal communication, Al Schroeder to James Ivey, June 8, 1988.

³⁰ Lieutenant James W. Abert, Western America in 1846-1847, The Original Travel Diary of Lieutenant J. W. Abert, who mapped New Mexico for the United States Army, with Illustrations in Color from his Sketchbook, John Galvin, ed. (San Francisco: John Howell Books, 1966), p. 57 and n. 79.

³¹ Alden Hayes has stated, "I'm convinced that LA 200 is Ténabo. Pueblo Colorado couldn't possibly be, and Pardo would be a poor place for the custodio to plant a church--in a smaller plaza so close to Las Humanas." Of course, LA 200 is almost as close to Abó as Pueblo Pardo is to Las Humanas. Colorado could not be Ténabo, argues Hayes, because "from the surface collection of sherds, I believe that Pueblo Colorado was dead before the entradas [the arrival of the Spaniards]. There was no Tabirá whiteware there--a type made at the Jumano towns, including the nearby Pueblo Blanco [LA 51, the town called Tabirá by the Spaniards], after about 1545. No Glaze F which dates from 1625." However, Hayes adds, "it will take excavation" to be sure of this. Alden Hayes to James Ivey, February 8, 1987, manuscript on file at the Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe.

³² Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," pp. 277-79.

³³ Ele Baker, in excavations conducted in 1936, found evidence of what may be interpreted as a fire ca. 1600 that destroyed part of mounds F and G. See Toulouse, Abó, p. 3; Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," pp. 277-79; Wilson, "Quarai: A Turbulent History," p. 21; and Wilson, "Quarai, Living Mission to Monument," pp. 15-16. See also Vivian, Excavations, p. 15.

³⁴ Ireneo L. Chavez, translator, "Instructions to Peralta by Vice-Roy," New Mexico Historical Review, 4 (April 1929): 178-87.

³⁵ France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629, I," New Mexico Historical Review 19 (October 1944): 327-32

³⁶ Ibid.

³⁷ Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel, II," pp. 62, 68.

³⁸ Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel, I," p. 335; Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel, II," pp. 64, 68, 74. In 1629 six priests were assigned to Las Humanas and other pueblos in the southern Rio Grande and Salinas areas, according to Fray Estévan de Perea in Lansing B. Bloom, "Fray Estévan de Perea's Relación," New Mexico Historical Review, 8 (July 1933): 225-26. These were Fray Antonio de Artiaga (Arteaga), Fray Francisco de la Concepción, Fray Tomas de San Diego, Fray Francisco Letrado, Fray Diego de la Fuente, and Fray Francisco de Azebedo (Acevedo). Although Perea does not indicate where each of the six were sent, other records shed some light on their assignments. At this time the missions at Chililí, Quarai and Abó had already been established. Arteaga founded the first mission at Senecú. Francisco de la Concepción was apparently assigned to begin the mission at Tajique, where he is posted when next mentioned in 1635. Letrado was sent to establish the mission at Las Humanas. Acevedo was sent to Abó as the second priest, probably assisting Fray Francisco Fonte by assuming responsibility for the visitas at Tabirá and Ténabo. Fray Tomas de San Diego and Fray Diego de la Fuente cannot be associated with any specific mission among the Piro and Salinas pueblos, but could have been assigned to Chililí, Socorro, or the short-lived mission at Sevilleta, all places where the names of the missionaries in the early 1630s are not known.

³⁹ The origins of "ecclesiastical jurisdiction" are outlined in France V. Scholes, "Church and State In New Mexico, 1610-1650, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 11 (January 1936): 24.

⁴⁰ France V. Scholes, "Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review, 10 (April 1935): 75. This article contains a brief introduction to the topic of the evolution and function of the administrative structure of New Mexico. Far more research is needed on this topic, a critical issue during the second half of the seventeenth century.

⁴¹ Scholes, "Civil Government and Society," p. 77.

⁴² The "district" appears to have been several miles across, and may have extended as far as two leagues (about five miles) from the pueblo. It is possible that Pueblo Pardo and LA 200 are never mentioned as separate pueblos after 1622 because they were within the districts of Las Humanas and Abó, respectively. If LA 200 was Ténabo, for example, then by this reasoning it would have disappeared from the administrative map of the Salinas area with the creation of the district of Abó.

⁴³ Scholes, "Civil Government and Society," p. 77.

⁴⁴ See note 54 in this chapter.

⁴⁵ A number of changes in the political structure of the province were instituted beginning in ca. 1650. No indication of the source or cause of these changes is available.

⁴⁶ The question of whether a given pueblo had advanced from the status of misión to that of doctrina, the next level of mission administration, becomes critical in order to properly understand some parts of this conflict. If the missions of the Salinas jurisdiction were indeed doctrinas, then the governor had every right to establish Spanish alcaldes in each pueblo and the missionary had to surrender much of his civil authority. If, on the other hand, they were still misiones, the governor had no such right. However, for the pueblos to remain misiones for any length of time implied a lack of success on the part of the missionaries in converting the Indians, a criticism they did not want. For a more complete discussion, see pp. 30 and 32-33 in this chapter, and Scholes, "Church and State, I," p. 13.

⁴⁷ France V. Scholes, "Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650, V," New Mexico Historical Review 12 (January 1937): 100; "Civil Government and Society," pp. 75-76 and n. 8, pp. 91-93 and n. 36. The first known Lieutenant Governor was Captain Juan Dominguez de Mendoza in 1659; Hackett, Documents, pp. 156, 197.

⁴⁸ Hackett, Documents, pp. 136, 144, 145, 160; Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 6-7. The people of the province of New Mexico associated the jurisdiction of Las Salinas with the pueblo of Tajique so strongly that by the 1670s Tajique alone was occasionally referred to as "Las Salinas." See, for example, Hackett, Documents, p. 297; and Chapter 8 in the present report, note 22.

⁴⁹ France V. Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670, I," New Mexico Historical Review 12 (April 1937): 135; Hackett, Documents, pp. 161, 181, 327, 329-30. Juan Manso was the younger brother of Fray Thomas Manso, the Procurador General and conductor of the supply train to New Mexico for the previous 30 years. He was apparently on friendly terms with the Franciscans.

⁵⁰ Hackett, Documents, p. 160.

⁵¹ Hackett, Documents, pp. 224, 273, 276. Nieto's house, abandoned in about 1677, remained unoccupied until about 1800, when Captain Bartólome Baca of Tomé established his ranch, El Torreon, or "the Tower," in the area. Baca may have rebuilt the ruins of Nieto's ranch complex into a fortified compound and used it as the headquarters of El Torreon; similar reuse of seventeenth-century sites occurred at many places in the province of New Mexico. He received title to the grant in 1819, but because of Apache raids was forced to abandon it in about 1830. The land in the immediate area of Nieto's ranch house was regranted to the community of Torreon in 1841; see Chapter 8, pp. 240-41. The site of the Nieto ranch house in or near the town of Torreon is presently unknown

⁵² Casas reales were located in the pueblos for travellers; see Hackett, Documents, p. 153.

⁵³ France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," part I, New Mexico Historical Review, 4 (January, 1929): 46-50, 52-57; Hackett, Documents, p. 119.

⁵⁴ Scholes, "Civil Government and Society," p. 96, n. 44, and p. 102.

⁵⁵ Lansing B. Bloom, "The Royal Order To Custodian Perea," New Mexico Historical Review 5 (July 1930): 288; Lansing B. Bloom, "A Glimpse At New Mexico In 1620," New Mexico Historical Review 3 (October 1928): 357; see also Scholes, "Church and State, II," p. 155. There are a number of cases where known estancias were at about 2 1/2 miles from a pueblo, such as the Nieto ranch south of Tajique at present Torreon, the Serrano or Salazar ranch north of Quarai (probably at present Manzano), the ranch of Captain Francisco Valencia, one league from Isleta, or the ranch of Don Diego de Guadalajara, one league from Sevilleta on the Rio Grande; see Hackett, Documents, pp. 148, 178; and "Hacienda San Antonio de Sevilleta," in Michael P. Marshall and Henry J. Walt, Rio Abajo: Prehistory and History of a Rio Grande Province (Santa Fe: New Mexico Historic Preservation Program, Historic Preservation Division, 1984), p. 256.

⁵⁶ Hackett, Documents, p. 131; France V. Scholes, "Troublous Times, II," p. 389.

⁵⁷ Hackett, Documents, p. 131. The presence of at least one seventeenth-century ruin that was possibly Spanish, LA 383, at the northwest edge of the modern town of Manzano has been reported by Mera. A large apple orchard was located on the site at the time the town was founded in 1829. The settlers attributed the orchard to the missions of the 1600s, but it was probably in reality the property of Doña Zalazar. Archeology has yet to locate any ranch houses in the Salinas area. Little or nothing is known about the plan, construction, or material culture likely to be associated with such a house. The references to the ranch of Doña Catharina de Zalazar are in the Diligencias practicadas sobre la solicitud de el cuerpo del Venerable Padre Fray Gerónimo de la Llana, 1759, PC 29, Box 807, Catron Papers, Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. See also the translation in Adolph F. Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1885-1888, eds. Charles H. Lange, Carroll L. Riley and Elizabeth M. Lange, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1975), p. 524, n. 997. Fray Gerónimo de la Llana died on July 14 or 19, 1659; see Fray Angélico Chavez, "The Unique Tomb of Fathers Zarate and De La Llana in Santa Fe," New Mexico Historical Review, 40 (April 1965): 15, note 21. Doña Catharina de Zalazar was probably Doña Catalina de Salazar, the wife of Luis Martín Serrano. Fray Angélico Chavez, Origins of New Mexico Families in the Spanish Colonial Period (Albuquerque: University of Albuquerque, 1973), pp. 71-72, 101. Catalina de Salazar was widowed before 1663. The Martín Serrano family was associated with the Martín Barba family, of whom Alonso Martín Barba lived at Chililí, and several other members lived in the Salinas area. The relationships between these families and the actual identity of Doña Catharina as presented by Chavez is very confused and needs further research.

⁵⁸ Hackett, Documents, pp. 145, 151, 160-61, 224; Scholes, "Civil Government and Society," pp. 96, 102; Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexico Missions," pp. 46-50, 52-57; this article includes two lists of missions and ranches, one from ca. 1641 and the second giving the condition of the province in the triennium from 1663 to 1669; see France V. Scholes, "Correction," New Mexico Historical Review, 19 (July 1944): 243-46. Stewart Baldwin has argued that the list of missions and ranches that Scholes considered to be from ca. 1641 was actually prepared in ca. 1659; see Stuart J. Baldwin, "A Reconsideration of the Dating of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexican Document," New Mexico Historical Review, 59 (October 1984): 411-13. However, an analysis of the Scholes document indicates that, although a date cannot be unequivocally assigned to it, it most likely dates from about 1640; see James E. Ivey "The Scholes Manuscript: Another Look at the Dating of An Important Seventeenth Century Document," manuscript on file at Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe.

⁵⁹ The actual structure of the encomienda system varied somewhat through time and from place to place in New Spain. See Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), pp. 157-66, especially pp. 163-66 for a discussion of the controversial aspects of the practice; also James Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda: The Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies," pp. 51-66, in Peter J. Bakewell, John J. Johnson, and Meredith D. Dodge, Readings in Latin American History, Volume I: The Formative Centuries (Durham: Duke University Press, 1985). The practices in New Mexico may not have been identical to those in other parts of the New World. See, for example, David H. Snow, "A Note on Encomienda Economics in Seventeenth-century New Mexico," in Marta Weigle, ed., Hispanic Arts and Ethnohistory in the Southwest (Santa Fe: Ancient City Press, 1983), pp. 347-48; H. Allen Anderson, "The Encomienda in New Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review 60 (October 1985): 355, 361, 364-65.

⁶⁰ Vivian, Excavations, p. 21; Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," pp. 282-83.

⁶¹ Thomas C. Barnes, Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, Northern New Spain: A Research Guide (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1981), p. 69.

⁶² Snow, "Encomienda Economics," pp. 347-49; Hackett, Documents, p. 110.

⁶³ Snow, "Encomienda Economics," pp. 354-55; Hackett, Documents, pp. 252-53; Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, p. 84. Anaya Almazán was a notary public in Santa Fe in the late 1630s; see Hackett, Documents, p. 49; Lansing B. Bloom, "A Trade Invoice of 1638," New Mexico Historical Review, 10 (July 1935): 243.

⁶⁴ France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions, II," p. 197, n. 2.

⁶⁵ A typical chapter meeting is described in Lansing B. Bloom and Lynn B. Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections in 1762," New Mexico Historical Review 13 (January 1938): 85-119.

⁶⁶ Fray Diego Miguel Bringas de Manzaneda y Encinas, Friar Bringas Reports to the King, Daniel S. Matson and Bernard L. Fontana, eds. and trans. (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1977), pp. 13-15.

⁶⁷ Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexico Missions, I," pp. 51-58.

⁶⁸ France V. Scholes, "Documentary Evidence Relating to the Jumanos Indians," in France V. Scholes and H. P. Mera, "Some Aspects of the Jumano Problem," Contributions to American Anthropology and History, Vol. 6, No. 34 (Washington: Carnegie Institution, 1940), p. 281. In contrast to the general trend, Abó was almost completely rebuilt in the late 1640s when most other missions were seeing a time of decline. Directed by Fray Francisco de Acevedo, a long-time resident of Abó, it probably resulted from a real need to refurbish the rather small and poorly constructed church and convento built in 1622.

⁶⁹ Stanley A. Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches Found at Quarai and Tabira (Pueblo Blanco)," El Palacio 66 (October 1959): 165. A number of other building projects at New Mexico churches can be attributed to the new effort of the late 1650s. For example, major reconstructions of La Purísima Concepción de Háwikuh, Nuestra Señora de los Angeles de Porciúncula de Pecos, and San Miguel in Santa Fe date to the 1650s; see Watson Smith, Richard B. Woodbury, and Nathalie F. S. Woodbury, with Ross G. Montgomery, The Excavation of Hawikuh By Frederick Webb Hodge, Museum of the American Indian, Vol. 20 (New York: Heye Foundation, 1966), p. 100; Alden C. Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), pp. 25-29; Stanley A. Stubbs and Bruce T. Ellis, Archeological Investigations at the Chapel of San Miguel and the site of La Castrense, Santa Fe, New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 20, (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico, 1955), p. 3. No study of the resurgence has been made by students of the Northern Borderlands.

⁷⁰ A good discussion of the opinions of the church on this question, as recorded by participants in the hottest part of the controversy, can be found in Hackett, Documents, pp. 155, 186-93, and 199. The state's position can be found on pp. 200, 203, 204, and 212-15.

⁷¹ Hackett, Documents, p. 172.

⁷² Hackett, Documents, pp. 200, 215.

⁷³ Bringas, Friar Bringas Reports to the King, p. 16.

⁷⁴ Only European products could be tithed, such as wheat or sheep. Corn and beans or cotton were native products and therefore not subject to the tithe. See Hackett, Documents, p. 112-13.

⁷⁵ Hackett, Documents, pp. 75-127.

¹ Seton Lloyd and Hans Wolfgang Muller, Ancient Architecture (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1986), pp. 9, 10, figs 3, 5. Bainbridge Bunting, Early Architecture in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1976), pp. 9-10.

² Enrico Guidoni, Primitive Architecture, trans. Robert Erich Wolf (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1978), pp. 11, 12, figs. 1-9. Included is a remarkable set of photographs of villages in Nepal, Iran, Algeria, Morocco, Pakistan, and New Mexico, all of which look almost the same. Even more interesting is a series of photographs of the construction of a flat roof in Pakistan, where the steps and methods are indistinguishable from roof construction at a New Mexican pueblo.

³ Today, most Spanish villages have pitched roofs covered with baked clay tiles, the roofing method introduced by the Romans two thousand years ago. Only a few villages, such as Orjiva and Capileira in the mountains around Grenada, the last Islamic city to fall to the Reconquest, still use the Morrocan-style flat earthen roofs. See, for example, Norman F. Carver, Jr., Iberian Villages, Portugal and Spain (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Documan Press, Ltd., 1981), p. 176.

⁴ The construction methods and designs used in New Mexico are frequently characterized as the "Pueblo" style. Actually, both Indians and Spaniards shared the same architectural answers to the problems met when living in areas with low rates of rainfall and a wide variation in temperature.

⁵ The Franciscan would probably have ridden a mule to the new pueblo; however, lay brothers could ride horses and carry arms, and it is possible that ordained Franciscans would do likewise on occasion.

⁶ Lansing Bloom, "Fray Estévan de Perea's Relacion," New Mexico Historical Review, 13 (July 1933): 228; Frederick W. Hodge, History of Hawikuh, New Mexico (Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum, 1937), p. 87; France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629, II," New Mexico Historical Review 20 (January 1945): 81-82. This is the method followed by Fray Roque de Figueredo when he began the mission to Hawikuh in 1629, and probably represents the standard procedure followed by the Franciscan order in New Mexico. Archeology has demonstrated that a similar process was followed at Las Humanas.

⁷ This history of the early construction of Hawikuh is conjectural, based on the scant knowledge available from historical studies and archeology. See Watson Smith, et al., The Excavation of Hawikuh by Frederick Webb Hodge: Report of the Hendricks-Hodge Expedition, 1917-1923, Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian, Vol. 20 (New York: Heye Foundation, 1966), pp. 95, 98-102; France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 4 (January 1929): 50; France V. Scholes, "Correction," New Mexico Historical Review, 19 (July 1944): 243-46. It is possible that the return to Hawikuh did not occur until after 1650.

⁸ This sequence of events is conjectural, but seems the best order based on the very limited information available through archeology and historical research. The actual dates of construction of the first two churches at Pecos are unknown, except that the second, larger church was described as a finished structure in 1629. References to construction on a church at Pecos before 1629 probably refer to this building. See the discussions in Stanley A. Stubbs, et al., "'Lost' Pecos Church," El Palacio 64 (March, April, 1957): 67-85; Alden C. Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), pp. 2-5; John L. Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown: The Pecos Indians and New Mexico, 1540-1840 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1979), pp. 112-27.

⁹ Alden C. Hayes, et al., Excavation of Mound 7, Grand Quivira National Monument, New Mexico, Publications in Archeology No. 16 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1981), pp. 31-36; and Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th-Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira, Archeological Research Series, No. 8 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1979), pp. 60-83. Hayes found that the convento rooms in house block 7 had two components. One of these was a set of rooms built by the Indians but with the doorways and other details converted to a Spanish plan. The second component was a series of rooms built in the Spanish style. Hayes felt that both were the work of Letrado from 1630 to 1631, and analysis of construction rates confirms this. Vivian excavated San Isidro and arrived at several conclusions about its design and rate of construction. This report disagrees with most of his conclusions. For a detailed discussion of the construction of the churches of Las Humanas, see Chapter 6 and Appendix 2.

¹⁰ The actual starting supplies given any specific friar varied; the list here, derived principally from the contract of 1631, was the standard assortment. France V. Scholes translated the contract of 1631 in "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 5 (January 1930): 96-113. See also the accounts of the supply train of 1626 in Archivo General de Indias, Contaduría, legajo 726, Photostats, Special Collections, The Zimmerman Library, The University of New Mexico, and the translation of these accounts in Frederick W. Hodge, George P. Hammond, and Agapito Rey, Fray Alonso de Benavides' Revised Memorial of 1634 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1945), Appendix 4, pp. 109-24.

¹¹ Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, pp. 132-33; Hodge, Hammond and Rey, Benavides' Revised Memorial, p. 67.

¹² The Spanish phrases refer to weight or measure and determine the size of the nail. At present the sizing system is not known.

¹³ Scholes, "Supply Service, I," pp. 103-04.

¹⁴ Hayes, Mound 7, pp. 33-35, described the remains of two doors he found in the first convento at Las Humanas. The carpenters used no nails in the construction of these doors, nor was there any evidence of pegs. Apparently tight-fitting joints and glue held the doors together. Doors constructed for a permanent convento would probably have been more solidly joined, using pegs and nails.

¹⁵ The plans of the conventos of the Salinas missions are too neat and well-designed to have been worked out as the lines of the foundation excavations were marked on the ground. Quarai and Abó, for example, show intricacies of plan that must have required at least some thought and a number of sketches before the interrelationships of rooms and patios worked out correctly. The churches demonstrate careful planning, too, in their proportions as multiples or ratios of some specific measurement. For example, the friars constructed the church of Quarai so that the major divisions of the length, width and height of the nave are in multiples of nine varas and ratios of eighths. Width and height are nine eighths or nine varas; the total length of the church in the interior is four times nine varas; the nave is 2.5 times nine varas long, and five eighths of the total length of the church; the nave and transept are 3.5 times nine varas long and seven eighths of the total length of the church, and so on. The height and size of the transept window were apparently carefully constructed to maximize the effect of the changing sunlight through the cycle of the year. These and other details strongly argue that the churches and conventos were carefully planned in advance of construction.

¹⁶ George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and Since the American Occupation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), pp. 68-70.

¹⁷ Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez, trans., The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, With Other Contemporary Documents (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), p. 352.

¹⁸ See Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th-Century Spanish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 36 (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, 1949), pp. 55-56, n. 9 and Fig. 6; E. Boyd, Popular Arts of Spanish New Mexico (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico, 1974), pp. 266-69.

¹⁹ AGI, Contaduría, legajo 714, LBB # 59, pp. 129-30. Five more bells of the same size were included in the 1625 listings; see ibid., legajo 726, p. 331. The other items made by Sanchez were six communion-wafer molds of brass with a tin wash, nine brass mortars, six chrismeras, and twelve little bells for ringing the Sanctus. See also Manuel Toussaint, Colonial Art in Mexico, Elizabeth W. Weismann, trans. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967), p. 268, for a brief discussion of Hernan Sanchez.

²⁰ France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, II," New Mexico Historical Review, 4 (April 1929): 199; Charles Wilson Hackett, ed., Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, English translations edited with introduction and annotations by Charles Wilson Hackett, Vol. 3 (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute, 1937), pp. 141, 143, 146, 213, 259. Because terminology for the parts of a convento are difficult, the usages in this report will be defined here. The word convento is used to mean the entire complex of structures built by the Franciscans for use by the mission outside the church, the baptistry and the sacristy. Note, however, that in Spanish convento can include the church and is occasionally used that way in the Colonial documents; see Secretaría del Patrimonio Nacional, Vocabulario Arquitectónico Ilustrado (México City: Secretaría del Patrimonio Nacional, 1975), p. 146; see also Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review 4 (January 1929): 51-58. The convento is divided into the "friary," the rooms around the patio used for mission business and living activities (although the Spanish term frequently used in Franciscan inventories of mission buildings is simply casa, house) and the "second courtyard," used principally for livestock and their food storage. The Vocabulario, p. 128, states that the covered gallery around the patio of a convento or monastery should be called the claustro, or cloister. By extension, it adds, the term "cloister" is applied to the entire monastery or convento, and to the monastic life. Because the Franciscans were not a cloistered order, the term seems both too restrictive and too non-specific. A more general term, ambulatorio, will be used in this report. In English, "ambulatory" is usually applied to the covered walk of a cloister, but in Spanish, ambulatorio means simply "a gallery, covered or uncovered; a place for walking." Privies within conventos were common in the eighteenth century; see for example the description of the patio of the friary of Acoma in Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angélico Chavez, trans., The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, With Other Contemporary Documents (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), p. 192, and in the friary rooms of Santa Ana, p. 168. In the seventeenth century they were sometimes in the friary. For example, Nicolás de Aguilar mentioned privies in the friary of Tajique in Hackett, Documents, p. 141.

²¹ In Hodge, Benavides' Revised Memorial, p. 100, Fray Benavides stated that as many as 20 Indians in the service of a mission might live in the friary.

²² Although tame cattle were probably kept in protective pens and barns at the convento, and sheep were herded from pen to pasture, the majority of the cattle were more or less feral. Most of the time they were allowed to wander the ranges around the mission on their own, harvested on a seasonal schedule as a natural resource; see Hackett, Documents, pp. 118, 131; France V. Scholes, "Church and State In New Mexico, 1610-1650, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 11 (January 1936): 37; France V. Scholes, "Church and State In New Mexico, 1610-1650, II," New Mexico Historical Review, 11 (April 1936): 155. This was the usual practice in northern Mexico in the sixteenth century, in Texas in the eighteenth century, and in New Mexico in the nineteenth century. López de Mendizábal mentioned the presence of mission corrals full of cattle near the churches in Ibid., p. 214, and mission granaries full of seed in Ibid., p. 204.

²³ The Indians had been weaving cotton cloth for centuries, using their own methods. However, remarks in various documents of the seventeenth century imply that the Franciscans established workshops of their own. See, for example, Hackett, Documents, p. 213. See also Chapter 7.

²⁴ Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexico Missions, II," pp. 51-58. See also Chapter 7.

²⁵ Norman J. W. Thrower, "Edmond Halley and Thematic GeoCartography," The Terraqueous Globe: The History of Geography and Cartography (Los Angeles: University of California, 1969), pp. 18-27 and plate 3. Edmond Halley, the man who identified Halley's comet as a regularly recurrent visitor, recorded information about magnetic variation that can be used to determine magnetic north in New Mexico at the end of the seventeenth century. In 1701, Halley published a magnetic chart of the Atlantic Ocean, based on observations made during sea voyages in 1698 and 1699. Although Halley did not show lines of variation across the continental United States or in the Pacific, the lines in the Gulf of Mexico and across the North Atlantic can easily be extrapolated through New Mexico. Such an extrapolation indicates a variation of between 0 degrees and 1 degree east of north at the location of the Salinas Basin as of 1698-1700. Observations of variation in North America prior to 1700 are few. Gillespie gives only four, made in 1680 and 1690 at Williamsburg, Virginia and New York City. These, combined with contemporary records made in Europe, suggest that the variation pattern stayed about the same in the American Southwest during the entire seventeenth century, plus or minus about 5 degrees. See W. M. Gillespie, A Treatise on Land-Surveying: Comprising the Theory Developed from Five Elementary Principles; and the Practice with the Chain Alone, the Compass, the Transit, the Theodolite, the Plane Table, etc. (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1883), Appendix D, p. 414. After 1700, the pattern slowly changed. In 1850, in central New Mexico, the variation was N 13_E, virtually the same as it has returned to today.

²⁶ See Gillespie, A Treatise on Land-Surveying, pp. 191-193, for examples of obtaining true north by stellar observation.

²⁷ Samuel Guye and Henri Michel, Time and Space: Measuring Instruments from the 15th to the 19th Century (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971), p. 244-247.

²⁸ Edwin P. Arneson, "The Early Art of Terrestrial Measurement and its Practice in Texas," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 29 (October 1925): 79-97. Alonso de Leon says in his diary that he was using ephemerides made by Andrea Argoli (1570-1657) of Bologna. Argoli published several widely used volumes of ephemerides, covering the period from 1621 to 1700 (Owen Gingerich and Barbara L. Welther, Planetary, Lunar, and Solar Positions, New and Full Moons, A.D. 1650-1805, Memoirs, Vol. 59S (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1983), pp. xi, xxiii). De Leon quotes Argoli as stating that he had taken his ephemerides from the Arte de Navegar, written in 1545 by the noted engineer and scholar, Maestro Pedro Medina of Sevilla (c.1510-c.1570). Medina's tables were prepared before the Gregorian correction to the calendar in 1582, so that Argoli's data giving the height of the sun at noon on a given date and latitude were wrong by several degrees. De Leon had to calculate a series of corrections to the ephemerides incorporating the changes resulting from the use of the Gregorian calendar and to allow for damage to the astrolabe. His latitudes are correct to within two minutes of arc, or 1/30th of a degree; see Arneson, "Measurement," p. 84. These details of Alonso de Leon's astronomical activities are given to illustrate the level of expertise to be expected among seventeenth century Spanish explorers of the northern borderlands.

²⁹ In the seventeenth century the vara, or yard, of Mexico was approximately equal in length to the vara of Burgos, 32.9 inches or 2.74 feet; see Thomas C. Barnes, Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, Northern New Spain: A Research Guide (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1981), p. 68. However, the length differed by an inch or two in various regions of the Spanish Empire, and those from one or another region tended to use the length with which they were familiar.

³⁰ Sidney D. Markman, in Colonial Architecture of Antigua Guatemala (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1966), pp. 52 and 71, briefly describes the process of site layout in Guatemala in the sixteenth century. Other descriptions of construction work in Texas in the eighteenth century are quite similar. The available information indicates that there was little change in the methods throughout the New World from the 1500s to the 1800s.

³¹ The excavations at Awatovi showed that the builders of Brew's "church 1," (probably constructed after "church 2," instead of before as Brew stated) had entirely excavated its foundation trenches and constructed the foundations themselves to a level approximately at grade around most of the circumference of the church, before the work was stopped. Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th-Century Spanish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona (Cambridge: Peabody Museum Press, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Report No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 36, 1949), pp. 134-37, 265-72.

³² Mrs. Edward E. Ayer, trans., The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630 (Chicago: Edward E. Ayer, 1916), p. 33; Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, p. 124. See also George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, Don Juan de Oñate, Colonizer of New Mexico, 1595-1628, Coronado Historical Series, vol. 5 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1953), pp. 608-10.

³³ For example, Benavides remarked about "the various workmen who came to build the churches;" see Ayer, Memorial, p. 102.

³⁴ The inclusion of roofing nails in the beginning supplies of a mission suggests that some buildings may have had shingled roofs.

³⁵ Personal communication, Thomas M. Mott, Timber Staff Officer, Santa Fe National Forest, National Forest Service, July 15, 1988. See also Appendix 2.

³⁶ See, for example, the varieties of wagon used by the Artillery in the nineteenth century in don Luis de Agar, Diccionario Ilustrado de los pertrechos de guerra y demas efectos pertenecientes al material de Artilleria (Madrid: 1853-66), pp. 133-137. As a comparison, the average beam used in prehistoric construction of the Great Pueblos of Chaco Canyon measured about nine inches in diameter, were about sixteen feet long, and weighed just over six hundred pounds each. In the upland forests of western New Mexico these trees were felled, trimmed, debarked, and cut to a predetermined size. The prepared trees were then carried, probably hanging from a yoke or in a sling between two rows of men, an average of over forty-five miles by a crew of perhaps ten to fourteen persons. See Julio L. Betancourt, Jeffrey S. Dean, and Herbert M. Hull, "Prehistoric Long-distance Transport of Construction Beams, Chaco Canyon, New Mexico," American Antiquity, 51 (April 1986): 370.

³⁷ Colonial woodworking tools are well-described in Marc Simmons and Frank Turley, Southwestern Colonial Ironwork: The Spanish Blacksmithing Tradition from Texas to California (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1980), pp. 68-81. See, for example, the turned posts found in the church and sacristy of Hawikuh, burned in 1672, in Smith, The Excavation of Hawikuh, plate 19. Some of these were massive pillars several feet long and one foot thick.

³⁸ Bryant Bannister to Albert Schroeder, Tucson, Arizona, June 26, 1963, manuscript at Salinas National Monument, section H2215, "Beam File."

³⁹ Markman, Colonial Architecture of Antigua Guatemala, p. 29, 34, 71; Agar, Diccionario Ilustrado, p. 316.

⁴⁰ Put-holes were filled as part of the finishing of a structure, so that they would be difficult to identify at Abó and Quarai. Only at San Buenaventura is there hope of eventually recognizing put-holes in the older photographs made before stabilization crews filled all the holes in the twentieth century. Put-holes can be identified in other unfinished mission churches, such as San José de Tumacacori, sixty miles south of Tucson, Arizona, or in nineteenth-century drawings of San Antonio de Valero (the Alamo), in San Antonio, Texas.

⁴¹ The poles from which andamios, or scaffolding, was made were usually called morillos. This word is frequently mistranslated as "andiron," or "firedog," as for example in George Kubler, The Rebuilding of San Miguel at Santa Fe in 1710 (Colorado Springs: The Taylor Museum, 1939), p. 26, n. 27. A morillo was a log or beam intended to supply wood for any structural purpose from door jambs and andamios to latillas and vigas. The earliest documented use of scaffolding in New Mexico was for the reconstruction of San Miguel Chapel, Santa Fe, in 1710, ibid. However, it was used as a standard building procedure throughout the Middle Ages and from the first years of occupation of New Spain in the sixteenth century; see, for example, Markman, Colonial Architecture of Antigua Guatemala, pp. 29, 34.

⁴² Eighteen guindalisas, or hawsers, of Castillian hemp, each about 28 feet long, were shipped to the missions in 1628; see AGI, Contaduría, legajo 728, p. 385. These were almost certainly used for heavy lifting--they would have had few other uses.

⁴³ See, for example, an illustration of a lifting device used in construction in the eighteenth century in Mardith Schuetz, ed. and trans., Architectural Practice in Mexico City: A Manual for Journeyman Architects of the Eighteenth Century (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), p. 17.

⁴⁴ Agar, Diccionario Ilustrado de Artilleria, pp. 105-08.

⁴⁵ George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and Since the American Occupation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), p. 34.

⁴⁶ See, for example, the drawing of the choir loft beams at San Buenaventura made by Lt. Charles C. Morrison in 1877 and published in Lieutenant George M. Wheeler, Annual Report upon the Geographical Surveys of the Territories of the United States West of the 100th Meridian, in the States and Territories of California, Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, Texas, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, New Mexico, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming, Appendix NN of the Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers for 1878 (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1878), Appendix F, Executive and Descriptive Report of Lieutenant Charles C. Morrison, Sixth Cavalry, on the Operations of Party No. 2, Colorado Section, Field Season of 1877, pp. 136-37; and the photographs of portions of the same beams taken in 1890 by Charles Lummis, SWM # 24825, 24836.

⁴⁷ See Joseph H. Toulouse, The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949), p. 23, fig. 32, and plate 37

⁴⁸ The one seventeenth-century mission about which definite information concerning construction time and the dedication ceremonies is available was Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe at El Paso del Norte. The cornerstone of this church was laid in 1662 and the completed church was dedicated in 1668, for a construction time of 6 years. See Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions, II," p. 195.

⁴⁹ This works out to about 103 cubic feet a day. At the rate of about thirteen cubic feet per person per day (a moderate rate of stonework), eight masons could have built the stonework of a typical mission in five years. Such a rate would require that each mason have a tender who supplied raw stone and mortar, and that each tender had a collection and preparation crew of perhaps three people gathering the stone and making the mortar, for a total of about forty people. This was the average crew size as indicated by the available records. It would have been possible for the crew to be increased in size, thereby increasing the speed of construction, but crews larger than about one hundred people are quite difficult to manage, and impractical to use unless they are highly trained. Unless there is a specific reason to assume otherwise, the standard crew of about forty people will be used for all construction rate calculations in this report.

¹ In October of 1622, Fray Alonso de Peinado stated that Abó had recently been converted to the faith. The first missionary named as serving at Abó was Fray Francisco Fonte, mentioned in January, 1626; France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1589-1629, II," New Mexico Historical Review 20 (January 1945): 62, 68. Fonte is not known to have served anywhere else during the years from 1621 to 1626, so it is reasonable to suppose that he was at Abó during these years. It was apparently common for a new friar to be assigned to begin a new mission: see, for example, Fray Diego de Santandér at Las Humanas in 1659, Fray Francisco Letrado at Las Humanas in 1629, and probably Fray Juan Gutiérrez de la Chica at Quarai in 1625. It is therefore assumed that the chapter meeting of 1621 posted Fonte at Abó.

² Alden C. Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), p. 2-5; Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949), p. 7 and n. 62; MNM # 6358 (Toulouse, August 1938), 45408 (Toulouse?, ca. 1940). In 1938-40, Joseph Toulouse removed the rubble from the ruins of the church and mission of Abó. During the work he excavated the area west of the church and found the outline of several Spanish-built rooms and corrals at the east end of mound I and along its north side. These have the same general relationship to the church as the first convento in mound 7 at Las Humanas has to the church called San Isidro. It is probable that the mound I rooms at Abó were the first convento, built by Fray Francisco Fonte in 1622-23.

³ The construction of the first church and convento of San Gregorio de Abó is discussed only in general detail because archeology has examined very little of it. The general plan of the convento and church is known, but many things such as the height of the floor levels of many rooms and the placing of fireplaces, doors and windows are still unknown. A conjectural plan of the terrace in front of the church and the location of the portería has been worked out, but is not yet proven by archeology.

⁴ For a complete discussion of the evidence concerning the construction and use of the kiva-like structures in the patios of Abó and Quarai, see Appendix 5. The construction of kiva-like churches by the Franciscans is hypothetical, but the simplest explanation of the evidence. A similar structure was built in the patio of Quarai in about 1625-26. These structures were built decades before the Franciscans began the campaign against the religious system of the pueblos that attempted to destroy all kivas. In the 1620s they were still called estufas, or sweat-rooms.

⁵ The measurements are taken from James Ivey and Judith Miles, "Field Notes of the Excavations in San Gregorio de Abó, March 20-30, 1987," manuscript at the Southwestern Cultural Research Center, Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe. The height of the walls of the first church is an estimate based on the height of the surviving wall incorporated into the walls of the second church, and the standard practices of the time. The height to the underside of the roof vigas would therefore have been very nearly the same as the width of the nave, or about twenty-five feet. The roofing and parapets would have added about three feet, making the total height about twenty-eight feet. The outline of a filled nave window can be seen on the west wall about thirty-five feet from the south end of the church and fifteen feet above the ground. There is no evidence in either the surviving structure or the archeological and historical information to indicate whether the first church had a clerestory window with a higher roof over the area of the sanctuary and apse. Acoma, built in the 1630s, is the only substantially surviving example of a seventeenth century New Mexican church without transepts. The nave of Acoma is about thirty-one feet wide, and the present distance from the earthen floor to the underside of the vigas averages about twenty-nine feet, after any number of reroofings since its construction. The structure has no significant change in thickness at any point along the nave and sanctuary walls. According to a statement by don Diego de Vargas, it had a clerestory: "[the walls] stand firm with the exception of the holes which were made in breaking the windows and the skylights," where "skylight" (claraboyo in the original Spanish) apparently means "clerestory;" see Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angélico Chavez, tr., The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), pp. 189-90, n. 1. The author reluctantly concludes that seventeenth-century churches without transepts can have clerestory windows with no change in the thickness of the walls or break in the wall lines to indicate the presence of a change in the roof height. However, the walls must be thick enough to support the necessary wall height required by a clerestory. The walls of San Gregorio I, 2.8 to three feet thick, are somewhat thin but could conceivably have supported the necessary thirty-five to forty foot high walls in the sanctuary. San Isidro at Las Humanas, with two-foot-thick walls, probably could not have supported a clerestory. Because of the differing attitudes of the eighteenth century, the presence of clerestory windows on churches without transepts built during this period should not be considered evidence of practices in the previous century.

⁶ The choir loft was mentioned in the description of Abó included in the ca. 1641 list of conventos published in France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 4 (January 1929). On p. 50 Abó is listed as having a choir loft with an organ. When the church of San Gregorio de Abó was enlarged in the 1640s, the original loft was apparently retained with some alterations, and continued to be used in the renovated church. The reasoning behind the assumption that the stairway to the choir loft was inside San Gregorio I is simple. Had there been an exterior stair, it would have been located in a separate room just south of the southwest corner of the ambulatorio, and would have communicated with the loft through a doorway in the east wall of the nave at the southwest corner. Such a doorway and stair must not have been present at the time of the reconstruction, or Acevedo would probably have used them. Instead, he built a new stairway in the area that had been the southwest corner of the first ambulatorio and apparently cut a doorway through the nave wall to the choir loft. The interior stairs at Awatovi are illustrated in Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th-Century Spanish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, Peabody Museum, Report No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 36 (Cambridge: Peabody Museum, 1949), p. 59 and figures 39, 40 and 41.

⁷ No evidence for the altars or retablos as found in the excavations of the first church. All above-ground evidence was removed during the demolition of the apse end of the first church, but footings for the altars and platforms probably still exist in the ground. The description here is based on standard practices and the similar church Acevedo built at Las Humanas a few years later, San Isidro. This church is almost identical to San Gregorio I in all measurements except the length and interior width. It is likely that Acevedo also duplicated the altar layout of Abó.

⁸ A similar arrangement of church, ambulatorio and sacristy was built at Acoma in the 1640s. See Adams and Chavez, Missions of New Mexico, 1776, p. 192, and Historic American Buildings Survey 36-NM-5 (April, 1934), sheet 27. Even at Hawikuh and Halona, with a straight nave design similar to the first construction of Abó, the sacristies were built so that they were entered directly from the church rather than through the ambulatory.

⁹ This is the location of the portería at the convento of Pecos, which has many similarities with Abó. The plan of the stairs after the first renovation of the convento of San Gregorio I indicates that there was a room in this location; the author assumes that it had existed before the renovation and was the portería. The portería was apparently not a walled enclosure adjoining the ambulatorio on the south, unless the foundations of these walls were robbed of stone to an unusual depth during the almost complete renovation of the convento in the 1650s. Archeology has shown that no foundations extend south from the south ambulatorio wall anywhere between the east wall of the church and the east wall of the campo santo. The only alternative is a structure consisting of a roof supported by pillars, with perhaps a wall along the south side.

¹⁰ This description assumes that at least the main outline of the rebuilt courtyard in use after 1660 was continued from its predecessor. Much of the plan of the early version of the second courtyard is probably still preserved in the ground at Abó. Careful archeological investigation may eventually recover this plan.

¹¹ The platform now at the front of the church was apparently built for San Gregorio I. When the convento was almost completely rebuilt in the 1650s, the platform seems to have been changed only slightly in the area of the first portería in order to accommodate the new version of the portería. Further archeological work is needed to confirm these conjectures.

¹² These may be the rooms mentioned in Charles Wilson Hackett, ed., Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, Vol. 3 (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1937), p. 155.

¹³ Hackett, Documents, pp. 153, 155, 190, 214, 254. A casa real was maintained in many pueblos with a mission, apparently at the expense of the Franciscans.

¹⁴ France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629, II," New Mexico Historical Review, 20 (January 1945): 68, 70; Lansing B. Bloom, "Fray Estévan de Perea's Relacion," New Mexico Historical Review, 8 (July 1933): 225 and n. 3.

¹⁵ Wilson suggests that the advocation of the church at Tabirá was San Diego in John W. Wilson, "Tabirá--Outpost on the East," in Collected Papers in Honor of Charlie R. Steen, Jr., Papers of the Archeological Society of New Mexico, no. 8 (Albuquerque: Archeological Society of New Mexico, 1983), pp. 87-104. ; also Albert H. Schroeder, "Pueblos Abandoned in Historic Times," Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 9, The Southwest (The Smithsonian Institution: Washington, D. C., 1979), p. 241.

¹⁶ About 1634 Fonte left and Fray Juan del Campo was made guardian in his place. Del Campo continued as guardian until about 1640, when Acevedo became guardian. See Toulouse, Abó, p. 4.

¹⁷ Ténabo or Pénabo was never mentioned after 1622, except in Vetancurt's description of Acevedo's life written in 1698. The list of missions prepared in ca. 1641 and published in Scholes, 1929, indicates that only Las Humanas and Tabirá were visitas of Abó by 1641; see France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review 4 (January 1929): 48. However, if Ténabo was considered part of Abó, as Pueblo Pardo seemed to be considered part of Las Humanas, then the lack of reference would not be meaningful.

¹⁸ It would have been impossible for Acevedo to carry out the rebuilding of San Gregorio de Abó without an elevation drawing of both the first church of Abó and of the planned second church. For example, the plan of the addition to Abó included a bell-tower in the southwest corner of the new transept-like addition. The plan was specifically laid out with a thickened wall and a corner buttress here, unlike the equivalent corner on the opposite "transept," which was braced by a concealed corner buttress in the form of a wall segment seven feet thick and twelve feet wide. The additional thickness of wall planned for the west side of the nave required that a fifteen-foot segment of the west nave wall had to be removed, while on the east wall only the area of the north corner itself was removed. The buttress and wall-thickening on the west side had no other purpose but to support the bell tower. This demonstrates that the bell tower platform and the method by which it was supported was planned before the walls of the first church were ever dismantled.

¹⁹ Toulouse, Abó, p. 10 and n. 78.

²⁰ Why Acevedo chose this method of reaching the bell tower, rather than an exterior stair on the west side or, more simply, a bell tower on the east side of the church reached from the convento as at Quarai, is known only to Acevedo. It may be that in this, as in so many of the changes, Acevedo chose the structurally intricate over the simple for no other reason than because he liked the idea. It is likely, however, that Acevedo designed this series of balconies and walkways to make use of the crossbeams already required by the design.

²¹ The Franciscans frequently used the word "collateral" to refer to the main altar as well, but it originally meant only a side altar.

²² See Chapter 7 for a discussion of the change of sunlight through the clerestory window during the year.

²³ The location of this temporary church is not known at present. Future archeological investigations may locate evidence of it.

²⁴ This shift of the south patio and ambulatorio walls northward about two feet is peculiar. Its purpose seems to have been to change the relationship between the south wall of the convento and the front of the church, so that the stairs to the top of the wall would not overlap the entrance to the choir loft at the second floor level.

²⁵ The doorway from the sacristy storeroom was built to open onto a lower surface than the first landing in the choir loft stairwell. This indicates that the stone stairway was a second version of stairs in this stairwell. The earlier version began at ground level within the stairwell.

²⁶ Only the break in the facing at the foundation level on the east face of the nave wall, inside the sacristy storeroom, and a patch of facing stone in the style of the second church mark the presence of the filled doorway today.

²⁷ The author expected to find indications in the construction to show that Acevedo arranged the sequence of demolitions and additions in such a way that the nave would have been usable for services as much of the time as possible. For example, the apse walls could have been built outside the north end of the first church to their full height before any demolition of the church was necessary. The nature of the joint between the old and new masonry shows that Acevedo did not do it this way. Again, if the nave was roofed first, then a temporary partition across the north end a few feet south of where the fifteen foot west section was removed would have allowed it to be used for services during the remaining work. The lack of seams or joints in the bearing plate beam sockets indicates that this was not done either. Acevedo apparently had a satisfactory arrangement for a temporary church, and did not feel the need for adding complications to the construction sequence in order to allow the use of part of the church during construction.

²⁸ The length of the bearing beams cannot be determined from available evidence, but photographs of the sockets from which they had been burned out do not show the imprints of joints between beams in the thirty-six foot section surviving. Beams of the appropriate cross section and a little more than thirty-six feet long would not be unreasonable. In the future, when the present beams inserted during stabilization are replaced, the sockets should be examined closely in search of new information on such details as beam length.

²⁹ The description of the process of beam placement and stone infilling on levelled wall tops given here is based on the evidence of seams and fill episodes visible in the bearing plate sockets in a number of photographs; good examples are MNM # 12871, 14460, and 58308, taken around 1920.

³⁰ Toulouse found one surviving canal in the west wall of the nave. This is enough evidence to indicate that the nave roof sloped down slightly to the west. See Toulouse, Abó, p. 9, figure 4, p. 24, and plate 8.

³¹ No recognizable corbels were seen among the charred beam fragments Toulouse found covering the floor of the church during the excavations of 1938-39. The corbel lengths given here are based on the estimated ratios of length to height deduced from beam imprints at Quarai; see James E. Ivey, "Trip Report, Salinas National Monument, June 5, 6, 7, 1986," in Appendix 1. This was about 3.5 inches of length per inch of height. Such a ratio gives a lower corbel extending 3 1/2 feet from the wall, and an upper corbel length of seven feet, 3 1/2 feet covered by the lower corbel and another 3 1/2 feet exposed. Total length of each, including the portion set into the walls, would therefore have been about six feet for the lower corbel and 9 1/2 feet for the upper.

³² Joseph Toulouse found the charred remains of this roof during his excavations in 1938; see Toulouse, Abó, p. 9 and n. 72. He did not give the dimensions of the boards. The sizes given here are taken from the sketch included in his report, p. 9, figure 4. A roof similar to this was built on Santa Cruz de la Canada in the 1730s and 1740s; see Adams and Chavez, Missions of New Mexico, 1776, p. 73. Two-handed saws appear to have been rare in New Mexico, but were certainly available. A saw 5.4 feet long with its file and holder is listed as being shipped on the wagon train in 1609, Archivo General de Indias (hereinafter AGI), Contaduría, legajo 711, LBB # 48, p. 100, in Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico; two large two-handed saws with stirrups (estribos) were sent in 1612, AGI, Contaduría, legajo 714 (LBB 59), p. 136; and a large saw in 1624, AGI, Contaduría, legajo 726 (LBB 235), p. 340.

³³ Toulouse, Abó, p. 9, fig.4, p. 24, and plate 8.

³⁴ The crenelations can easily be seen in a number of photographs, especially SWM # 24831, 24832, and 24867 (Lummis, 1890). They were also mentioned by Major James H. Carleton in 1853: "The upper edge of these walls is cut into battlements;" see Carleton, "Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abó, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico, under the command of Major James Henry Carleton, U.S.A.," in Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, Senate Printer, 1855), p. 300. For some reason, Toulouse filled most of the surviving crenelations, leaving only shallow indentations in place of the previous deep notches.

³⁵ Toulouse, Abó, p. 10 and fig. 3.

³⁶ These steps can be seen in two photographs taken by Charles Lummis in 1890, SWM # 24831 and 24867, and MNM # 28794 (ca. 1910). The transept and sanctuary windows can be seen in SWM # 24831 and 24832 (C. F. Lummis, 1890). The window on the east wall of the nave had fallen in by 1846, but the gap left by the collapse was recorded in the watercolor of the church made by Lieutenant J. W. Abert, made in November, 1846; see Abert, Western America in 1846-1847: The Original Travel Diary of Lieutenant J. W. Abert, ed. John Galvin (San Francisco: John Howell Books, 1966), facing p. 52. See figures 24, 26, and 27 in Chapter 9.

³⁷ SWM # 24831, 24832, 24867 (Lummis, 1890); Toulouse, Abó, pp. 23-24 and plate 36. Toulouse found the charred remains of boards with spiral designs in the north corner of the west side chapel. They probably came from some part of the tribune or the catwalk. This catwalk is perhaps the most peculiar of all the peculiar constructions built by Acevedo at Abó. The author would not suggest such an odd arrangement if the evidence was not quite strong in its favor. The only access to the bell-platform was from the west tribune. The photographs make it quite clear that there was no opening through the walls of the west side chapel other than the stairway to the bell-platform. How, then, did the sacristan get to the west tribune to climb the stairs to the bell-platform? There were no traces of sockets to support a stairway within the west side chapel and no indications in the arrangement of the main support viga or the joists that there had ever been an opening through the floor of the tribune, even if there had been room for a staircase and the side chapel altar at the same time. Nor were there indications of a stairway along the west wall of the nave or sanctuary. These wall surfaces are smooth and clean even in the earliest photographs. However, on the north wall of the side chapel, traces of three major beams set into the wall surface above the sockets for the tribune railing, and three more at the same height about six to eight feet further north along the sanctuary walls, indicated that something crossed the width of the church here. The author reluctantly accepted this as the only possible explanation for the route by which the sacristan reached the bell-tower: he climbed the choir stairs to the second story, went left out the door onto the convento roof, walked back across the roof of the ambulatorio to its north end where he climbed one or two steps to the sacristy roof, then entered the doorway from the sacristy roof onto the east tribune. From the north end of the tribune, he went out onto a platform supported by the longer joists that held up the tribune floor. Then he climbed a short flight of six or seven stairs to the catwalk, crossed the sanctuary, climbed down a second flight of stairs to the west tribune, and then up the stairs through the southwest corner to the bell-platform. The catwalk was situated at the height of about twenty-two feet because if it had been any lower it would have blocked part of the sunlight coming through the clerestory. As it was, at noon on Christmas Day the top edge of the ray of sunlight coming through the clerestory just touched the bottom edge of the southern beam of the catwalk.

³⁸ The beams for the bell landing were cut in 1649, indicating that the bell landing could not have been built until about 1650 at the earliest. See William J. Robinson, John W. Hannah, and Bruce G. Harrill, Tree-Ring Dates from New Mexico I, O, U: Central Rio Grande Area (Tucson: University of Arizona, Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, 1972), p. 88.

³⁹ The size, spacing, and arrangement of the high roof vigas are visible in photographs MNM # 12881 (1919), 14458 (C. B. Cosgrove, 1920); the imprints of the beams against the west walls of the side chapels and sanctuary can be seen in SWM # 24,831 and 24,832 (C. F. Lummis, 1890). The five beam sockets in the northwest wall of the sanctuary can be seen in Lieutenant Abert's painting. The spacing and imprints indicate that either the vigas were continuous timbers from clerestory to apse mouth, or that they were butted end-to-end over the vigas at the north edge of the side chapels. Since continuous timbers are not significantly longer than others used in the church and would take some of the weight off the sanctuary mouth vigas, while divided beams with their ends resting only on one of the two vigas would make the force distribution worse, the author concludes that the beams were continuous. The length of forty-eight feet is quite long for roofing vigas, but not the longest on record in New Mexico. The nave of Pecos had an average width of about thirty-nine feet, requiring a viga of at least forty-nine feet in length, and possibly sixty-one feet if they ran to the outer faces of the buttresses. See Appendix 5.

⁴⁰ That the high roof drained to the west is demonstrated by two Lummis photographs showing a water-erosion scar on the inner face of the west sanctuary wall. This mark is the sort left when a canal becomes blocked and water collecting at its mouth leaks through the roof, making a larger and larger hole. The scar could only be formed when the roof was still in place, and must have occurred in the period after church maintenance ended but before the roof burned. See MNM # 24831 and 24832 (Lummis, 1890), reproduced in figures 26 and 27.

⁴¹ The height and arrangement of the apse vigas can be seen in Lieutenant J. W. Abert's watercolor, figure 24. Abert depicted two of the viga and corbel sockets of the apse. This is fortunate, because the apse and the entire north wall of the church above the altars collapsed between November, 1846, and Bandelier's photograph taken in December, 1882. In 1846 Abó was in about the same condition as Quarai seventy years later, in the 1910s.

⁴² Toulouse does not mention the presence of clay plaster on the exterior of the church. Its existence is assumed by the author, based on the standard practices in use in seventeenth-century New Mexico. Such plaster was necessary to prevent erosion of the mortar of the walls, with subsequent loss of stone. The exterior may have been whitewashed.

⁴³ Toulouse, Abó, p. 9-10, 13.

⁴⁴ This description is based on Toulouse's findings at Abó in 1938-40; see Toulouse, Abó, pp. 10, 13. However, Toulouse interpreted the altar area differently. He considered the stone retaining wall, with its thickened central section, to be the main altar at the same level as the two side altars, and thought that the apse was empty except possibly for a retablo. The strong similarity, both in size and layout, between the sanctuary area at Abó and that at Hawikuh makes the author certain that Toulouse misinterpreted the altar plan at Abó; see Watson Smith et al., The Excavation of Hawikuh by Frederick Webb Hodge: Report of the Hendricks-Hodge Expedition, 1917-1923, Contribution from the Museum of the American Indian, Vol. 20 (New York: Heye Foundation, 1966), pp. 106-10; fig. 23, 24; plates 17, a, b; 19, d. Toulouse may have missed recognizing the traces of the high altar platform and the staircase up to it, but it is more likely that the entire area of the apse had been seriously disturbed by treasure-hunters, as happened at Quarai and San Isidro. In fact, the collapse of the apse, the strongest section of the church, with its thick walls and supporting angles, probably occurred because the walls had been undermined by treasure-hunter's pits. This almost happened at Quarai, where a hole about five feet across was hacked entirely through the back wall of the apse. Stabilization work stopped the inevitable collapse at Quarai, but not at Abó.

⁴⁵ Toulouse, Abó, p. 10, fig. 3 and plate 12. Other details can be seen in MNM # 45407 and 12877. What appears to be the charred remains of the northern post of the east side-chapel can be seen on the ground next to the edging beam in MNM # 45407, and the sockets for the rails supporting the screen in MNM # 12817.

⁴⁶ The arrangement of altar and steps in the sacristy again probably resembled that found at Hawikuh; see Smith, Excavation of Hawikuh, pp. 111-15, 127-29; fig. 26; plates 18, b; 19, c. A typical sacristy of the time is described in France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, II," New Mexico Historical Review 4 (April 1929): 198-99.

⁴⁷ A careful comparison of the pattern of alterations at the several missions with surviving altars, and with structural episodes deduced from historical documents and other missions, could narrow the probable dates of these changes to within a few years.

⁴⁸ Comparative data is available from Awatovi and Hawikuh, and possibly San Miguel, Pueblo Blanco (Tabirá), and San Isidro. In all cases the actual dates of construction events are unknown, but various lines of comparative and deductive reasoning can at least suggest dates during which the changes occurred. San Isidro, Pueblo Blanco, San Miguel and Hawikuh all show no additions to side altars (Pueblo Blanco does not even have side altars). Hawikuh shows changes to the main altar and to the sacristy altar. The plan of the side altars, stairs and everything else at San Miguel is very like that of San Isidro. Awatovi shows changes of its side and main altars, as well as the sacristy altar.

⁴⁹ This is conjecture, since the walls did not survive to sufficient height to prove that the windows remained open at a higher level. Beneath the window opening, Toulouse found sills or steps against the east wall of the convento rooms. The purpose of these steps is unknown.

⁵⁰ The easternmost cell and alcove were altered by excavations in 1938. Toulouse apparently excavated through any surviving floors down to the present ground level. During stabilization of this area he built up the walls to their present height without doorway openings. See Chapter 10 for a discussion of these events.

⁵¹ The doorway from the sacristy storeroom was built to open onto a lower surface than the first landing in the choir loft stairwell. This indicates that the stone stairway was a second version of stairs in this stairwell. The earlier version may have been wood, and began at ground level within the stairwell.

⁵² Toulouse found the bottom eight steps, including the two from the ambulatorio up to the first landing. The total number of steps is conjectural, based on the tread and rise of the surviving steps, the probable height of the choir loft and the probable location of the doorway opening from the top landing of the stairs onto the loft.

⁵³ The west door would have been necessary to permit residents of the convento to reach the tribune doorway above the sacristy. From here they gained access to the doorway opening onto the east balcony within the east side chapel of the church and the catwalk to the west balcony, from which they could reach the bell platform by the stairs through the southwest corner of the west side chapel.

⁵⁴ No trace of a stone or wooden stairway was found outside this doorway, but the drop is about four feet. The author considers it likely that Toulouse did not recognize that part of the refuse fill along this wall was actually an intentionally-built ramp of earth.

⁵⁵ The rebuilding of this area happened some time after the completion of the second reconstruction in about 1658, and before the abandonment in about 1673. The most likely time for the addition of a latrine would be soon after the arrival of a new, young friar with new ideas to replace the now aged Acevedo in 1659; this friar was Antonio Aguado.

⁵⁶ See, for example, George Kubler, Mexican Architecture of the Sixteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948), vol. 2, p. 344, fig. 288, showing a Dominican latrine block at Yanhuitlan, Mexico.

⁵⁷ See Toulouse, Abó, p. 12 and n. 81.

⁵⁸ See also Florence C. and Robert H. Lister, "One Pot's Pedigree," in Collected Papers in Honor of Charlie R. Steen, Jr., Papers of the Archeological Society of New Mexico, No. 8 (Albuquerque: Albuquerque Archeological Society Press, 1983), pp. 167-187, for a description of the typical majolica vessel from which the Salinas Redware example at Quarai was derived.

⁵⁹ Room 1 is difficult to interpret because it is ambiguous. Toulouse began the excavation of the convento with this room, and did not clearly understand that most of the building was constructed on a raised platform until beginning the excavation of the interior of the church and of room 4. At the same time, the ruins of the Marcos Luna house still obscured the east side of the convento and undoubtedly confused the archeology in this area. In fact, it is possible that room 1 was actually built as part of the Luna house in the 1800s, rather than as part of the convento in the mid-1600s. Without Toulouse's field notes, plans and section drawings, it is almost impossible to reach any firm conclusion about the relationship between room 1 and the rest of the convento. In the absence of any other data, Toulouse's attribution of this room to the seventeenth century is accepted.

¹ According to France Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629, II," New Mexico Historical Review, 20 (January, 1945): p. 68, Benavides held a chapter meeting held in late December, 1625, or early in 1626. Gutiérrez was very likely assigned to Quarai during this meeting. Gutiérrez is first mentioned at Quarai in 1628. Gutiérrez was only 22 in 1626, another young missionary sent to build a new church and convert a pueblo in the wilderness of New Mexico. "De la Chica" may have been a nickname to distinguish him from Fray Andres Gutiérrez, who arrived in the wagon train of 1629. Fray Juan Gutierrez "de la Chica" may be the same man as Fray Juan de la Chica who was at Pecos briefly in 1663; see Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, p. 531, n. 45.

² House block G appears to have been the closest building to the site Gutierrez selected for his mission. The Franciscan use of rooms in this block is conjectural; for example, Gutierrez may have been offered rooms elsewhere in the pueblo instead.

³ The date of 1627 is chosen as the beginning of construction at Quarai based on a cutting date of 1631 for wood from the church collected in 1931 as reported in William J. Robinson, John W. Hannah, and Bruce G. Harrill, Tree-Ring Dates from New Mexico I, O, U: Central Rio Grande Area (Tucson: University of Arizona, Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, 1972), p. 88. The source of this wood is unknown, but the stub of the lintel beam over the second-story antecoro window was cut in about 1931, according to photographic evidence, and may have supplied the wood. If so, this indicates that construction had reached the level of the church vigas about 1631, and implies a completion date about a year later, or 1632. The discussion of the construction of Quarai in this chapter draws heavily on the archeological evidence supplied by several sources. These are Donovan Senter, "The Work on the Old Quarai Mission, 1934," El Palacio, 34 (November-December 1934): 169-74; Donovan Senter, "Church Excavation," Laboratory of Anthropology Site Number (LA) 95 (Quarai), Site Record Files, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe; Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of Quarai Mission," El Palacio, 39 (December 1935): 133-45; Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," thesis, University of New Mexico, 1935; Ely and Jewel Baker, map entitled "Quarai-Mission Excavated Mar. 20, '36," LA 95 (Quarai), File 4, Drawer 2, Map Files, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe; and Wesley R. Hurt, "The 1939-1940 Excavation Project at Quarai Pueblo and Mission Buildings," manuscript on file at Salinas National Monument, 1985. To distinguish Ely's El Palacio article from his thesis, the two will be referred to respectively as Ely, El Palacio, "Excavation and Repair of Quarai," and Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission."

⁴ The orientation and the sequence of the layout steps are recorded by the surviving structures. The friary and church plans are precise, with their lines straight and square. The eastern or second courtyard plan is not as precise. It was apparently roughly marked out from the east wall of the friary, rather than carefully measured and staked.

⁵ The second convento plan at Abó followed the same pattern, with most of its residences opening from a hallway rather than from the ambulatorio. This design peculiarity, appearing only at the missions of Quarai and Abó, is one of a number of attributes shared by the two building complexes. Because of these attributes, this report assumes that the design of the second convento of Abó (built from about 1644 to about 1651) was derived from the plan of the convento of Quarai.

⁶ It is possible that the ambulatorio, and all other rooms with a packed sand floor, had floors of wood on joists above the sand. Unfortunately, the archeologists cleared the rooms with little or no care, and saw no traces of flooring other than the sand. See Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," p. 36.

⁷ The posts and low wall were later enclosed in a stone ambulatorio wall about three feet thick. Ely noticed the change only in the northwest corner of the patio, described in Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," pp. 40-41. See pp. 145-153 for a discussion of such changes to the mission. During excavations in 1934, seven of the sixteen post holes left by the decay of the posts within the walls were recorded on a map by Reginald Fisher published in Ely, El Palacio, "Excavation and Repair of Quarai," p. 142. One other post hole is visible at the south end of the west patio wall in photographs taken in 1937, Museum of New Mexico photograph numbers (MNM #) 14332, 45430, and 45440. Three of these holes have survived stabilization and are still visible today. Tim and Linda Valder found the charred base of another of the posts in place within the wall in 1962, just west of the south doorway; see Louise Valder, "Field Journal of the Stabilization of Quarai, 1972," and Tim Valder, "Field Records of the Stabilization of Quarai, 1972," in the files of the Museum of New Mexico; and Chapter 10.

⁸ The total number of ambulatorio vigas is an estimate, based on the size of the ambulatorio and the known spacing of the roof vigas. The size, shape, height, and interval between the ambulatorio beams are preserved at its northwest corner, where they were set into the wall of the church. The appearance of the viga sockets before restoration were recorded in a photograph probably taken by Donovan Senter in 1934, MNM # 6674.

⁹ The only door larger was the main door into the church, made of two leaves each four feet by 9 1/2 feet. The construction of wooden frames for doors, as well as windows, was a standard procedure in seventeenth-century New Mexican missions. Remains of such door frames, and sometimes even the doors that closed them, have been found in all such missions that were carefully excavated.

¹⁰ During the excavation of the portería Albert G. Ely found portions of the footrest and seat beams still in place on the stone bases. See Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," pp. 34, 36. The presence of wooden posts along an open front can be inferred from the plan of the later stone additions, but no direct evidence in the form of post holes in the masonry have been observed. The Abó portería entrance, probably copied by Acevedo from the entrance at Quarai, has been used as the model for details of location and spacing of the posts and railing. See Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949), p. 8, fig. 3.

¹¹ Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," pp. 30, 32, 34. There is no physical evidence for the doorway described in this report as being in the east wall of the room, but without it the space would have had no entrance. The east wall was covered with a patchy layer of dirt or plaster obscuring its stonework when photographed in 1937, soon after its excavation, as shown in photographs MNM # 45440, 45430, and 14332. The wall has been extensively altered since by stabilization. Because of these circumstances, no details of the original construction can be seen, making it impossible to prove or disprove the existence of a filled doorway in this wall.

¹² In the missions of seventeenth-century New Mexico, corbelling was apparently used only in churches, sacristies, and sometimes the sacristy storeroom. The conventos used round beams without corbels.

¹³ Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions, II," pp. 198-199. The description is of the sacristy of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe del Paso del Rio Grande del Norte, completed in January, 1668. The Franciscans of New Mexico administered this mission and its room uses and furnishings are representative of the province. The beam sockets for the sacristy roof vigas and corbels can be seen in several photographs, especially Salinas National Monument photograph numbers (SNM #) 1, 2, (c.1900) and MNM # 6702 (c.1905), 14318 (c.1910), 6642 (c.1915), and 6640 (1916). They were covered by the massive buttress built in 1934 to brace up the northeast transept corner, but adjacent stonework visible in the pictures was relocated on the church and its height measured.

¹⁴ The height of 13 1/2 feet to the bottom of the roof vigas of the residence hallway and its associated rooms on the east and north sides is based on measurements of a section of wall visible in a Lummis photograph taken in 1890, Southwest Museum photograph number (SWM #) 24833. The wall belonged to one of the rooms on the east side of the residence hall and survived to its full height, with beam sockets still visible in the photograph. By relocating the place from which the photograph was taken, the line of sight was recreated and the height of the top of the wall above the convento floor determined.

¹⁵ In photographs taken immediately after excavation, no structural traces of a window can be found on the wall facing south onto the ambulatorio. The wall as excavated was high enough that the lower portion of a window opening would have been preserved had one been present. The lack of such an opening indicates that the room received natural light only through the doorway into the ambulatorio. The doorway into the ambulatorio was altered at some later date, probably after 1800, so that its present appearance is not the way it looked in the seventeenth century. The original doorway was somewhat wider than the present irregular opening. Its east edge, partially covered by later fill, can be seen in MNM # 45424 (1937).

¹⁶ The doorway from the refectory into the ambulatorio shows signs of having been modified on its east side since its construction. Because it would make little sense to have a room with one opening closed by a door and the other left open, it is assumed that the doorway into the ambulatorio was originally splayed and closed by a door. The splay would have opened into the room with the door pivoting on the right, as was the case with the other doorways.

¹⁷ In 1661 or 1662, testimony mentions that four friars and the governor of New Mexico were all sitting together at the same table in Quarai, presumably in the refectory; see AGM, Inquisition, tomo 594, folio 57. This gives some idea of the appearance of the room. See Chapter 7 for further discussion of the interior of the convento. Later changes and insufficient information retrieval by archeology have obscured the original use of these rooms. Informed speculation is the only remaining avenue for interpreting them.

¹⁸ Ele Baker, "Quarai-Mission Excavated Mar. 20, '36. Ele and Jewel Baker." plan in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, LA 95, Drawer 2, File 4, the Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

¹⁹ The unit of measurement used in the layout of the church and convento can be determined by a comparison of the sizes of the various spaces. The comparison is complicated by the loss of the thick layers of finishing plaster that would have given the rooms their final dimensions, but indicates that the Friar probably used a vara between 2.70 and 2.74 feet, or 32.4 to 32.9 inches, for laying out the plan of the mission. This is quite close to the vara of Burgos, Spain. The vara of Burgos was the standard unit of measurement in Mexico and was equal to about 32.91 inches. During the layout procedure, 1/2, 1/4, and 1/3 vara fractions were used. See Thomas C. Barnes, Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, Northern New Spain: A Research Guide (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1981), p. 68.

²⁰ The north wall of the entrance hall to the second courtyard appears to be the wall with beam sockets facing south at a height of about 13 1/2 feet, in Charles Lummis' photograph taken in 1890, SWM # 24833. In the remainder of the rooms, the thin partition walls between cells were inadequate to support roofs, while the massive east and west walls were obviously designed for this purpose. A light roof with short beams covered the entrance hall.

²¹ Hurt, "1939-1940 Excavation Project at Quarai," p. 50.

²² From the center of the doorway to the north face of the north wall of the convento was about 37.6 feet, and from the same point to the south edge of the first terrace wall was about 37.5 feet.

²³ Abó has a similar design of thin walls with reinforcing buttresses. The walls average three feet in thickness, somewhat thinner than Quarai. The buttresses are largely hidden within other structural elements, as at Quarai. The Franciscans built a similar but larger church of adobe at Pecos in ca. 1622; see Alden C. Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974), pp. 4-5. The experience acquired by the construction crews while building the convento, with its lower, thinner walls and smaller roofing beams, would have prepared them well for the more demanding tasks to be met while building the church. The probability is high that this on-the-job training was a planned and anticipated part of the construction process, one aspect of the friar's use of the entire church construction experience as education in European culture.

²⁴ No effective archeology has been done at the front of Concepción de Quarai. The description of the facade given here is based on the few pieces of evidence available: occasional references by the archeologists who excavated the church, some information visible in historical photographs, observations of some physical details today, and comparison with contemporaneous New Mexico churches.

²⁵ The presently restored height of the main door is 8 feet. However, no evidence of any sockets at the 8 foot level can be seen in any photograph, nor is any reason given in the available documentation of Works Progress Administration (WPA) reconstruction work for the selection of this height for the main door beam. In Bandelier's photograph of the facade of Quarai, Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, Archivo Fotografico, (BAV) # 483-48, taken in December, 1882, and on Lummis' photograph SWM # 24833 taken in 1890, both prior to the removal of the surfacing stone of the facade by local scavengers, the socket for the lintel beam above the door is visible at 9 1/2 feet. The removal of the facing stone destroyed the evidence for the location of the beam. Apparently the WPA selected what they considered to be the proper height of the door based on inadequate evidence.

²⁶ The presence of the front porch or choir balcony is conjectural, but is derived from the following evidence. The floor joists of the choir loft extended entirely through the facade wall. In several photographs taken prior to 1913, the stubs of two of them are visible sawed off flush with the exterior surface of the wall. See, for example, MNM # 6704 (c.1900), 14314 (c.1910), and SWM # 24833 (Lummis, 1890). These two stubs and the surviving sockets of the other joists indicate that they were the only beams in the entire church structure that actually extended through the wall surface. All other beams reached to within a few inches of the surface, but were sealed within a thin layer of stone.

The evidence strongly suggests that the joists of the choir loft once extended some distance beyond the facade, forming a porch roof across the front of the church. Here they survived the fire which destroyed most of the wood inside the church. At some time scavengers salvaged the wood, cutting the porch roof joist sections free from the facade by sawing through them flush with the stone surface.

In the absence of archeological information about post holes or other structural details at the front of the facade, only a conjectural reconstruction of the appearance of the porch can be made. Several bits of evidence guide the reconstruction. For example, the porch platform has visible divisions which divide the ground in front of the facade into a symmetrical pattern, where the baptistry entrance room on the west is balanced by a section of the porch on the east. The baptistry and the adjoining entrance room are both additions to the church at some time after the first construction, and were probably added so as to fit onto the porch. Their location and size, therefore, gives some information about the location and size of the porch. Furthermore, above the top of the window or door from the porch into the choir loft before stabilization, the facade retained socket-like traces 14 1/2 feet above the floor of the choir loft. These appear to have been for beams to support a porch roof above the window. All the structural hints together suggest a porch as shown in the conjectural drawings of the church as it looked ca. 1640, figures 14 and 15.

²⁷ The best photographs of the multiple choir beam sockets are Lummis's of 1890, SWM # 24833 and 24844. Choir lofts of similar design are illustrated in George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and Since the American Occupation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940), Figs. 89, 130.

²⁸ Donovan Senter observed the remains of the choir loft floor during the excavation of the church. In his "Excavation Record - Mortuary, Skeleton #1, 1934," LA95 (Quarai) files, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, Senter stated that the burned ruins of the choir loft lying on the floor of the nave had the remains of clay flooring. Senter's unqualified statement implies that he was seeing the burned remains of standard flooring consisting of latillas above the vigas, a layer of matting on the latillas, a clay layer, and probably a finished plaster surface on the clay.

²⁹ The west nave window still exists today. The east nave window was almost entirely destroyed in the fire of ca. 1830. The last traces of the window could be seen at the edge of the deep notch in the east wall before the upper 15 feet fell in ca. 1912; see, for example, photographs SWM # 24844, MNM # 6704 (c.1900), 40606 (c.1910), and 14318 (c.1910). The edge of the north splay of the window and some indication of the beam socket can be seen in SWM # 24844. After the east wall fell, enough evidence of the window remained on the surviving north edge to be noticed by J. P. Adams in 1914. He included the window on his model of the church now on display at Quarai. Subsequent stabilization has obliterated the last traces of the window.

³⁰ The sockets for the railings of the choir loft, visible in pre-stabilization photographs, indicate that the bannister stood 7 feet high above the choir loft floor with a middle rail at 3 1/2 feet above the floor. See, for example, Lummis's photograph SWM # 24844 (1890), and MNM # 14318 (c. 1910). Vertical posts, probably lathe-turned, would have been set along the width of the bannister and smaller slats, wood screens or lattice-work panels inserted between them. This would have formed a screen-like partition across the front of the choir loft.

³¹ One canal survived in the west wall of the nave at Abó, where it was recovered by Joseph Toulouse. This canal is probably typical in size and shape, and its general measurements are used here. See Toulouse, Abó, p. 24 and plate 8.

³² Donovan Senter, while clearing the rubble from the nave in 1934, found a number of charred fragments of the roof vigas, some of them fairly large. He says "one charred fragment some three feet long retains the carving incised there long ago. He who cut it must have had some knowledge of geometry." Senter made a drawing of the pattern that was to have been printed in El Palacio, but for some reason the figure was not included in his article and is not available. See Donovan Senter, "The Work on the Old Quarai Mission, 1934," El Palacio, 37(November, December 1934): 172-73. The charred section of carved beam is presently in the collection of the Museum of New Mexico, access no. 43181/11. A photograph of the beam fragment and its carved surface is in Lonn Taylor and Dessa Bokides, New Mexico Furniture, 1600-1940: The Origins, Survival, and Revival of Furniture Making in the Hispanic Southwest (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1987), p. 11. The photograph shows the same six-pointed floral star in a circle that Toulouse found at Abó, preserved by a cast in the mortar of the wall. This portion is almost identical to parts of the decorations visible on the beams of San Buenaventura in photographs and drawings. See Toulouse, Abó, pp. 11, 23, Fig. 32 and plate 37, the drawing of the choir loft beams at San Buenaventura made by Lt. Charles C. Morrison in 1877 and published in Lt. George M. Wheeler, Annual Report Upon the Geographic Surveys of the Territory of the United States West of the 100th Meridian, in the States and Territories of California, Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, Texas, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, New Mexico, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1878), pp. 136-37; and the photographs taken in 1890 by Charles Lummis, SWM # 24825, 24836.

³³ This series of steps by the masons is deduced from direct examination of the beam sockets surviving at Quarai, conducted by the author on June 5, 6, and 7, 1986. The original mortar placed against the beams is still present in many places, baked hard and impervious to the weather by the fire that destroyed Quarai's roof in about 1830 (see Chapter 8, n. 56). A fragment of this clay, preserving a cast of the upper surface of one of the vigas, was removed for analysis. The clay surface clearly shows the surface of the beam. Even the grain of the wood and the smooth, curved marks left by the cutting of the adze can be seen. On the upper side of the clay, the trowel-marks of the tool that laid the mortar in place are preserved. See James E. Ivey, "Trip Report, Salinas National Monument, June 5, 6, 7, 1986," Division of History, Southwest Cultural Resources Center, Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, included in this report as Appendix 1. The parapet was 2 feet high above the tops of the vigas on the west side, and 1 foot high above the east side.

³⁴ The outlines of both the upper and lower clerestory window beam sockets can be seen on the outside wall surface of the east side of the transept in photographs MNM # 6702 (c. 1905), 14318 (c. 1910), 14328, and especially 6674 (1934).

³⁵ When the latillas were set diagonally, the ends of the diagonal latillas closest to the wall rested on a ledge or set-back in the masonry at the height of the top of the viga rather than on the next viga. Such a ledge can be seen on the stonework of the church.

³⁶ See photographs MNM # 87725-29, for example. The stonework across the north end of the apse was built after the retablo support beam and the northernmost apse viga and corbels were in place. The stonework was laid directly against the beams. When the beams burned later, their imprints were left in the stonework.

³⁷ There is no structural evidence for these posts. However, the upper clerestory vigas supported much more weight than standard roofing vigas, and were obviously intended to be supported by the lower vigas. Posts would have transferred the stresses while forming jambs for the window closures of the clerestory. Two posts spaced equidistant between the walls is suggested because this echoes the method used in the patio portales.

³⁸ The construction crew probably set up the shear legs so that it lifted each viga from outside the west wall of the transept, rather than from within the church where the nave beams had been lifted. The shear legs would raise the viga above the height of the west transept wall, left somewhat lower than 35 feet to make this lift easier. Then crew members would turn the viga so that it pointed east to west, and other crew would pull the shear legs over in an arc so that the viga would move between the legs and over the transept. When the viga was over its final destination, it would again be turned to point north to south, and lowered into position. The shear legs probably stood on the tops of the west transept buttress towers, or on the ground outside the west transept. If it stood on the ground, it would have to be at least fifty feet high.

³⁹ The eastward slope of the roof is taken from Perry Borchers, "Ruins of the Mission Church of La Purísima Concepción de Cuarac," Historic American Building Survey, copies in the files of Salinas National Monument. However, this slope is within the range of possible errors in the drawing, and may not be correct. It would be more reasonable for the water to drain to the west, away from the convento.

⁴⁰ Evidence for the upper roof over the apse can be seen in photographs MNM # 87725-29 (1937).

⁴¹ The remains of the canal slot can be seen in a number of photographs; for example MNM # 87728 and 87729 (1937). The outline is similar to the canal slots photographed at Abó on walls that survived until 1890-1920. The lower apse roof, over the sanctuary and main altar, was almost exactly level, and was enclosed in walls creating a well-like depression about seven feet deep below the general level of the roof. Had this well not been covered rainwater would have pooled and snow collected, making a leak onto the altar and retablo a virtual certainty. The second roof near the top of the apse well would have closed off the pooling area and made it unlikely that a leak would have formed here. Above the level of the viga sockets of the apse is a rectangular opening in the north apse wall that appears to be a viga socket. However, no use can be determined for a single viga in this location extending south over the apse roof. The opening may have been a small ventilator (perhaps covered with a wooden grill to keep out birds) to allow the circulation of fresh air into the space between the upper and lower apse ceilings.

⁴² The baptistry at the west side of the church facade was not part of the original plan. Before its construction, the functions of the baptistry must have been carried out beneath the choir loft in the southwest corner of the nave.

⁴³ This is an estimate based on an assumed riser height of 10 inches. The usual height of risers was between seven and eleven inches. See Ross Montgomery in Watson Smith et al., The Excavation of Hawikuh by Frederick Webb Hodge, Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian, Vol. 20 (New York: Heye Foundation, 1966), p. 129. No trace of the stairs survives. It was apparently not recognized and removed during excavations in 1934-1935.

⁴⁴ The evidence for the bell tower is in the form of wall joint, floor scar, and beam socket marks on the east face of the east tower and the east face of the east nave wall visible in early photographs (MNM # 14318 and 6702, for example). One lintel beam of the window looking south from the antecoro is still in place. The existence of this beam was pointed out to the author by Sue Schofield, National Park Service, who also proved through photographic research that it was an original structural beam, not a recent addition.

⁴⁵ Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos, pp. 20-25

⁴⁶ The sockets for the altar stair rails can be seen in several photographs, which also show the sockets for the lower supports of the retablo. See for example SWM # 24844 (Lummis, 1890).

⁴⁷ Remains of the first three stairs were found by Albert Ely in 1935 and described in Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," p. 21. The remainder of the sanctuary was destroyed by the excavations of Governor Marín del Valle and later treasure hunters.

⁴⁸ Architects have usually attributed the splay of the apse walls to a desire to increase the apparent visual length of the church by creating a false perspective. A more likely reason for the splay was probably the desire on the part of the designer to show off all the panels of the expensive retablo filling the wall spaces.

⁴⁹ The sanctuary and altar design described here is derived from descriptions of several seventeenth century sanctuaries found by archeology, brief descriptions of retablos at other Salinas missions, and what are probably the remains of the retablo of Abó, found in its convento. The specific details are conjectural, of course, but describes the method used in most other cases. The archeological descriptions are located in: Smith et al., Hawikuh, pp. 106-10, 111-15, Figs. 23, 24, 26, 33-35, and Plates 17, 19; Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th Century Jumano Pueblo, Gran Quivira (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, Archeological Research Series, No. 8, 1964), pp. 64, 74-79; Stanley A. Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches Found at Quarai and Tabirá," El Palacio 66 (October 1959): 165-68 and Figs. 2-4; Montgomery, Smith and Brew, Franciscan Awatovi, pp. 61-65 and Figs. 9 and 10; Stanley A. Stubbs and Bruce T. Ellis, Archaeological Investigations at the Chapel of San Miguel and the site of La Castrense, Santa Fe, New Mexico, Monographs of the School of American Research No. 20 (Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, 1955), pp. 2, 5-7. The documentary descriptions are in France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams, "Inventories of Church Furnishings in some of the New Mexico Missions," Dargan Historical Essays, University of New Mexico Publications in History, No. 4 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1952), pp. 29-31. In the convento of Abó, Toulouse found several fragments of carved wood painted in white enamel with gilt and green trim, and a large number of cut pieces of mica cemented by means of plaster-of-paris to oddly-shaped pieces of gypsum. These are probably the broken and decayed remains of the retablo of Abó. See Toulouse, Abó, pp. 23-24.

⁵⁰ Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," pp. 19-21.

⁵¹ Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," pp. 34-35. In the choir stairwell, a relatively secondary area less likely to be painted than the interior of the church or sacristy, Ely found orange and gray painted plaster still adhering to the wall. Franciscans did not randomly apply painted decoration. Therefore, the presence of decoration here makes it certain that painted designs had been applied in the church and sacristy. For the colors, drawings of the designs, and usual locations of frescoes that have been found by archeologists on the walls of various seventeenth-century churches, see Smith et al., Hawikuh, pp. 113-14 and Fig. 27; Montgomery, Smith and Brew, Awatovi, pp. 291-313 and n. 44. Visitas tended to have simpler designs, but still were decorated. At San Isidro, the visita church of Las Humanas, Gordon Vivian found fragments of painted plaster that may have come from a retablo on the wall behind one side altar; see Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th-Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, Archeological Research Series, No. 8, 1964), pp. 78-79; see also the description of decorative painting at Tabirá in Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches," p. 167.

⁵² The baptistry still stood to its full height in 1846 when sketched by Lt. J. W. Abert. His watercolor is reproduced in Western America in 1846-1847; The Original Travel Diary of Lieutenant J. W. Abert, who mapped New Mexico for the United States Army, with Illustrations in Color from his Sketchbook, John Galvin, ed. (San Francisco: John Howell Publishers, 1961), opposite p. 52; see figure 32. Most of the west face of the baptistry wall is visible in the watercolor and clearly has no window. The south wall is partly obscured by the ruins of a nineteenth century house, but the visible portion seems to show the notch of a collapsed window opening. A window is inferred in the south wall, based on the structural evidence in the Abert watercolor, on the presence of a similar window at Abó, and on the simple need for illumination inside the baptistry.

⁵³ Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th-Century Spanish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 36 (Cambridge: Peabody Museum Press, 1949), p. 55-59, fig. 4. J. O. Brew, who conducted the excavations at Awatovi, came to the conclusion that work on the large church began before any construction on the smaller church. This conclusion was based on the observation that rooms associated with the sacristy of the smaller church overlaid the wall of the larger. However, these sacristy rooms were built as part of the fourth phase of development of the sacristy, in about the 1650s or 1660s. The relationship of the walls actually indicates only that work on the larger church had stopped before construction of phase 4 of the smaller church. Examining the development of the smaller church indicates that it probably began as a visita church much like San Isidro at Las Humanas, also built in the early 1630s. Construction on the convento and larger church probably began at about the same time. Because virtually nothing is known of the history of activities at Awatovi between 1630 and 1660, the dates of the major changes and the relationships between them must remain conjectural. The interpretation given here is based on a comparison of the structures with similar ones of known date in other parts of the province of New Mexico.

⁵⁴ Sue Schofield, interpreter, Salinas National Monument, interview with author, Quarai Unit of Salinas National Monument, November 20, 1985. The filled outline of the window can be seen in Lummis, 1890, SWM # 24884. Later photographs show the sealing stonework in various stages of collapse. See MNM # 6415, (ca. 1900), and SWM # 24840 (Lummis, 1913), for example.

⁵⁵ Construction probably did not begin until after the new policies were implemented about 1655 and were completed by the time Fray Nicolás de Freitas was guardian at Quarai from 1659 to 1660.

⁵⁶ The high walls of the second story of room 6, as well as a surviving roof beam, can be seen in one of Charles Lummis's photographs taken in 1890, SWM # 24828. Historical references to a second story at Quarai are limited, but do exist. The guardian's cell was a second-story room by July 1660. In AGN, Inquisición, tomo 512, FVS typescripts, p. 109, Nicolás de Aguilar states that on July 14, 1660, "subio . . . a la Celda del Padre Guardian de dicho Pueblo de Quarac," he climbed up to the cell of the guardian of the said pueblo of Quarai; a few pages later, when Aguilar is questioned about his testimony, he again states (p. 120): "subio . . . a la celda de dicho Fray Nicolás [de Freitas] . . . se vajo," he climbed up to the cell of the said Fray Nicolás . . . [then] he went down. In another incident in about 1662, two men "escalaron el Convento del d.ho pueblo," climbed the convento of the said pueblo [of Quarai], AGM, Inquisición, tomo 507, p. 450v., July 3, 1665. There is only limited structural evidence for the room above the kitchen. Lummis's 1890 photograph SWM # 24828 and two ca. 1900 photographs (NPS # 1, 2) supply all the available structural information. This consists of four beam sockets visible at the second-story level on the east face of the transept and barely visible scars where the second story walls abutted the transept wall and the second story wall above room 6. These structural traces indicate that walls and a roof extended eastward from the transept over the sacristy. In order to have space equal to or greater than the largest cell on the ground floor, the room had to extend all the way to the east end of the kitchen. As evidence that the second story cell was not above the cells of the east hallway, see Lummis photograph SWM # 24833. This picture, showing the wall of one of these cells to its full height, demonstrates that the walls in this area were 13 1/2 feet high. Such a height is surprisingly great, but certainly not high enough for two stories. The known two-story section above room 6 is too small to be the residence of the guardian. At one point during Aguilar's visit, three people and a chair occupied Freitas's cell (p. 120). The space above room 6 had only about seventy-seven square feet of area, while the smallest cell along the east row of rooms had a total of about 236 square feet, including the cell and the alcove. An alcove alone usually had about eight-eight to ninety-five square feet. It is highly unlikely that Fray Freitas would have accepted living in a single closet-sized room on the second story when there were full-sized rooms available on the first floor. Therefore the cell had to be somewhere else than above room 6, and the second story of room 6 had to have some other use. A stairwell is needed to give access to the second-story cell; the seven-foot-by-eleven-foot space of room 6 and its second story would make a good stairwell. Taking all the physical evidence mentioned above into account, the most likely place for the second-story cell is next to the second story of room 6, above the sacristy and first kitchen.

⁵⁷ There is no significant wall scar above the ground-floor portion of the wall between rooms 4 and 7, indicating that there was probably no wall at this point on the second-story level. However, the construction of the wall across the sacristy at this point indicates that de la Llana intended to support something at the second-story level, while the two-foot thickness indicates that the wall was not intended to support much weight. The mirador described is the structure that best fits the evidence, and is one known to have been used at several missions in the eighteenth century. Such an arrangement, for example, is somewhat similar to the convento at Acoma, which had a second story only over a portion of the north range of ground-floor convento rooms in the 1770s. Adjacent to these second-story rooms on the east were a mirador and porch. See Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angélico Chavez, trans., The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, With Other Contemporary Documents (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), pp. 191, 192-93. A similar arrangement existed on the west side of the second floor of both the seventeenth and eighteenth century Pecos conventos, as described in Adams and Chavez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776, pp. 211-12, and John Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown: the Pecos Indians and New Mexico, 1540-1840 (Washington: National Park Service, 1979), pp. 126-27.

⁵⁸ This door opens in the opposite direction from all the doors built into the first version of the convento. For it to follow the same pattern, the splay should open into the alcove, room 13. This indicates that the changes were planned by someone other than the first designer of Quarai.

⁵⁹ Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission" (MA thesis, University of New Mexico, 1935), pp. 40-41. Ely mentions traces of a window on the north side of the west patio wall and on the east section of the south wall in his thesis, p. 41. The outline of the splayed window on the southeast is visible in MNM # 45423, taken in the fall of 1937. The northwest window is visible in MNM # 14332, 45430, 45440, and 87719, also taken in the fall of 1937. These four photos also show the dips in the top of the patio wall between the posts on the west side, the last traces of the other two windows on this side. The remaining windows and their plan are inferred from these traces; no physical evidence of them were recorded on plans or visible in the photographs. The stonework of the rounded false pillar in the northwest corner collapsed at some time before the excavations of 1934, exposing the corner of the square pillar. Part of the stonework of the rounded pillar surface still survives, however, bonded to the masonry of the west wall enclosing the wooden posts.

⁶⁰ Similar rooms were built at Las Humanas and at Abó, discussed in Chapters 4 and 6. At Abó, one of the rooms was at the end of the residence hallway, not adjacent to the kitchen. See also James Ivey, "Apaches and Famine: Indian Depredations and Food Shortages in the Province of New Mexico, 1667-1672," manuscript in the files of the Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe.

⁶¹ John L. Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown: the Pecos Indians and New Mexico, 1540-1840 (Washington, D. C.: National Park Service, 1979), p. 540, n. 16. Such community houses were built at many pueblos in the seventeenth century. The structure was rebuilt in the first decades of the nineteenth century and used as a small residence; see Chapter 9.

⁶² See, for example, the plan of Quarai drawn from notes and sketches made in late 1882 and early 1883 by Adolph Bandelier, Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, Archivo Fotografico #236-25; two photographs taken in 1890 by Charles Lummis, Southwest Museum Photograph Nos. 24828 and 24833, showing the road curving past the west side of the church; and a photograph taken early in the twentieth century showing a covered wagon heading south from the ruins of Quarai towards Abó, El Palacio, 23 (November 1927): 497.

¹ Mrs. Edward E. Ayer, The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630 (Edward E. Ayer: Chicago, 1916), pp. 20-21; France V. Scholes, "Documentary Evidence Relating to the Jumano Indians," p. 280, in "Some Aspects of the Jumano Problem," Contributions to American Anthropology and History, Vol. 6, No. 34, (Washington D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1940). The day of San Isidro de Sevilla that Benavides refers to cannot be assigned to a specific date. Today St. Isidore of Seville has his saint's day on April 4, but the saint's days were changed several times in past centuries and only recently returned to the original dates; see John J. Delaney, Dictionary of the Saints (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1980) pp. 303-04. See Appendix 2 for a discussion of Benavides's description of his visit to Las Humanas and subsequent events.

² Fray Estévan de Perea described this chapter meeting in his report to the King; see Lansing B. Bloom, "Fray Estévan de Perea's Relacion," New Mexico Historical Review, 8 (July 1933): 225 and n. 3. Apparently more than one person was assigned to Las Humanas; on p. 235 Perea refers to "the Fathers" there, and how "they were received with general applause" when they returned to Santa Fe, where "they arranged to provide wagons." It is unlikely that more than one priest and one lay brother would have been assigned to Las Humanas, so one of the two newly-arrived lay brothers that were sent to the Salinas pueblos probably accompanied Letrado. Of the two lay brothers, one is known to have been sent to Senecú, leaving Fray Diego de San Lucas as the likely candidate for Las Humanas.

³ Hayes notes the possibility that Letrado had originally acquired rooms at the northeast corner of mound 7, but soon switched to the southwestern rooms. In rooms 117 and 118 on the northeast corner, at least one doorway appears to have been altered to European standards; see Alden C. Hayes et al., Excavation of Mound 7, Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico, Publications in Archeology no. 16 (Washington: National Park Service, U. S. Department of the Interior, 1981), p. 36.

⁴ These rooms were located by Alden Hayes during his excavations of mound 7; see Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 31-36. Hayes gave the rooms the numbers 193, 208, 210, 211, and 217-220. The detailed description of these rooms and their use are based on Hayes's information.

⁵ The winter of the two Franciscans at Santa Fe in 1629-30 is mentioned briefly by Perea; see Bloom, "Perea's Relacion," p. 235 and note 24.

⁶ Hayes found post holes in room 208 that suggested the supports for an altar to him; Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 32. See Appendix 2 for a discussion of the names applied to the various churches at Las Humanas.

⁷ This room eventually built up five layers of red, black, and white plaster. Apparently Acevedo later replastered the room in its original colors, even after it had gone out of use as the portería; see Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 32.

⁸ Hayes found some construction using sun dried balls of adobe, but adobe bricks are not found in pre-contact pueblo construction; see Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 22-23.

⁹ The return of the two Franciscans to Las Humanas with wagons of supplies in March, 1630, is mentioned briefly by Perea; see Bloom, "Perea's Relacion," p. 235 and note 24.

¹⁰ Hayes gave these rooms numbers 214, 215, and 221-226; see Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 31, fig. 21.

¹¹ The number of workers is assumed to be the same as at other missions in the Salinas area. Brugge's thesis that pro- and anti-Spanish factions had a strong influence on the history of the Spanish occupation of New Mexico is well-supported by events; see David M. Brugge, "Pueblo Factionalism and External Relations," Ethnohistory, 16 (Spring, 1969): 191-93.

¹² That the added rooms were undoubtedly built using Indian labor is indicated by the method of constructing many of the corners of the new walls using overlapping abutted wall ends. Note especially the southeast corner of room 214, the northeast and northwest corners of room 215, and the northwest corner of room 221; see Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 31, fig. 21. This was the same method as had been used before in the Indian construction, rather than the solid, continuous corners the Spanish would have used in most cases. The roofing of these rooms reused old beams scavenged from the pueblo rooms; see Ibid., p. 36.

¹³ Some of the wood had to come from timbers cut and brought to Las Humanas for the purpose, because the panels of this door were single pieces of wood 1.6 feet wide, requiring a log somewhat larger than that in diameter. Such a log was not likely to have been available at Las Humanas.

¹⁴ The volume of stone wall built during this construction is estimated to be about 3,320 cubic feet. The rate of construction assumes the same crew system used in the estimates discussed in Chapter 3, n. 48.

¹⁵ Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 36.

¹⁶ Hayes found only two post holes here, one against the north wall near the northeast corner and the other centered on the window in the north wall and about two feet from the wall. Hayes saw no beam imprints or sockets in the walls of the room. The evidence suggests that two permanent items were set into the floor, such as perhaps a large candle holder and a cross, but the principal "altar" was not. It was therefore probably a portable altar table, the same as was used for services held in a tent during travel or upon first arriving in a new pueblo. Such a table is a standard item in the supplies sent to New Mexico.

¹⁷ The description of the construction and the interior of San Isidro as given here is based on the work of Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th-Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira, Archeological Research Series Number 8 (Washington, D. C.: National Park Service, 1979), pp. 60-83. However, the conclusion presented differ from those of Vivian in most details.

¹⁸ The crew probably removed stone at a considerably slower rate than they could lay it. Assuming three cubic feet per person per day and a crew of about ten persons actually removing stone, the rate per day would have been about thirty cubic feet. The crew removed a total of about 4,680 cubic feet of rock. At thirty cubic feet a day, they would have had to work 156 days. At twenty days a month this is about eight months. At nine working months a year, the preparation of the platform would have been completed by about May, 1631.

¹⁹ San Diego is the name on the "Peñalosa" map (ca 1680), and was probably the saint's name applied to the church at Tabirá. See Richard Howard, "Tabirá," El Palacio, 67 (April 1960): 71; John W. Wilson, "Tabirá--Outpost on the East," in Collected Papers in Honor of Charlie R. Steen, Jr., Papers of the Archeological Society of New Mexico, no. 8 (Albuquerque: Archeological Society of New Mexico, 1983), pp. 95, 101; Lansing B. Bloom, "The Peñalosa Map," New Mexico Historical Review 9 (April 1934): 113, 228. See also the "Coronelli" map, taken from the "Peñalosa" map and dating to the later 1680s, New Mexico Historical Review 11 (October 1936) facing page 297.

²⁰ Stanley A. Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches found at Quarai and Tabirá (Pueblo Blanco)," El Palacio, 66 (October 1959): 164-69. Stubbs distinguished two periods of occupation at San Diego de Tabirá, with the second occupation divided into two episodes of construction. He felt that the first period of occupation corresponded to the efforts of Letrado at Las Humanas from 1629 to 1631, and the second to Santandér's activities from 1659 to 1661. Stubbs, however, thought that Letrado had completed the church, and that after Letrado left Las Humanas in 1631 the church at Tabirá fell into ruin, collapsing until the walls were only two to five feet high. At this point, Stubbs thought, Santandér rebuilt the church ca. 1660. The author considers it unlikely that Letrado could have completed a church at Tabirá in the short time he worked at Las Humanas, and thinks that Stubbs's first occupation was only Letrado's beginning on the church. The lack of any traces of an altar or baptismal font supports this view. Stubbs's second occupation, then, probably corresponds to the takeover of the missionary effort at Tabirá by Fray Francisco Acevedo of Abó. The author thinks that Acevedo finished the church of San Diego in the period from 1634 to 1641. This church would have been Stubbs's first episode of the second occupation. Acevedo probably renovated the church in the 1650s, at the same time as the other major renovations being carried out in the Salinas area. This corresponds to Stubbs's second episode of construction in the second occupation. Testimony given in the 1660s indicates that Acevedo apparently kept the visita of Tabirá in good repair until 1659. It is unlikely that Santandér or Paredes who followed him at Las Humanas would have had time for a major reconstruction at Tabirá, or that they would have felt the need to carry it out.

²¹ The walls of the church contained about 19,910 cubic feet of stone, assuming an average height of about twenty-eight feet (the same as at Abó) plus a bell wall ten feet higher above the front of the church. This volume of wall would have taken one mason about 1,530 workdays to construct, and an eight-mason crew about 192 days. At twenty days per month, this would be about 9 1/2 months. In the four months from May to September, the walls would have risen to only about forty to forty-five percent of their total height, or eleven to thirteen feet high.

²² In fact, water was so precious at Las Humanas that the Indians saved their urine and used it to make mud mortar for construction. See Charles Wilson Hackett, trans. and ed., Historical Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, Vol. 3 (Washington, D. C., Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1937), p. 142.

²³ Testimony of Miguel de Noriega, May, 1661, in Hackett, Documents, p. 184.

²⁴ Hackett, Documents, p. 130. It is unlikely that the unnamed priest (probably San Lucas) would have been at Tabirá, because the establishment was a visita and the church and sacristy there were barely begun, while at Las Humanas a large and relatively comfortable convento had been finished, furnished and supplied. Perea was almost certainly referring to Las Humanas in this passage.

²⁵ As of October, 1633, Las Humanas was apparently not yet a visita. In this month, Perea mentioned that the unnamed friar, apparently stationed at Las Humanas, was seeking aid from the governor to help the conversion; see Hackett, Documents, p. 130. The friar was probably the lay brother Fray Diego de San Lucas, and the aid he eventually secured was apparently the assistance of Fray Francisco de Acevedo. This could not have happened earlier than the beginning of 1634. Fray Diego de San Lucas apparently was ordained as a priest soon afterwards (perhaps going to Mexico City for this) and then assigned as guardian to San Diego de Jemez. Here he was killed in 1639; see France V. Scholes, "Notes on the Jemez Missions in the Seventeenth Century," El Palacio, 44 (October 1938): 94 and n. 16.

²⁶ When Letrado left, there was still about five months of wall construction and several months of roofing and interior work left to do on the church. In 1660 Nicholas de Aguilar said that Acevedo built churches at Abó, Las Humanas, and Tabirá; see Scholes, "Jumano Indians," p. 281, and Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions," p. 48. Vetancurt did not mention Acevedo in connection with Las Humanas, but instead said that he built churches at Ténabo and Tabirá.

²⁷ See Appendix 3. Because of the uncertainty of the patron saint for the church at the time of its completion, the author has elected to continue the use of the name "San Isidro" for the building. This is the name used since 1940 and allows the structure to be distinguished from the later church, now called San Buenaventura. It is possible that "San Isidro" is the correct name for the building.

²⁸ See Appendix 2 for an engineering analysis of mission roofing structures.

²⁹ The use of an interior choir stair in San Isidro is suggested by the presence of two crossbeams, as indicated by the presence of two sets of supporting pillars, and the lack of any indication of an exterior room on the north side of the church near the front. There was no reason for two sets of beams other than to provide support for a stairwell opening in the floor of the choir loft. The choir stairs could not have been on the south side, because the baptismal font was located there.

³⁰ Garland J. Gordon, "Report on the Excavation of a Sacrarium in San Isidro Church, Gran Quivira National Monument, Gran Quivira, New Mexico," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument, March 12, 1962, p. 1. Stanley Stubbs found a similar base in the southeast corner of the visita church at Tabirá. Fragments of the adobe rim of the masonry base were found fallen inside the drain hole down the center of the pillar. The flat surface of the rim was curved down towards the center of the pillar, indicating that it had supported a large circular bowl or basin which had been removed. Since the bowl would have been several feet across, it is unlikely that it was made of ceramic. Copper is the only other likely material. See Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches," p. 167.

⁸³¹ This description and the plan of the altars shown in figure 19 are derived from Gordon Vivian's excavations. However, Vivian's interpretation of what he found differs considerably from the conclusions given here. See Vivian, Excavations, pp. 74-77 and figure 21. The structures at Las Humanas are almost identical to the altars and platforms built into the chapel of San Miguel in Santa Fe; see Stanley A. Stubbs and Bruce T. Ellis, Archaeological Investigations at the Chapel of San Miguel and the site of La Castrense, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Monographs of the School of American Research No. 20 (Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, 1955), pp. 5-7, figs. 1-3. The San Miguel example allows a detailed reconstruction of the appearance of the Las Humanas visita church.

³² Again the interpretation given here differs from that by Vivian. For a detailed description of a sacristy complex, including several major changes and rebuildings, see J. O. Brew, "The Excavation of Franciscan Awatovi," in Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th-Century Spanish Mission Established at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, Report No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 36 (Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum, 1949), pp. 67-74.

³³ Painted plaster on the baptismal fount is described in Gordon, Sacrarium, p. 1.

³⁴ The painted decorations of the altars is described in Vivian, Excavations, pp. 78-79. Because of the similarities between the first church of Abó and the visita church at Las Humanas and the probability that the Las Humanas church was completed by Acevedo who lived at Abó, the author considers it likely that the side and main altars in the visita church at Las Humanas were approximate replicas of those at Abó. Since excavation has not yet revealed any details about the Abó altars, the Las Humanas altars are the best available approximation of their appearance.

³⁵ Using the plan of San Diego de Tabirá as excavated by Stubbs and published in "'New' Old Churches," the total volume of stonework in the church and sacristy was about 13,820 cubic feet. For a crew of eight masons and another thirty-two persons collecting and preparing materials, this would have taken only about 6 1/2 months. Allowing several months for woodcutting, beam carving, and roof construction, the total time would have amounted to one long construction season, or two shorter seasons over two years. In his Teatro Mexicano: Descripcion Breve de Los Sucessos Exemplares de la Nueva-España en el Nuevo Mundo Occidental de las Indias, José Porrua Turanzas, ed., Coleccion Chimalistac de Libros y Documentos Acerca de la Nueva España, no. 11, Vol. 4 (Madrid: José Porrua Turanzas, 1961), p. 215, Fray Agustín de Vetancurt says that Acevedo built the church of Abó and two smaller churches at Ténabo and Tabirá. He implies that Acevedo built these structures between 1634, when he took over from Letrado, and 1644, when Vetancurt believed he died.

³⁶ Hackett, Documents, p. 135, 143, 146, 160, 185. In Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," p. 281, the word capilla is translated as "chapel." However, this appears to be an error; the word is used in the context of musicians and singers, and probably was intended to refer to the musicians from Abó rather than a "chapel of Abó;" see Mariano Velasquez de la Cadena and Edward Gray and Juan L. Iribas, New Revised Velasquez Spanish and English Dictionary (Chicago: Follett Publishing Company, 1961), p. 139, definition 6. Tom Carroll, former Superintendent of Salinas National Monument, pointed out this fine but critical distinction.

³⁷ Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 35 and figure 21.

³⁸ Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches," p. 165-67.

³⁹ Hackett, Documents, pp. 133, 154, 157; France V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," New Mexico Historical Review, 5 (April 1930): 193-99. Santandér was to be the secretary and ecclesiastical notary for New Mexico. Although fourteen friars reached New Mexico, twenty-four had begun the journey from Mexico City. Ten friars deserted from the wagon train on the trip as a result of friction between Fray Ramirez and Governor López de Mendizábal.

⁴⁰ Hackett, Documents, p. 146; also Archivo General y Publico, Mexico (AGM), Inquisicion, tomo 512, folio 175, FVS typescript, p. 301. Aguilar went to Las Humanas to assume the office of alcalde mayor in September or October, 1659, and met Santandér there in a cell of the convent, where they carried on a conversation by the window of the cell. This was probably the same window of the trascelda, or alcove of a cell, through which Santandér heard a speech by Aguilar in 1659; Hackett, Documents, p. 135 and AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 512, folio 29, FVS typescript, p. 54. These events both probably occurred in room 222. Mendizábal appointed Aguilar as alcalde mayor between July, when Mendizábal arrived in New Mexico, and the time when the above events occurred; see also Ibid., p. 154. Since Santandér had been at Las Humanas less than two months, he obviously could not have more than begun the planning on the full convento, and therefore was living in Letrado's convento. Hayes found evidence for several changes to the convento rooms that indicate a different approach to their uses. Since the rooms supplied more space than Acevedo needed for use as a visita residence, he had little need to change them. The changes are therefore probably the product of Santandér's reoccupation. These changes are discussed in Mound 7, p. 35 and figure 21.

⁴¹ Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," p. 281; Gordon, "Sacrarium," p. 1 and fig. 2. Even though the church had been rededicated to San Buenaventura, this report will continue to call it "San Isidro" for the sake of clarity.

⁴² Hackett, Documents, p. 161. Freitas says at one point that Santandér was just "enlarging" the church at Las Humanas, but then adds that Santandér said that he was building it "from its foundations." This report assumes that Santandér meant that he was building the foundations, not starting a building on foundations completed by a previous friar. Certainly he was "enlarging the church" in the sense that he was constructing a larger building.

⁴³ Ibid., pp. 164, 186-87, 191.

⁴⁴ Ibid., pp. 135, 142, 159, 162-63. Scholes quoted a report made after Governor López de Mendizábal's arrest which indicates that the herds of Abó and Las Humanas were being maintained together; see France V. Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670, III," New Mexico Historical Review, 13 (January 1938): 67.

⁴⁵ The water supply at Las Humanas has been the subject of a great deal of speculation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Until recently, it has been assumed that the pueblo water supply depended on a network of aqueducts from mountains miles away, carrying water to holding tanks along the ridge on which the pueblo stands, although most researchers have acknowledged that there were problems with this idea. Recent highly detailed contour maps of the pueblo and the surrounding land have cleared up much of the mystery. Most of the supposed "irrigation ditches" through the pueblo were roads and trails. They follow the easiest routes without regard for the slope of the ground, while irrigation ditches must follow contour lines with only a very slight, continuous down-slope.

⁴⁶ Hackett, Documents, p. 173; AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 512, FVS Transcript pp. 201, 235.

⁴⁷ See AGM, Inquisicion, Primera Audiencia de Don Bernardo López de Mendizábal, tomo 594, FVS typescript, p. 78, Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico; also Hackett, Documents, p. 162.

⁴⁸ See AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 594, FVS typescripts, p. 202.

⁴⁹ AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 594, FVS typescripts, p. 119; Hackett, Documents, p. 161.

⁵⁰ Hackett, Documents, pp. 216, 220.

⁵¹ Santandér had been made secretary to the custodian before ever leaving Mexico City in 1659; see Hackett, Documents, p. 157. His activities as secretary are mentioned in Hackett on pp. 159, 167, 170, 258, and in AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 512, FVS typescripts, pp. 96-98.

⁵² It has been suggested that Acevedo may have begun San Buenaventura before 1659. This is unlikely, since Las Humanas was a visita at the time and had no need for a full-sized church and convento.

⁵³ The estimated length of the vara used by Santandér is 2.8 feet. This is the same vara length used in the first church at Abó, but larger than the 2.74 foot length of the vara used at Quarai.

⁵⁴ San Buenaventura is the only one of the standing seventeenth century churches to have a significant lack of parallelism in the walls of the nave. See Chapter 3.

⁵⁵ About 5,550 cubic feet of stone and earth were removed from the area of the second courtyard during this excavation. If about seventy people were available, and each removed about three cubic feet of stone a day, then the crew removed a total of about two hundred and ten cubic feet a day. At this rate the courtyard area could have been excavated in about twenty-seven days. At about twenty days per month spent on construction, this would have taken a little more than a month. It would have been difficult to fit more than about seventy people into the second courtyard area and still leave room for each to swing a pick or haul away loose stone.

⁵⁶ The descriptions of the steps in constructing and filling the platform are based on the results of the excavations by Charles B. Voll and Roland Richert, "Archeological Tests In San Buenaventura de los Jumanos, Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico, 1962" manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁵⁷ The first courtyard contains a wall area of 1,526 square feet, excluding the rooms along the church. Working on this area alone, the standard crew of eight masons, each laying about thirteen cubic feet of stone per day, could raise the walls a height of 1 1/3 feet a month. In 7 1/2 months this rate would raise the first courtyard walls to about ten feet, the height where the roof vigas would be added. This calculation excludes about 1085 cubic feet of volume for doors and windows. Roofing would add another two months or so. Based on these figures, Santandér would probably have finished the walls of some convento rooms only to roof beam height, and completed only those rooms needed as a residence and storage. The rooms finished, therefore, would most likely have been those along the east and south side of the friary. The other rooms would have remained unroofed at the end of the 1662 season.

⁵⁸ This is reminiscent of the first and second churches at Awatovi.

⁵⁹ It is unlikely that Santandér would have designed the church with a series of steps down from the level of the front porch to the interior floor, or that the interior would slope down from the front door to the altars. The appearance that this was the intent must be the result of the next priest beginning final construction on the church using Santandér's foundations as he found them, rather than raising them the last few feet. A description of the church in 1923 mentions steps in the entrance doorway; see Ida Belle Squires, "Field Work, Summer of 1923: Houses of Tabirá," in "Hewett Excavations, 1923-1925," bound volume in files of Salinas National Monument, New Mexico. However, photographs taken at the time show no visible steps, and an archeological test in the doorway in 1986 found only a foundation wall here, with some indication of scaffolding post molds.

⁶⁰ The foundation of the wall that would have divided room 3 into two rooms can be seen in the floor of the room. The decision to leave this cross wall unbuilt was made before the construction of the other walls, as is shown by the approximate centering of the doorway on the west and the two windows on the east side. Additionally, there are no scars on the main walls such as would have been left if the wall had been built and then removed. Room 12 was actually two rooms, entered by the doorway from the short corridor between the ambulatory and the doorway to the second courtyard. Although no trace of the cross wall can be seen today, the wall scar and some fragments of the wall are visible on the north wall in 1890; see SWM # 24836 (Lummis, 1890).

⁶¹ The sockets for corner fireplace lintels are still visible in room 4, even though these fireplaces were not recorded on Vivian's plan. Vivian did show a fireplace in the northwest corner of room 2. The fireplace in the northwest corner of room 3 was photographed after it was uncovered; see Vivian, Excavations, p. 86, fig. 24, and p. 93, fig. 27, for example. The lintel beam survived in place until 1978, when it was removed to prevent its further deterioration. The beam is presently stored at the Western Archeological Conservation Center in Tucson, Arizona; see Acting Regional Director Theodore R. Thompson to Robert R. Garvey, Executive Secretary of the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, September 27, 1977, manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument, section H22.

⁶² See Vivian, Excavations, p. 86, fig. 24.

⁶³ See photograph MNM # 40667 and discussion in Chapter 10, figure 45.

⁶⁴ Wall plaster was found in several rooms during excavation; see, for example, figure 27 in Vivian, Excavations, referred to in the previous note, and the description by Lieutenant Charles C. Morrison in the summer of 1877; see Appendix F, "Executive and Descriptive Report of Lieutenant Charles C. Morrison, Sixth Cavalry, on the Operations of Party No. 2, Colorado Section, Field Season of 1877," in Lieutenant George M. Wheeler Annual Report upon the Geographical Surveys of the Territories of the United States West of the 100th Meridian, in the States and Territories of California, Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, Texas, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, New Mexico, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming, Appendix NN of the Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers for 1878 (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1878), pp. 136-37. Morrison makes an apparent reference to painted plaster and woodwork in the convento. Much of the information about window and door locations on the convento is derived from the perspective view and plan of the ruins made by Morrison and included in his report.

⁶⁵ Later, when the church walls were built up, a clear vertical joint was left at the south edge of the facade where the wall of room 1 met the church.

⁶⁶ It might be expected that the flooring for the second level would extend the entire length of the building. This could not have been the case, however, because the combined thickness of the floor vigas and the substantial lintels necessary to support them and another ten feet of wall over the doorway would have left a door opening only about 4 1/2 to 5 feet high. Since the doorway is 5 1/2 feet wide at its narrowest point and the broad splay indicates that it was designed to give maximum accessibility, such a low lintel is very unlikely.

⁶⁷ Room 6 strongly resembles a storeroom built as part of the convento at Mission San Juan Capistrano in San Antonio, Texas, in about 1750. At San Juan, the room was about 31 feet long and 14 feet wide, with a loft at each end and a wide, double-splayed doorway in the center of one long wall. A major inventory made in 1772 described in great detail the interior arrangements of the room and all of the hundreds of items stored in it. This description would probably fit room 6 quite well, and serves to give a good general idea of how such a storeroom would have been used; see "Certificacion, e Imbentario de la Mission de San Juan Capistrano," December 17, 1772, microfilm roll 10, frames 4288-89, Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Library, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio.

⁶⁸ Hayes, et al., Mound 7, pp. 36, 174. Hayes found that two cremated bodies were buried through the floor of room 221. Hayes suggested that the burials occurred between 1632 and 1659 because of the lack of a permanent priest at Las Humanas during these years, but Acevedo's presence seems to have been strong. It seems unlikely that he would not have noticed the appearance of cremation burial pits in his convento and had them removed. Therefore, it is likely that they were buried after Santandér moved out and the rooms returned to Indian use in about 1662

⁶⁹ Hackett, Documents, p. 258.

⁷⁰ Santandér last acted as notary during a hearing on September 29, 1661. At the next hearing on October 24, 1661, the Inquisition records indicate that Fray Salvador de Guerra was acting as notary because a serious accident had befallen Fray Santandér. Since Fray Santandér probably returned to Las Humanas between the two hearings, the accident probably occurred on the road to Las Humanas or at that pueblo. The next hearing occurred on July 5, 1662, and Fray Santandér was briefly mentioned as being too sick to act as notary. Finally, on April 1, 1669, Fray Juan Bernal remarks that the testimony of Fray Santandér was not available because he had gone to Mexico City more than two years ago (therefore in late 1666 or early 1667), and died there; see Hackett, Documents, p. 270.

⁷¹ France V. Scholes and Lansing B. Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, II," New Mexico Historical Review 20 (January 1945): 65, 81; Hackett, Documents, p. 270; Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, III," New Mexico Historical Review 16 (July 1941): 315-16.

⁷² The statement in the mission list of 1663-1666 in Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexico Missions," pp. 51 and 54, "In the convento of San Buenaventura of the pueblo of the Jumanos there serves and will serve one friar-priest for the administration of the Blessed Sacrament in the pueblo and in a visita which is also in the mountain area," indicates that Las Humanas had a missionary during the three-year period from 1663-1666. The name of the missionary, however, is not known at present.

⁷³ Voll and Richert, "Archeological Tests in San Buenaventura," p. 5, 6, 26. Except for its large size, this puddling pit resembles the mortar-mixing pits left by Indian masons elsewhere in the pueblo; see Hayes, Mound 7, p. 48 and fig. 68.

⁷⁴ See the photograph by Lummis, SWM # 24836, figure 42.

⁷⁵ The beam presently in place over the entrance to San Buenaventura was the second beam from the front of the church. When Lummis photographed the facade in 1890, the exterior beam had already been removed, exposing the second beam. The ends of the socket from which the facade beam had been removed are clearly visible in SWM # 24823 and 24845. The original length of the surviving beam was about twenty-four feet, as it appears in Lummis's photograph. At present it is about nineteen feet long. Several sections were cut off the ends over the years, including a chunk for tree-ring dating.

⁷⁶ This beam was photographed while still in place in about 1890. The photograph may have been taken by Charles Lummis, but if so it is missing from the collection of his photographs and papers at the Southwestern Museum in Los Angeles. An engraving made from the photograph was used by John W. Virgin for his article, "The Ruins of Gran Quivira," in The American Archaeologist, 2 (January 1898): 1-6; see figure 44. It clearly shows the beam in place, the decorations carved into it, ageing cracks, the stubs of the choir loft floor vigas resting on the lintel, and the edges of the choir loft window still sharp and clear above the lintel and vigas. Soon after 1890 the beam was pulled from the wall of the church, and in 1896 it was photographed again resting on the ground near the house of E. A. Dow in the little village of Gran Quivira, about three miles northwest of the church, SNM # 448 (266.27891). The cracks and decorative carving visible in the engraving can readily be recognized in the photograph, figure 44. The same circular elements of decoration were used in San Gregorio II at Abó, and at Quarai.

⁷⁷ The description of the sizes, plan, construction details and decoration of the choir loft is based on the information collected by Virgin, "Gran Quivira," p. 4 and fig. 2, Morrison in Wheeler, Annual Report, 1878, p. 136 and the detailed engraving of the choir loft cornice while it was still in place, and Major James Henry Carleton, "Diary," p. 307.

⁷⁸ The first reference to Paredes puts him at Las Humanas in late December, 1667; see Hackett, Documents, p. 274. However, he had probably been there for some period of time before that date.

⁷⁹ See Appendix 3 for a complete discussion of the evidence for and against the completion of the church. However, it can easily be demonstrated by volume calculations that the church was left incomplete. A comparison of photographs taken before the church was excavated in 1923 with those taken afterwards shows that fill in the church was about two feet deep along the walls, thinning to only a few inches deep in the center of the nave and transepts. Compare this to Quarai, where most of the height of the wall still stands and the entire interior of the church had a layer of wall fall, burned and decayed beams and roofing, wall plaster, and blow-in about five to six feet deep before a large section of the east nave wall fell into the nave. About 3,162 cubic feet of fill were removed from the church of San Buenaventura, most of it stone fallen from the walls and dirt blown in by the wind. If the ratio of stone to blow-in was about equal (actually blowing dirt would fill the interior much faster than falling wall stone, as is shown at Quarai), then about half this material was from the walls of the church. If twice as much stone fell outside than inside, then the total volume of fallen stone was about 4,743 cubic feet. This volume added to the tops of the walls as they stood in 1923 could raise them only to the height of about twenty feet, about ten to twelve feet short of the height of a completed church with the dimensions of San Buenaventura, assuming that it had no clerestory. With a clerestory, the walls of the transept and apse would have been another six to ten feet higher. Since there were no residents in the area robbing stone from the church, and no other mechanism for the disappearance of a large volume of stone can be suggested, the church of San Buenaventura could not have been a completed structure.

⁸⁰ James E. Ivey, "Apaches and Famine: Indian Depredations and Food Shortages in the Province of New Mexico, 1667-1672," 1987, manuscript at Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe.

⁸¹ Voll and Richert, "Archeological Tests in San Buenaventura," p. 5-7.

⁸² Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, legajo 1, no. 32, bound photostats in Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico; see also Fray Juan Bernal, April 1, 1669, in Hackett, Documents, pp. 271-72; and Ivey, "Apaches and Famine.".

⁸³ Hackett, Documents, p. 273.

⁸⁴ Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," p. 283; Wilson, "Tabirá," p. 96-97. Wilson mentions a second raid on Las Humanas not long before June 5, 1670. However, the document from which Wilson deduced this raid was wrongly dated. The document was the certification that Captain don Juan Dominguez de Mendoza took part in the campaign of September 11, 1670, in response to the Apache raid of September 3, and should have been dated June 5, 1671 (or perhaps 1672). Therefore, there is no record of a raid in 1670 prior to the September 3 attack. See Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, ms. 19285, FVS typescripts, Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. Anti-Spanish factions frequently allied themselves with Apache groups, and got their support for a number of short-lived revolts. These factions were undoubtedly responsible for the loss of the Salinas Pueblos in the 1670s. John Wilson has also shown that there is good reason to believe that the Apaches were not operating alone during the series of revolts and raids in the period from 1650 to 1680; see John P. Wilson, "Before the Pueblo Revolt: Population Trends, Apache Relations and Pueblo Abandonments in Seventeenth Century New Mexico," Prehistory and History in the Southwest, Papers of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico, No. 11 (Santa Fe: Ancient City Press, 1985), pp. 114-18.

⁸⁵ Scholes, "Documentary Evidence," p. 283. Because San Buenaventura was unfinished, it could not have been the church profaned and damaged by the raid. Instead, it was probably the smaller church, San Isidro (called San Buenaventura since sometime before 1659), still in use as the principal church of Las Humanas.

⁸⁶ Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 36.

⁸⁷ Lansing B. Bloom and Lynn B. Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections in 1672," New Mexico Historical Review, 13 (January 1938): 113; Adolf F. Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Carried On Mainly in the Years From 1880 to 1885, Part II, Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series, Vol. 4 (Cambridge, Mass.: John Wilson and Sons, 1892), p. 273.

¹ The supply caravan reached New Mexico about every three years throughout the seventeenth century. During the period from 1600 to 1629 there were ten dispatches. They arrived at intervals of between two and four years, but were not as undependable as Fray Alonso de Benavides stated in The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630, pp. 14-15, translated by Mrs. Edward E. Ayer (Chicago: Edward E. Ayer, 1916). From 1631 through the 1670s the dispatches arrived regularly every three years. Accounts for the supply trains up to 1631, including lists of most of the goods carried, are in the Royal Treasury records, Archivo General de Indias (hereafter referred to as the AGI), Contaduría, largely in legajos 695-931. These records are available in the Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico as bound photostats, loose photostats, or transcripts. Frederick W. Hodge, George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey published a translation of the 1625 account in Fray Alonso de Benavides' Revised Memorial of 1634 (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1945), Appendix IV, pp. 109-24.

² A complete translation of the contract of 1631 is in France V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 5 (January 1930): pp. 93-115. A copy of the manuscript is in Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, legajo 1, part 1, no. 9, in the bound photostats of the Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque.

³ The economic and social interactions between the Santa Bárbara region and New Mexico were apparently important to both areas, although little study of this topic has been made. Some movement of citizens occurred, too. For example, Captain Nicolás de Aguilar, who figured so large in the conflicts between Governor Bernardo López de Mendizábal and Franciscan authority in New Mexico, moved to New Mexico from Parral, as stated in the Archivo General y Publico, Mexico (AGM), Inquisicion, El Señor Fiscal de este Santo Oficio contra El Capitan Nicolás de Aguilar por Proposiciones, tomo 512, folio 93r, France V. Scholes (FVS) typescripts, p. 161, Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, The University of New Mexico; see also Charles W. Hackett, ed., Historical Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Volume 3 (Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1937), p. 154. A brief outline of the history of the Parral area and the north road from Mexico City to Santa Fe can be found in William B. Griffin, Indian Assimilation in the Franciscan Area of Nueva Vizcaya (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, No. 33, 1979), pp. 1-2, and Lansing B. Bloom, "The Chihuahua Highway," New Mexico Historical Review, 12 (July 1937): p. 209. Senecú was near present San Antonio, New Mexico, and was abandoned in 1680. The site is presently unlocated.

⁴ Nick Eggenhofer, Wagons, Mules and Men: How the Frontier Moved West (New York: Hastings House Publishers, 1961), pp. 35-36, 38, 90. The question of the actual design of the supply wagons of the seventeenth century is still being debated by Southwestern historians. Much of the argument centers around the number of wheels on the standard freight wagon. The traditional view that all Mexican wagons were two-wheeled carts has so colored the imaginations of Americans that historians are reluctant to question it. In actuality, it would be a difficult technological achievement to build a two-wheeled cart capable of carrying three tons of cargo, and the problem of balancing the load over sixteen hundred miles of unimproved road would have been virtually impossible. For simplicity, this report assumes that the wagon structures implied by the equipment were, in fact, what was used. Four-wheeled wagons had long been common in Europe and were used in New Spain; there is no reason to suppose that they would be rejected for heavy freight haulage to New Mexico.

⁵ France V. Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670, I," New Mexico Historical Review, 12 (April 1937): 155.

⁶ Any extras beyond the amount allotted for each mission in the contract of 1631 had to be paid for by the individual mission. This was probably accomplished by a transfer of credit built up by sales of mission products at a major trade center, perhaps Parral or even Mexico City.

⁷ Scholes, in "Troublous Times, I," pp. 155, 163, for example, states that the supply train that arrived in New Mexico in 1659 reached Santo Domingo in July and left for the return trip to Mexico City in October. The wagons would have needed most of the time during these four months to distribute the supplies to the missions and bring trade goods from the missions back to Santo Domingo.

⁸ The missionaries supervised the production and collection of trade goods by the Indians of the Pueblo. Many of these activities are outlined by Fray Garcia de San Francisco in Hackett, Documents, pp. 191-192. Nicolás de Aguilar, the Alcalde of the Salinas Jurisdiction, stated that "the Indians of the entire Pueblo [were involved in] gathering piñon, weaving, painting, and making stockings," in AGM, Inquisición, tomo 512, FVS typescript p. 127; see also Hackett, Documents, p. 144. In AGM, Inquisición, Primera Audiencia de Don Bernardo López de Mendizábal, Año de 1663, tomo 594, FVS typescript pp. 227-28, and Hackett, Documents, p. 213, Governor López de Mendizábal also referred to the convento workshops and other factories operated by the friars.

⁹ It is unlikely that such an important resource as the supply wagons went unutilized. They certainly never returned empty. The conflict between the Governor and the Franciscans was probably over how much space the governor could legitimately claim in the wagons, rather than over whether he could use them. The governor could justifiably argue that the contract of 1631 specified that the wagons were available for use by the government. The question, then, was when the period of government use began, and how much control of the wagons the government had.

¹⁰ See Scholes, "Troublous Times, I," p. 159; Scholes, "Supply Service, III," p. 395; Hackett, Documents, pp. 188, 191, 192; AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 594, FVS typescript pp. 39-42, 69-71. In Mexico City in 1630, piñon nuts sold at wholesale for between fourteen and fifteen pesos the bushel, and deer hides for between five and six pesos, see Ayer, Benavides, Memorial, pp. 36, 37. During one period in 1659 the missions exported between one thousand and three thousand head of sheep--see, for example, Scholes, "Troublous Times, I," p. 161 and AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 594, FVS typescript p. 190. A detailed listing of a typical shipment of goods sent to Parral by non-mission traders can be found in Lansing B. Bloom, "A Trade Invoice of 1638," New Mexico Historical Review, 10 (July 1935): pp. 242-48. The missions at one time or another probably traded in all these goods.

¹¹ Hackett, Documents, pp. 188-192; AGM, Inquisicion, tomo 594, FVS typescript pp. 39-42, 69-71. Chocolate was one of the luxuries the Franciscans permitted themselves. For example, a priest at Concepción de Quarai, probably Fray Francisco Freitas, made chocolate for Nicolás de Aguilar while they were dining in the convento in around 1659; see Hackett, Documents, p. 173. See also John Kessell, Kiva, Cross,and Crown: the Pecos Indians and New Mexico, 1540-1840 (Washington: National Park Service, 1979), p. 199.

¹² France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams, "Inventories of Church Furnishings in Some of the New Mexico Missions, 1672," Dargan Historical Essays, University of New Mexico Publications in History, No. 4 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1952), pp. 29-31.

¹³ Charles W. Polzer, Rules and Precepts of the Jesuit Missions of Northwestern New Spain (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1976), p. 55.

¹⁴ Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico: An Essay on the Apostolate and the Evangelizing Methods of the Mendicant Orders in New Spain: 1523-1572, Lesley Bird Simpson, tr., (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), pp. 142-54.

¹⁵ John Kessell, "Father Ramon and the Big Debt," New Mexico Historical Review 44 (January 1969): 53-72.

¹⁶ Fray Benedict Leutenegger, trans., The Zacatecan Missionaries in Texas, 1716-1834: Excerpts from the Libros de los Decretos of the Missionary College of Zacatecas, 1707-1828, Office of the State Archeologist, Reports, No. 23 (Austin: Texas Historical Commission, 1973), p. 41.

¹⁷ Scholes, "Supply Service, II," pp. 188-89.

¹⁸ Hackett, Documents, p. 71. This was undoubtedly an exaggerated position on the part of the non-Franciscans who filed this protest, but it contained a large percentage of truth.

¹⁹ France V. Scholes, "Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650, III," New Mexico Historical Review 11 (October 1936): 313.

²⁰ Hackett, Documents, p. 203, 211.

²¹ Vivian, Excavations, p. 78-79.

²² The excavation of Hawikuh found the well-preserved, charred remains of the stairs, railings, and balustrades of the main altar and the sacristy altar, but no trace of a burned retablo behind the main altar, on or around the side altars, or in the sacristy. If a retablo had been in the church at the time it was burned, remains of it should have been found. The brief description of Hawikuh's altar, written only days before it was destroyed by fire, stated that the main altar had a statue of the Purísima Concepción, and that all the altars had many paintings. No traces of any of these were mentioned in the excavation report.

²³ Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, legajo 1, document 34, bound photostats in the Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque; France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams, "Inventories of Church Furnishings in Some New Mexico Missions, 1672," Dargan Historical Essays: Historical Studies Presented to Marion Dargan by his Colleagues and Former Students, University of New Mexico, University of New Mexico Publications in History, No. 4 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1952), pp. 27-38.

²⁴ AGI, Contaduría, legajo 726, p. 329-30.

²⁵ See, for example, Manuel Toussaint, Colonial Art in Mexico, Elizabeth W. Weismann, trans. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967), figure 148. The descriptions never mention a retablo in the sacristy, even though some sacristies probably had them. For example, the presence of somewhat elaborate altars at Abó and Hawikuh, probably including retablos, are indicated by beam-edged platforms built in the sacristies of each mission.

²⁶ See Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949), pp. 23-24.

²⁷ Retablos were usually given by the king, and would have been listed in the treasury accounts; see Hackett, Documents, p. 72. The retablo listed here appears only in the form of the costs of the packing, and therefore was probably a donation by someone else at no cost to the crown.

²⁸ A guardapolvo was a canopy or little roof-like projection at the top of the retablo.

²⁹ The statement about the second cuerpo of the retablo "armado" is curious, and implies either that the box contains panels set in their mountings, or panels stacked in the box one above the other.

³⁰ This was the statue in its niche (the caja) frequently seen in the center of a retablo, like the Virgin mentioned at Socorro, above. AGI, Contaduría, legajo 726, pp. 351-2. See Hodge, Hammond, and Rey, Benavides Revised Memorial of 1634, appendix IV, pp. 109-124, for a translation of this record. The items listed here are on p. 121.

³¹ That there were persons with enough skill to do this in New Mexico is indicated by the descriptions of the altar furnishings, where several carved picture frames were made in New Mexico. Further evidence for some woodworking skill in the province can be seen in the intricately joined and carved choir loft beams of San Buenaventura at Las Humanas, the railings at Hawikuh, and the bench found in the portería of Abó, all of which appear to have been made locally.

³² France Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review 4 (April 1929): 198-99.

³³ The definitions of the vestments and accessories are from Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez, trans., The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, With Other Contemporary Documents (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1956), pp. 350-63.

³⁴ AGI, Contaduría, legajo 714, p. 138.

³⁵ These items and the following are taken from the listings in the supply contract of 1631; see France V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions, I," New Mexico Historical Review 5 (January, 1930): 96-113; also a photostat of the manuscript of this document in BNM, legajo 1, part 1, no. 9, pp. 1-15.

³⁶ In the records, some items are listed as for each two, three, or five missionaries and lay brothers. Apparently the intent was to have one of each item at each church.

³⁷ Organs are listed as present in many of the missions of New Mexico by about 1640; see Scholes, "Some Documents for the History of the New Mexico Missions," p. 48. John Kessell has pointed out that the word "organó," used in this description, may refer to a choir trained in polyphonic chant, rather than a musical instrument; see John Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, p. 169-70. However, the documents make it quite clear that the musical instrument was meant in a statement that a new organ was purchased for San Gregorio de Abó just prior to 1659; see Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, p. 176, and Hackett, Documents, p. 192. A shipment of three sets of trumpets, three sets of oboes, and a bassoon was sent to the missions in 1628, at a total cost of 522 pesos; see AGI, Contaduría, legajo 728, p. 385. Sets of these instruments were included as standard equipment in the 1631 contract; see Scholes, "Supply Service," p. 103.

³⁸ France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams, "Inventories of Church Furnishings in Some New Mexico Missions, 1672," pp. 27-38, Dargan Historical Essays: Historical Studies Presented to Marion Dargan by his Colleagues and Former Students, University of New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Publications in History, No. 4, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1952).

³⁹ Hackett, Documents, p. 254.

⁴⁰ Ibid., p. 259.

⁴¹ Ibid., p. 213.

⁴² Without specific items included in supply lists for the caravans, however, the presence of mission weaving on imported looms cannot be proven.

⁴³ In 1638, for example, the weaving industry of New Mexico produced just under a mile of cloth for a single shipment by Governor Luís de Rosas. Lansing B. Bloom, "A Trade-Invoice of 1638," The New Mexico Historical Review 10 (July 1935): 244.

⁴⁴ Lansing B. Bloom, "Early Weaving in New Mexico," The New Mexico Historical Review 2 (July 1927): 229.

⁴⁵ In their plan and activities, New Mexico missions resemble haciendas to a surprising extent. Haciendas were large, centralized establishments intended to produce one or several variations of goods for marketing--that is, a factory.

⁴⁶ AGM, Inquisition, tomo 594, folio 57.

⁴⁷ Hackett, Documents, p. 259.

⁴⁸ Kessell, Kiva, Cross, and Crown, p. 199; Hackett, Documents, p. 173.

⁴⁹ AGI, Contaduría, legajo 728, p. 381.

⁵⁰ AGM, Inquisition, tomo 594, folio 57. See also Scholes, "Friar Personnel, II," p. 73.

⁵¹ Scholes, "Church and State, II," p. 324.

⁵² Scholes, "Troublous Times, I," pp. 145-146

⁵³ Scholes, "Troublous Times, I," 158; Hodge, Hammond and Rey, Benavides' Revised Memorial, p. 100. In 1648 Governor Luis de Guzman y Figueroa issued orders exempting these members of the usual mission administration from tribute.

⁵⁴ Hodge, Hammond and Rey, Benavides' Revised Memorial, p. 100.

⁵⁵ Gomez de la Cadena in Scholes and Adams, "Church Furnishings," p. 28.

⁵⁶ Hackett, Documents, p. 181.

⁵⁷ Ibid., pp. 71, 132, 133, 143, 144, 145, 146, 151, 158, 173.

⁵⁸ Mrs. Edward E. Ayer, The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630, Horn and Wallace, Publishers, Albuquerque, 1965, p. 33.

⁵⁹ Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico, p. 159.

⁶⁰ BNM, legajo 1, no. 9, p. 4.

⁶¹ Ivor Noël Hume found the ceramic helm of such an alembic at the farmstead of Martin's Hundred in Virginia, in a context dating it to c. 1630. This helm and Noël Hume's discussion of it gives a good idea of the appearance and use of such a device in the early seventeenth century; see Ivor Noël Hume, Martin's Hundred: The Discovery of a Lost Colonial Virginia Settlement (New York: Dell Publishing Company, 1983), pp. 101-03 and Fig. 11.

⁶² Florence C. Lister and Robert H. Lister, A Descriptive Dictionary for 500 Years of Spanish-Tradition Ceramics, Special Publication Series, No. 1 (The Society for Historical Archeology, 1976), p. 57.

⁶³ Charles Lummis excavated a fairly complete kitchen at Hawikuh. The somewhat more disturbed kitchen in the second convento at Abó resembled the Hawikuh example in many respects. Something similar may have been at Quarai, but later occupation and poor excavation technique appear to have obscured any traces. At San Buenaventura, no formal kitchen was found. The room most likely to have been the kitchen contained two corner fireplaces but no full-sized hearth. This may be another example of Santandér's lack of planning and building expertise. See Watson Smith, Richard B. Woodbury, and Nathalie F. S. Woodbury, The Excavation of Hawikuh by Frederick Webb Hodge: Report of the Hendricks-Hodge Expedition, 1917-1923, Contribution from the Museum of the American Indian, vol. 20 (New York: Heye Foundation, 1966), pp. 115-16 and fig. 28.

⁶⁴ The charred remains of a wooden bench were found in the portería of Abó by Joseph Toulouse in 1938, demonstrating that such furniture was indeed used in the seventeenth century in the convento (Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1949), p. 24, fig. 33, plates 38, 39).

⁶⁵ A "reloj grande," or large clock, costing 450 pesos, was shipped to the missions in 1628; see AGI, Contaduría, legajo 728, p. 381. Francisco de Freitas made hot chocolate for Nicolás de Aguilar at Quarai in about 1661; see Hackett, Documents, p. 173.

⁶⁶ Chairs were eventually included in the furnishings of the convento; see, for example, AGM, Inquisición, tomo 512, FVS typescript, p. 216: "Presente Fray Diego de Parraga que estava sentado en una silla ...," present was Fray Diego de Parraga who was sitting in a chair. This happened on July 14, 1660, during the time of an investigation into the behavior of Fray Diego de Parraga; the Custodian of New Mexico had deprived him of the doctrina of Tajique and placed him in the convento of Quarai.

⁶⁷ Ayer, Memorial, p. 38.

⁶⁸ AGI, Contaduría, legajo 714, p. 137; ibid., legajo 726, p. 344.

¹ Charles W. Hackett, ed., Historical Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, English translations edited with introduction and annotations by Charles Wilson Hackett, Vol. 3 (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1937), pp. 272-73.

² John P. Wilson has established that many of the Indian uprisings were arranged for or lead by Pueblo Indians, not the Apache. See John P. Wilson, "Before the Pueblo Revolt: Population Trends, Apache Relations and Pueblo Abandonments in Seventeenth Century New Mexico," Prehistory and History in the Southwest, Papers of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico, No. 11 (Albuquerque: Archeological Society of New Mexico, 1985). For a detailed discussion of the period of famine and increasing conflict between Indian and Spaniard, see James E. Ivey, "Apaches and Famine: Indian Depredations and Food Shortages in the Province of New Mexico, 1669-1672," manuscript in the files of the Southwest Regional Office, National Park Service, Santa Fe.

³ Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a Seventeenth Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira (National Park Service: Archeological Research Series, No. 8, 1979), p. 30; France V. Scholes, "Documentary Evidence Relating to the Jumanos Indians," p. 283, in France V. Scholes and H. P. Mera, "Some Aspects of the Jumano Problem," Contributions to American Anthropology and History (Washington: Carnegie Institution, Vol. 6, No. 34, 1940). The church that received these attentions from the Apache is not specified, but was either San Isidro or San Buenaventura. Since San Buenaventura was never completed, then obviously San Isidro was the church destroyed in 1670.

⁴ Fray Francisco de Ayeta in Hackett, Documents, p. 297. Lansing B. Bloom and Lynn B. Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections in 1672," New Mexico Historical Review, 13 (January 1938): 113-114. In Fray Juan Bernal's letter concerning the prosecution of Bernard Gruber, Fray Joseph de Paredes is mentioned as the missionary at Jumanos as of April, 1669 (Hackett, Documents, p. 273). It is assumed here that he continued at Las Humanas until its abandonment in 1672. In the chapter elections held on August 13, 1672, neither Las Humanas nor Tabirá is mentioned as receiving a minister. The chapter continued Fray Alonso Gil de Avila at Abó; The report on the September, 1670, raid on Humanas is the last known reference to that Pueblo as a living village and operating mission.

⁵ Fray Francisco Gómez de la Cadena, "Memoria de lo que sea gastado en sustentar este Pueblo de S. Miguel de taxique desde el mes de nobiembre del año Passado de setenta y uno asta este mes de agosto desde año de mill seissientos y setenta y dos que seles a estado dando de comer a lo dos por que no tenian que comer, y de lo que sea gastado asi mesmo en sustentar el Pueblo de la natividad de chililí, y las escoltas que se abido," Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, legajo 1, no. 34, August 16, 1672 (from photostats in Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, The University of New Mexico); Bloom and Mitchell, "Chapter Elections in 1672," pp. 113-14. Chililí had become a visita of Tajique by the time of the chapter elections held in August 1666 (France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century, I," New Mexico Historical Review 4 (January 1938): 51-58). The chapter elections on August 13, 1672 assigned Fray Sebastián de Aliri, a missionary just arrived in New Mexico, to Tajique in place of Fray Francisco Gómez de la Cadena, who was transferred to Isleta. The "Memoria . . . de S. Miguel de tajique" was apparently written as part of Cadena's final accounting just prior to his departure from Tajique to Isleta.

⁶ Fray Francisco Gómez de la Cadena, "Memoria." The escolta, or guard, was probably a cavalry patrol made up of militiamen supplied by Encomenderos as part of their military responsibilities. It is mentioned only at Chililí, and occurs in the accounts five out of the nine months that they cover.

⁷ Fray Alonso Gil de Avila, "Memoria de gasto q.e ha tenido este convento de S.n Gregorio de Abó en estos cinco mes q.e se sigue con los Soldados escolteros, y con los naturales," BNM, legajo 1, no. 34, September 15, 1672. Fray de Avila was continued at Abó by the chapter election of August 13, 1872; see Bloom and Mitchell, "Chapter Elections in 1672," p. 115.

⁸ Bloom and Mitchell, "Chapter Elections in 1672," pp. 113-14. Fray Diego de Parraga was continued as minister of the Indians of Quarai as of August 13, 1672. No records are available concerning the stationing of a patrol at Quarai.

⁹ Hackett, Documents, p. 191; Ivey, "Apaches and Famine."

¹⁰ Fray Francisco Gómez de la Cadena, "Memoria."

¹¹ Fray Alonso Gil de Avila, "Memoria."

¹² Hackett, Documents, p. 298. As of their abandonment, the population of Abó was 300 families, Tajique was three hundred families, Quarai was two hundred families, and Chililí was one hundred families. The ratios between these population figures match the ratios between amounts given to each pueblo well enough to add confidence to Ayeta's numbers. Given the figures supplied by the Memorias of Fray Gil de Avila and Fray Gómez de la Cadena, the estimates for Quarai follow from their population counts.

¹³ The basic detachment seems to have been ten men, as is indicated by the ten-man detachment placed at Galisteo in preparation for the reoccupation of the Salinas pueblos; Hackett, Documents, p. 292. When the fifty-man troop was sent to New Mexico in 1677, they were accompanied by one thousand horses, or twenty horses per man. Presumably some of these were reserve stock; Hackett, Documents, p. 291.

¹⁴ Ivey, "Apaches and Famine." France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams, "Inventories of Church Furnishings in Some of the New Mexico Missions, 1672," Dargan Historical Essays (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, University of New Mexico Publications in History, No. 4, 1952), p. 28. The other pueblos were Socorro, Senecú, Acoma, Halona, Hawikuh, Oraibi, and Shongopavi; all were at the edges of the province and were undoubtedly supported by supplies from the more centralized pueblos along the Rio Grande.

¹⁵ The last mention of Abó as inhabited is in the "Memoria" of Gil de Avila, September 15, 1672. Ayeta stated that the convento of Abó was burned, but confused Gil de Avila's name with that of Fray Pedro de Ayala, killed by Indian hostilities at Hawikuh in September 1672; see Hackett, Documents, p. 298; Bloom and Mitchell, "Chapter Elections in 1672," p. 87.

¹⁶ Bloom and Mitchell, "Chapter Elections in 1672," pp. 87-88; Hackett, Documents, p. 297. Ayeta describes the death of Fray Gil de Avila in such a way as to imply that it occurred at the same time as the loss of Senecú between March 1676, and November 1677. Gil de Avila, however, was apparently killed during a revolt of the Indians of Senecú in early 1675, not in an Apache raid, as Ayeta stated in a report mentioned by the Fiscal, Don Martín de Solís Miranda on September 5, 1676; see Wilson, "Before the Pueblo Revolt," p. 116; Adolph F. Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States Carried On Mainly in the Years from 1880 to 1885: Part 2, Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series, No. 4 (Cambridge, Mass.: John Wilson and Son, University Press, 1892), p. 257, n. 1.

¹⁷ Hackett, Documents, p. 297.

¹⁸ Ibid., p. 298. Bandelier, Final Report, p. 258, n. 5. Fray Francisco de Ayeta stated that Quarai and Chililí were lost during the period from March 1676, to November 1677, while he was away from New Mexico assembling the military relief wagon train.

¹⁹ Bandelier, Final Report, p. 258, n. 5. None of the preserved testimony about the removal of the body gives the name of the friar. The later assumption that it was that of de la Llana has little support.

²⁰ Hackett, Documents, p. 297; Wilson, Quarai, p. 12.

²¹ Fray Francisco de Ayeta, undated, in Archivo General de Indias, Guadalajara, 138, document 13 (photostats, Special Collection, Zimmerman Library, The University of New Mexico), pp. 198-204; Hackett, Documents, pp. 290-93.

²² Fray Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, AGI, Guadalajara 138, document 13 (photostats, Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico), pp. 240-66; Hackett, Documents, pp. 296-305. In statements made in December 1677, Fray Ayeta indicated that Quarai was to be reoccupied (Hackett, Documents, p. 292). In May 1679, however, Ayeta stated that the pueblo of Las Salinas was taken and resettled with two hundred families, but that Quarai was still depopulated; see Hackett, Documents, p. 297; Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 8. Ayeta refers to Tajique as "Las Salinas," which appears to be nothing more than an alternate name for the pueblo. Wilson has considered this to be a reference to Tabirá, but this is unlikely. Tabirá had apparently been abandoned with Las Humanas ca. 1671. Tajique is known to have been occupied until after the abandonment of Quarai; Ayeta refers to the loss of Quarai as occurring along with Chililí, Senecú, and "Las Salinas," all in the period from March, 1676 to November, 1677. "Las Salinas" must therefore be Tajique, not Tabirá. Another consideration is that Tabirá was unlikely to have been the object of a reoccupation attempt because it was far too exposed and too distant from military support. A major center such as Abó, Quarai, or Tajique was closer and less exposed. Tajique was selected over Chililí apparently because it was larger, as indicated by Ayeta: when the two pueblos of Chililí and "Las Salinas" were abandoned, Chililí had "more than one hundred families," while "Las Salinas" had "more than three hundred," and Chililí had been a visita of Tajique since about 1662. The ratio of populations closely matches the ratios of amounts of supplies being given to the two missions, and the ratio of population to supplies given for Abó. Further, Ayeta stated explicitly that "Las Salinas" was the "veritable key" to the jurisdiction of Las Salinas, a description that fits Tajique far better than Tabirá. Tajique was the nearest major Salinas pueblo to the Galisteo basin, and therefore the key or portal through which the Spaniards would have to retake the jurisdiction. See Ivey, "Apaches and Famine."

²³ Bandelier, Final Report, p. 259, n. 1. Tajique "was administered by a priest who escaped the rebellion with two other Spaniards." This may have been a reference to the abandonment of Tajique in 1677, but the use of the word "rebellion" makes it more likely that the Pueblo Revolt was meant. There is, however, no mention of Tajique in the documents of the Revolt. In fact, Twitchell quotes Escalante in 1778 as saying that Tajique was in ruins by the time of the revolt in 1680; Robert E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History, vol. 1 (Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1963), p. 350, n. 361.

²⁴ Hackett, Documents, pp. 284-326. The King's response arrived in Mexico City too late to have any effect on the Pueblo Revolt, August 9, 1680; it was, however, used as Royal permission to give aid to the refugees.

²⁵ France V. Scholes, "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the 17th Century, III," New Mexico Historical Review 5 (October 1930): 401-02.

²⁶ Hackett, Documents, p. 63. These were the items taken by a friar when he abandoned a mission. By "personal belongings" is meant the items the church has given for his use, such as habits, shoes, books, some furniture, and the like.

²⁷ See Chapter 9, n. 1.

²⁸ See the present chapter, n. 56.

²⁹ In the testimony concerning Governor Marín del Valle's search for the body of Fray Gerónimo de Llana, for example, there is a reference to an unnamed Indian from Cochiti visiting the ruins of the Salinas missions in 1753 while hunting; see Adolph F. Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1885-1888, eds. Charles H. Lange, Carroll L. Riley, and Elizabeth M. Lange (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1975), n. 997, pp. 514-25.

³⁰ Oakah L. Jones, Jr., Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966), pp. 128-29.

³¹ Governor Thomas Vélez Cachupín, August 12, 1754, in Alfred B. Thomas, The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778: A Collection of Documents Illustrative of the History of the Eastern Frontier of New Mexico (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1940), p. 142. Oakah Jones interpreted Governor Vélez' remarks to mean that the patrol in the area of the Salinas included forty Keres Indians and two squads of soldiers, either presidial or militia. This patrol, however, operated in the Rio Grande Valley, covering the passes to Albuquerque, San Felipe and Santo Domingo. Governor Vélez is explicit about the troops in the Salinas area: ". . . the presidio has been able to operate in the spot of Coara [Quarai], or Tajique, of the old missions;" see Thomas, Plains Indians, p. 142. Thomas has Governor Vélez spelling Tajique as both "Tajique" and "Tafique."

³² This confusion between Quarai and Tajique apparently originated with Vetancurt, who in 1697 mistakenly placed Quarai between Chililí and Tajique, rather than south of Tajique; see, for example, George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and Since the American Occupation, fourth printing (University of New Mexico Press, 1972), pp. 88-89 and note 93. Governor Vélez was probably caught in the conflict between a copy of Vetancurt and persons who remembered the actual names of the ruined pueblos of the Salinas. See for example the same conflict in the testimony concerning the retrieval of the body of Fray Gerónimo de la Llana in 1759 and the perpetuation of the problem on the Meir y Pacheco map made at the same time, Bandelier, Journals, 1885-1888, p. 524, n. 997; John Kessell, "A Tale of Two Pueblos," El Palacio 85 (Fall 1979): 4.

³³ Fray Angélico Chavez, "The Unique Tombs of Fathers Zarate and De la Llana in Santa Fe," New Mexico Historical Review, 40 (April 1965): 102. After bringing the supposed body of De la Llana back to Santa Fe on April 7, 1759, from his excavations at Quarai and Tajique, Governor Marín went on to Pícuris, where on May 8, 1759 he located the body thought to be that of Fray Acencio Zarate. The two bodies were interred in a stone casket in the church of St. Francis on August 31, 1759.

³⁴ Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1885-1888, n. 997, pp. 517, 519. The description of the condition of the church is conjectural, based on a careful reading of the Spanish as transcribed by Bandelier and comparing it to the condition of the church in later descriptions.

³⁵ Adolph F. Bandelier, Diligencias practicadas sobre la solicitud de el cuerpo del Venerable Padre Fray Gerónimo de la Llana, Catron Papers, Special Collections, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, PC 29, Box 807, folder #4, 1759, pp. 3-8. A translation is in Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1885-1888, n. 997, pp. 517-19. John Kessell suggests that the date of 1706 for Freitas' statement is a copyist's error, and that the date should read 1670; see Kessell, "Tale of Two Pueblos, p. 4.

³⁶ Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1885-1888, pp. 517, 519-20. The tradition about the moving of the body of a priest from Quarai to Tajique when Quarai was abandoned did not give the name of the man, nor did it state where the body was buried. The body retrieved by Governor Marín from beside the main altar of Tajique was undoubtedly that of a Franciscan; there is, however, no real evidence that it was the body of Fray Gerónimo de la Llana.

³⁷ Joseph A. Tainter and Frances Levine, Cultural Resources Overview: Central New Mexico (Santa Fe: New Mexico State Office, Bureau of Land Management, 1987), pp. 93-112.

³⁸ Lansing B. Bloom, "Albuquerque and Galisteo, certificate of their founding, 1706," New Mexico Historical Review, 10 (January 1935): 48-50; Hackett, Documents, pp. 379-81.

³⁹ Hackett, Documents, pp. 401-02; Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angélico Chavez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1956), pp. 153-54, 208, 254.

⁴⁰ Fray Miguel de Menchero, May 10, 1744, in Hackett, Documents, p. 402.

⁴¹ Adams and Chavez, Missions of New Mexico, 1776, p. 154.

⁴² Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, p. 98.

⁴³ By 1853, at least, the road through Abó pass was one of the best in New Mexico. Carleton says "these passes are known, in the language of the country, as Los Puertos de Abó. The summit of the right hand pass is 19 miles and 63 yards from Casa Colorada, and lies east twenty degrees south from that town. The road for this whole distance is by far the finest we had seen in New Mexico, and is not surpassed, in any point of excellence, by the celebrated shell road at New Orleans;" Major James H. Carleton, "Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico, under the Command of Major James Henry Carleton, U.S.A.," Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, Senate Printer, 1855), p. 299.

⁴⁴ Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, p. 98.

⁴⁵ Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, pp. 99-100. Local tradition states that Miguel and Juan Lucero were two of the five patrons who dominated Manzano in the mid-nineteenth century. Miguel Lucero was also justice of the peace and responsible for judging miscreant peons. The other patrons were Filimeno Sanchez, whose father Thomas was supposed to have built the Torreon at Manzano, Antonio Roble, and Juan Otero; see Wesley Robert Hurt, Jr., "Manzano: A Study of Community Disorganization," thesis, University of New Mexico, 1941, p. 50.

⁴⁶ New Mexico State Records Center and Archives (hereafter referred to as NMSRC), Surveyor General Microfilms, Reel 24, Case 126, Frames 23-24.

⁴⁷ NMSRC, Surveyor General, Reel 24, Case 126, Frames 42-44.

⁴⁸ Apache raids became so severe in the late 1820s that Baca was forced to abandon the Torreon grant in ca. 1830. Afterwards he permitted the regranting of most of the land as town grants. See NMSRC, Surveyor General, Reel 24, Case 126, Frames 52-53, and Tainter and Levine, Overview: Central New Mexico, pp. 102-05.

⁴⁹ See Chapter 9.

⁵⁰ NMSRC, Surveyor General, Reel 29, Case 5, Frame 2. The Casa Colorado Grant, a tract on the west slope of the Manzanos around Abó pass, was requested by a group of people who referred to themselves as the pobladores, or founders, of the town of Manzano. The petition contains forty-two names, of which fourteen are on the 1829 request for the Manzano Grant. The occupation of Manzano can be pushed back even further by historical references: in testimony collected by the Surveyor General concerning the history of occupation of the Torreon Grant of Captain Bartolome Baca, Clemente Chaves states that his uncle, mayordomo of the Baca ranch; was a resident of Manzano in 1822; see NMSRC, Surveyor General, Reel 24, Case 126, Frame 52; and in the Spanish Archives of New Mexico 1: 1104, July 5 1815, the governor of New Mexico requested volunteers to resettle Socorro and "the ancient pueblo of Manzano." Four Luceros were among the original petitioners for the Manzano Grant: Miguel and Domingo Lucero were in the list of original settlers, and Santiago and Juan Lucero were "new settlers." Further, Miguel and Domingo Lucero were among the "settlers of Manzano" who petitioned for the Casa Colorado Grant in 1823.

⁵¹ The term "plaza" was apparently used in the sense of "fortified village," rather than specifically referring to the town square. A typical "plaza" such as Abiquiu or Chimayo consisted of a square formed by continuous rows of buildings on all four sides, enclosing a central plaza area. The use of the term "Casa de Apodaca" as a synonym for "Plaza de Apodaca" in the Alcalde's decree implies that this part of Manzano was such a defensive compound, probably built and occupied largely by a family named Apodaca. If so, it was early in the life of Manzano, because no Apodacas are listed in the families of the Manzano area by 1823.

⁵² Loose Documents 1830, nos. 10, 11, Archdiocese Archives of Santa Fe, Special Collection Microfilm, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico (hereafter referred to as AASF). The origins of the orchards are conjectural, based on the available evidence. For some reason the orchards of Manzano have inspired a long-lived minor controversy. The orchards mentioned in the founding documents of the town and the petition for the church are certainly the same apple orchards which were the namesake of the village and mentioned by most traveller's journals. The smaller orchard is now occupied by a house and yard, although portions of the old wall still stand. A number of trees still survive in the larger enclosure, even though most of the wall has fallen.

The apple orchards of Manzano are one of the best-documented features of the Quarai area. After they were described in the church and land petition records in 1829, they were frequently mentioned again. See, for example, Lt. J. W. Abert, Abert's New Mexico Report, 1846-'47, ed. William A. Keleher (Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1962), p. 107; Carleton, "Diary," p. 303; Bandelier, Final Report, p. 261; Adolph F. Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1880-1882, eds. Charles H. Lang and Carroll L. Riley (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1966), p. 386; "The Oldest and Most Noted Orchard in Southwest Country," The Rio Grande Republican, Las Cruces, New Mexico, Vol. 32, no. 35, October 20, 1911, p. 1; "The Oldest Apple Orchard in the United States is in New Mexico," The Rio Grande Republican, Las Cruces, New Mexico, Vol. 32, no. 50, December 15, 1911, p. 1; Mary Orr, "Manzano--America's Oldest Apple Orchard," New Mexico, 8 (July 1935): 29, 47; Florence M. Hawley, "Yes, We Have No Old Apples," New Mexico, 14 (August 1936): 16; and Hurt, "Manzano," pp. 27, 30, map 1. Not until Florence Hawley's article in 1936, when the documented life of the orchards was over 116 years old, did doubt about the attribution of the orchard to the seventeenth century begin to creep in. Hawley had one tree dated by tree-ring analysis. The estimated date of planting of the tree was 1800. Based on this date, she attributes the inception date of the orchards to the same year. Since manzano was founded about 1815, it is difficult to explain an orchard being established before the town, unless it was established one hundred and fifty years earlier.

Because of the documentation of the orchards and the indications that the Zalazar ranch was located at the site of present Manzano, the author considers it likely that the orchards did originate in the seventeenth century, and that Hawley did not have one of the original trees dated, assuming that any remained in 1936.

⁵³ Adolph F. Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1883-1884, ed. Charles H. Lang et al. (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1970), p. 10; Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1880-1882, pp. 386-87; Hurt, "Manzano," p. 28. Hurt assumed that Ojitos was the site of the original occupation that tradition says was attempted ca. 1800. This assumption was essentially correct.

⁵⁴ NMSRC, Surveyor General, Reel 15, Case 23, Frames 1-6.

⁵⁵ Loose Documents 1830, no. 11, AASF. "Bachiller" is the first degree taken in a discipline, approximately equivalent to the Bachelor's degree in the American educational system. It was frequently used by secular priests, and indicated the completion of a first degree in theological studies. See Adams and Chavez, Missions of New Mexico, 1776, p. 351.

⁵⁶ Archeological evidence indicates that most of the roof and choir loft of Quarai were present at the time the church burned. The mass of charred beams and debris from the choir loft and roof, mixed with rubble knocked from the wall tops as the beams burned through and fell in, created a layer at least 2 feet thick on the floor of the nave. The excavation descriptions mention chunks of carved roof and choir loft beam up to three feet long; see Donovan Senter, "The Work on the Old Quarai Mission, 1934," El Palacio, 32 (November-December 1934): 172-73. The burned roof debris rested on a layer of earth composed of blow-in sand and clay washed through the roofing. This layer was at least one foot thick, and probably thicker in some areas. The sand and clay covered a half-inch thick layer of white wall plaster fragments resting on the flagstone floor. The layers of earth and plaster contained little stone rubble. The presence of these layers below the burned roof material indicates that the church had been abandoned for a long time before the roof burned, and that no major collapse of roof structure had occurred during that time. The bodies of 40 people were found buried in the layer of earth above the flagstone floor and beneath the burned roof debris. The archeologists excavating the church looked for evidence that the burials had been made through the burned debris. They were quite sure that the layers of burned roof and other fill showed no signs of having been disturbed by the digging of grave-pits for the bodies; see Donovan Senter, "The Work on the Old Quarai Mission," pp. 172-73; Donovan Senter, "Excavation Records, Mortuary, Quarai, 1934," Burials #1-#5, Museum of New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology, File LA95, Quarai. In some places the earth covering the skeletons had settled so that the burning beams fell directly on the bones, scorching them. All bodies for whom information is available were non-Indian. One was that of an aged, largely toothless individual, probably female; see Senter, "Excavation Records, Mortuary, Quarai, 1934," Burial #3.

The presence of the aged female makes it unlikely that these bodies were members of the military patrols stationed at Quarai on occasion in the mid-eighteenth century; therefore, they must be those of persons living in the area of Quarai after resettlement began in ca. 1815. The presence of the bodies indicates that the settlers considered the church to retain some, at least, of its religious attributes; an occasional Mass there is therefore likely. The condition of burial #3, that of the elderly female, indicated that she had apparently been killed by a blow to the head just prior to the fire which destroyed the church roof. The body was not buried, but was lying on the surface of the fill. When the church burned, beams fell on and scorched the bones of the body and carbonized or mummified some portions of it; see Donovan Senter, "Excavation Records, Mortuary, Quarai, 1934," Burial #3.

The circumstances suggest a date for the destruction of Quarai. The presence of the bodies indicates that the destruction occurred after 1815. The fire, in association with at least one violent death, argues that the event occurred during an Apache raid, perhaps in the period of greatest conflict between the Apache and the Spanish in the Salinas area, the decade from 1820 to 1830. The strange sequence of events surrounding the attempt to build the chapel of Manzano at Quarai suggests that it was intended to replace the Quarai church, either because of its destruction or because it was becoming too old to use without a great deal of refurbishing. The decision in late 1829 or early 1830 to stop construction on the chapel at Quarai and, instead, to build it in the main settlement of Manzano implies that Quarai had suddenly lost its hold on the settlers. Apache raids, the destruction of the church and other buildings, and the probable abandonment of most of the site may have been the events that caused this change of heart. If so, then the church burned in the winter of 1829-1830.

⁵⁷ The citizens of Manzano apparently filed a petition in early 1830 to build the chapel at Quarai rather than at Manzano. Permission must have been granted by Church authorities. The presumed petition of early 1830 and the official permission to build at Quarai, if they exist, are unlocated at present. The later reversal of this decision, moving the location of the new chapel from Quarai to Manzano, was probably a result of the shift of political power in the Manzano Grant as a result of the effective loss of Quarai by the Luceros, apparently as the result of an Apache raid and the influx of the "New Settlers" at Manzano. The raids may have been responsible for the temporary abandonment of most of the Quarai and Abó settlements in about 1830, an abandonment that lasted through the 1840s. This abandonment is suggested by a lack of artifacts from those years in the middens of the houses near the pueblos and churches. There seems to have been no abandonment of the houses within the convento of Quarai, however, indicating some continuing effort on the part of the Lucero family to maintain their holdings there.

⁵⁸ The Lucero family owned the Pueblo of Quarai until November 7, 1872, when Miguel Lucero sold the property to Bernabe Salas (Abstract of Title no. X-17203, New Mexico Abstract Co.). The town of Punta de Agua, one mile east of Quarai, was not part of the original settlement of the area. It may have been settled in the late 1850s. Carleton did not mark it on the map of his route through the Salinas area in 1853 (Major James H. Carleton, Map of a Military Reconnaissance made by Brevet Major James Henry Carleton to the Ruins of Abó, Quarrá, and Gran Quivira, New Mexico, in December, 1853, National Archives, Record Group 77, Civil Works Map file, W25-2). Punta's church has a founding date of 1878.

⁵⁹ Loose Documents 1830, nos. 8, 10-12, AASF. Because the original petition to build a church at Manzano had been voided in favor of building at Quarai, it was necessary for a new petition to be filed in July, requesting a second official permission to build at Manzano.

⁶⁰ The first resettlement was detected by examination of the artifacts in the middens of several ruins at Abó. By mapping the various reoccupation ruins and associating them with known reoccupation events, the construction of each episode of resettlement became apparent. Gentry Keith, "The Woman Who Sells Water," New Mexico Magazine, 19 (February 1941): 26, 33-34. Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1880-1882, p. 389, says that in 1882 the Cisneros family told him that they had settled in the ruins in April, 1869. The family presently spells the name as "Sisneros."

⁶¹ Personal communication, Federico Sisneros to Thomas Carroll, former Superintendent of Salinas National Monument. Sheepherders or miners left a small shack near mound 7 during the excavations in 1967-68; see Hayes, et al., Mound 7, p. 61.

⁶² George T. McCullough, U.S. Deputy Surveyor, September 1872, in "Selected Nineteenth Century References," looseleaf notebook in the files of Salinas National Monument.

¹ The convento of Abó was burned during an Indian raid in about 1673, according to the rather confused statements of Fray Francisco de Ayeta. This was probably one of the causes of the abandonment of the pueblo and mission soon afterwards. When Lieutenant James Abert recorded the appearance of the church of San Gregorio in 1846, its condition was very much like that of Quarai; see J. W. Abert, Western America in 1846-1847; The Original Travel Diary of Lieutenant J. W. Abert, who mapped New Mexico for the United States Army, with Illustrations in Color from his Sketchbook, John Galvin, ed. (San Francisco: John Howell Publishers, 1961), opposite p. 52; and figure 24. At some time between the abandonment of the mission in about 1673 and Abert's drawing in 1846, the church burned. The author assumes that the similarity of condition of the two ruins of Abó and Quarai in 1846 implies a roughly similar date of burning: therefore, Abó probably burned during the height of the Apache raids in 1820 to 1830, at about the same time as Quarai; see Chapter 8, n. 56.

² Little archeology has been conducted outside the church and convento. Only Toulouse's work might have told something about the reoccupation of Abó, but his plans and notes are missing. The few statements available to us made by Toulouse indicate that he considered the convento area to have been reoccupied in the 18th century; see Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Discussion, Toulouse vs. Hurt and Dick," El Palacio, 54 (April 1947): 100-01. However, the evidence from Quarai indicates that the ceramic types forming the core of this dating have been misdated. Apparently many of the late locally made ceramics discussed by Hurt and Dick as well as by Toulouse originated in the Rio Grande valley in the late 18th century and spread to the Salinas area with resettlement after 1800. The first occupation of Abó is deduced from a surface survey of the mission and pueblo conducted by the author and Ranger Susan Schofield in the fall of 1986. The survey found pre-1830 European ceramics along the apparent roadway running north to south and passing just west of the church. Two areas of concentration were seen, one at the south just west of the fortified structure, and the other somewhat further north, near a group of Spanish buildings southwest of the church ruins. Because of the lack of historical documents or archeological investigations, the actual buildings and walls constructed during each episode of reoccupation are uncertain. The sequence presented here is hypothetical, suggested by the available evidence.

³ This wall was briefly mentioned by William W. Hunter during his visit to Abó in 1849. He estimated that the area enclosed was about four acres. This is approximately the total area of the enclosures north, east, and south of the church; see William W. Hunter, "Journal," David Robrock transcripts, pp. 66-67, Special Collections, the University of Arizona Library. J. W. Chatham, who visited the ruins in the same year, also described the protective wall, estimating the enclosed area to be about 300 feet wide by 450 feet long; see J. W. Chatham, "Diary," February 27, 1849, copy in the files of Salinas National Monument. Portions of the wall are visible in Abert's painting of the church made in 1846. It is possible that this enclosure was built in the seventeenth century, but the author has chosen to date it to the nineteenth century because other than the massive church structure, these walls were the only construction standing. Such a condition strongly suggests that the walls were much more recent than the pueblo or convento buildings. Their plan and proximity to the convento and pueblo mounds suggest that the enclosures were a large corral and stables area set up when the convento and pueblo buildings were no longer inhabited.

⁴ Lt. J. W. Abert in Abert's New Mexico Report, 1846-'47, ed. William A. Keleher (Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1962), p. 110.

⁵ J. W. Chatham, "Diary," February 27, 1849.

⁶ William W. Hunter, "Journal," August 12, 1849, David P. Robrock transcripts, Special Collections, University of Arizona Library.

⁷ Major James Henry Carleton, Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico, under the command of Major James Henry Carleton, U. S. A., Ninth Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, D.C.: Beverley Tucker, Senate Printer, 1855), pp. 300-01.

⁸ Quarai followed the same decay pattern, but more slowly. Apparently Abó's exposed location on the main route into the Salinas basin encouraged treasure hunting to start earlier and continue longer there. As a result, Abó's apse fell between 1850 and 1880, while Quarai's still stood eighty years later in the 1930s, although it was seriously undermined. Once the apse was gone, the remaining walls of Abó quickly followed. Quarai would have gone the same way had it not been stabilized beginning in 1934.

⁹ Gentry Keith, "The Woman Who Sells Water," New Mexico Magazine, 19 (February 1941): 26, 33-34.

¹⁰ Bandelier, after talking with Ramon Sisneros in 1882, said that the family tradition at the time was that the father and father-in-law of Manuel Sisneros had settled at Abó in April, 1869. The family had lived at the Saladas, six miles southwest near another pueblo ruin, before moving to Abó. See Adolph F. Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1880-1882, eds. Charles H. Lang and Carroll L. Riley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1966), p. 389. See also Gentry Keith, "Woman Who Sells Water," pp. 33-34.

¹¹ This group of buildings, an almost undisturbed settlement of the period from 1800 to 1890 entirely protected by the National Park Service, is a unique cultural resource preserving archeological and historical information of great importance for the study of the Spanish re-expansion out of the Rio Grande River valley in the nineteenth century. It should be treated with great care, and will require further detailed study, stabilization, and maintenance.

¹² Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1880-1882, p. 389; see also Bandelier's watercolor map in the Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, Archivo Fotografico (BAV), #234-23.

¹³ BAV # 482-47 (Bandelier 1882).

¹⁴ SWM # 24830, 24831, 24832, 24867 (Lummis 1890).

¹⁵ Original Patent to Ramon Cisneros, HE # 1764, March 1, 1892.

¹⁶ The genealogy of the Sisneros family is complex. An oral history project is presently underway that hopefully will clear up some of the uncertainties of their settlement and descent.

¹⁷ Keith, "Woman Who Sells Water," p. 34.

¹⁸ MNM # 12872, 12878.

¹⁹ Tax sale, August 17, 1912, Torrance County Deed Records (TCDR) book 6, p. 50; also September 4, 1914, TCDR A1:186. Tax redemption, August 10, 1915, Torrance County Redemption #481, document #7549; also November 2, 1915, red. #98, doc. #7989. Ubaldo Sanchez to J. J. Brazil, June 28, 1919, TCDR 20:48, doc. #35660; J. J. Brazil to Joaquin Sisneros, July 21, 1920, TCDR 20:50, doc. #35659; J. J. Brazil to Abundio Peralta, February 14, 1920, TCDR 20:81, doc. #35837.

²⁰ Adminstrators of the Joaquin Sisneros Estate, September 3, 1928, Torrance County, no. 348 PB. Esquipula and Federico Sisneros, Administrators for the estate of Joaquin Sisneros, to Federico Sisneros, January 8, 1934, TCDR 47:585, doc. #66632.

²¹ See for example MNM # 6362.

²² Abó, Quarai, and the future site of Manzano all seem to have been settled within a few years around 1800. No study of the resettlement of the east slope of the Manzanos has been made, so the question of sequence is unanswered. This report assumes that the settlement occurred in order of distance from the Rio Grande Valley: Abó, Quarai, and then Manzano. The reconstruction of events during the reoccupation of Quarai presented here is conjectural, based on limited information. These are: a few historical references to the Luceros, an inspection of surface artifact material at the house sites around Quarai, the reports on the excavation of the various convento rooms, and the sequence of construction events recorded by the surviving walls. Further research into archival collections and Spanish records in Valencia and Torrance Counties should add confidence to the outline presented here.

²³ See Chapter 8, n. 56.

²⁴ The pattern of roof survival is derived from the descriptions of Abert in New Mexico Report, pp. 109-110; Carleton, "Diary," p. 302; and Adolph F. Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Carried On Mainly in the Years From 1880 to 1885, Part II, Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series, no. IV, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1892), p. 263.

On Bandelier's plan of Quarai in the BAV, #236-25, he showed only room 6 and two sections of the rooms east of the residence hall still standing. The rest of the convento had fallen to the extent that he considered the south row of rooms to have been the cemetery, and did not even see the north row, including the sacristy, storeroom and refectory; see also the transcription of the captions on the map in Bandelier, A History of the Southwest: A Study of the Civilization and Conversion of the Indians in Southwestern United States and Northwestern Mexico from the Earliest Times to 1700, Vol. I, A Catalogue of the Bandelier Collection in the Vatican Library, ed. Ernest J. Burrus, S. J. (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1969), p. 150. One oddity of the map is that Bandelier gave the two surviving eastern rooms the letter designations "a" and "b," but did not define these letters in the captions, although he did define captions "c" and "d."

Bandelier's plan, in fact, looks very much like the plan prepared in 1913 by Charles Lummis, "Quarai--Mission Church, August 28, 1913," in drawer 2, file 4, LA95 (Quarai) Map Files, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe. Both were drawing the same structures, including the surviving eastern rooms. Lummis's plan includes measurements, allowing a reconstruction of which rooms actually survived as standing walls during the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

²⁵ These figures are based on calculations of the total area of the convento west of the east hallway, and the total volume of wall available to fill that area if it collapsed evenly. Allowing for the outer half of the outside walls falling outside the convento rather than contributing to the fill inside, eleven foot walls would have filled the area of the convento to a height of just over two feet if they had fallen completely and evenly.

The average height of the surviving convento walls in the area west of the east hall was about eight feet at the time they were excavated in 1934 (in other words, there was enough fill to bury and protect an average height of eight feet of convento wall). The three-foot portion of wall above the fill had fallen into the rooms during the process of fill accumulation; that is, only the top three feet of wall height contributed to the eight feet of fill. Three feet of wall height would produce only enough stone to fill the rooms to a depth of 0.7 feet.

The walls crumbled into the rooms during two separate periods, each producing a layer of fill about three feet deep. Dividing the 0.7 feet of fill supplied by the walls between the two periods of fall gives a depth of 0.35 feet of wall material in each of the two three-foot deposits. The remaining 2.65 feet of fill that accumulated during each episode was not from the walls, and must have been brought in from outside the building. The ratio of imported fill to collapsed wall material is therefore about 0.12. That is, only 12% of a given depth of fill within the rooms is actually fallen wall. Nine to twelve inches of the lower fill probably came from the layer of adobe on the roof, and the remaining 1.65 to 1.9 feet came from blow-in, trash deposits, and animal deposition.

The constituents and thicknesses of the layers of fill in the convento were described by Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of Quarai Mission," El Palacio, 39 (December 1935): 137; and Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," thesis, University of New Mexico, 1935, p. 25.

To distinguish Ely's El Palacio article from his thesis, the two will be referred to respectively as Ely, El Palacio, "Excavation and Repair of Quarai," and Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission."

²⁶ Wesley R. Hurt, Jr., "Manzano: A Study of Community Disorganization" thesis, University of New Mexico, 1941, p. 28. The Luceros lived at Quarai until November 7, 1872, when Bernabe Salas bought the property from Miguel Lucero (Abstract of Title no. X-17203, New Mexico Abstract Co.). Miguel was probably the son of José Lucero who lived at Quarai in 1846 when Lieutenant J. W. Abert visited the site; see Abert, New Mexico Report, pp. 109-10. The continuous presence of the Luceros at Quarai after 1845 and their participation in the movement to settle the Manzano area before 1845 argues that they were the group that settled there in 1800. José was probably a grandson of the first Miguel Lucero at Quarai. In the absence of any additional records, however, this must remain only a hypothesis.

²⁷ Ely, thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," pp. 26-27. At the Rancho de las Cabras, near Floresville, Texas, the ranch headquarters building for Mission San Francisco de Espada of San Antonio, Texas, the ruins were used as sheep pens for no more than two decades, probably less. This use left ten to twelve inches of manure. Using the Las Cabras figure as a guide, it can be estimated that the convento of Quarai was used as animal pens for about ten years. James E. Ivey and Anne A. Fox, Archaeological Survey and Testing at Rancho de las Cabras, Wilson County, Texas (San Antonio: The University of Texas at San Antonio, Center for Archaeological Research, Archaeological Survey Report no. 104, 1981), pp. 19, 20, 24, 42; James E. Ivey, Archaeological Testing at Rancho de las Cabras, 41 WN 30, Wilson County, Texas: Second Season (San Antonio: The University of Texas at San Antonio, Center for Archaeological Research, Archaeological Survey Report no. 121, 1983), pp. 32-35.

²⁸ More than 2300 feet of rough terrace walls are still visible today. They have not been investigated by archeology, but the peculiarities of the plan of the fields imply that they were built by Spanish farmers rather than by Indians under the direction of a Franciscan missionary.

²⁹ Archeology has cleared the rubble from the ruins, but no artifact associations were recorded. See Abert's watercolor; Abert, Western America, opposite p. 52, included in this report as figure 31; SWM # 12947, 6641 (Nusbaum 1916).

³⁰ The town of Punta de Agua probably began as a group of client farmer's houses at the mouth of the Quarai valley.

³¹ This description of the Lucero House is based on Charles Lummis photographs SWM # 24833 (1890) and SWM # 24824, 24837 (1913); Quarai Topographic Map, National Park Service, Koogle and Poole Engineering, July 6, 1982; and field measurements by the author.

³² This description of the North House is based on Charles Lummis photograph SWM # 24828 (1890), figure 34; Quarai Topographic Map, National Park Service, Koogle and Poole Engineering, July 6, 1982; and field measurements by the author.

³³ Joseph A. Tainter and Frances Levine, Cultural Resources Overview: Central New Mexico (Santa Fe: New Mexico State Office, Bureau of Land Management, 1987), p. 101.

³⁴ See Chapter 8, n. 56, for a detailed discussion of the evidence for the dating of the destruction of the church and other buildings at Quarai. Abert's watercolor of the ruins shows that not only the church but also the baptistry and Mound J House burned out; see figure 32.

³⁵ The activities of the Lucero family are conjectural, based on the few references to them in the documents. Perhaps oral history studies of Lucero family tradition in the area of Manzano would reveal more detail about their involvement with Quarai.

³⁶ The chapel foundations at Quarai, recorded by Bandelier on his plat of Quarai after his visits of December 1882 and January 1883 and relocated by Stubbs through archeological work in 1959, are undoubtedly the remains of the incomplete Manzano chapel. Stubbs erroneously states that Bandelier did not recognize the chapel outline: "The outline of this second church structure is visible, correctly placed, in this plan [the plan by Bandelier reproduced as Fig. 45 in George Kubler's The Religious Architecture of New Mexico, Colorado Springs, 1940], but there is no identifying reference by Bandelier . . . (Stanley A. Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches Found At Quarai and Tabirá (Pueblo Blanco)," El Palacio 66 (October 1959): 162, n. 3)." However, the chapel is outlined by blue dots on Bandelier's watercolor map, indicating that it was one of the "Ruines d'églises, couvents, cimetiéres, etc. [Ruins of churches, convents, cemeteries, etc.]" shown on the Explanation of Colors accompanying the maps, the same color used to indicate the ruins of the church and convent of Concepción de Quarai. The chapel outline is further identified by the letter "B" on the plan. This is stated to be a "Chapelle" in the caption (Adolph F. Bandelier, A History of the Southwest, Vol. I, A Catalogue of the Bandelier Collection in the Vatican Library, ed. Ernest J. Burrus, S. J., p. 150; Bandelier Map #236-25 and Explanation of Colors #211, Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, Archivo Fotografico).

The map shows that as of 1882-83, Bandelier was in no doubt as to the purpose of the small church. The clear outline he delineated strongly implies that the foundations were relatively undeteriorated, and certainly not completely buried in rubble. Stubbs found no artifact associations that would require an early seventeenth century date, but made that chronological attribution based on the shape of the chapel plan and the primary assumption that all Pueblo missions must have a small early chapel predating the larger final church.

No characteristics of the plan of the are peculiar to the seventeenth century. Similar church plans can be seen, for example, in the Santuario at Chimayo, built in ca. 1816, and the chapel at Cordova, built in 1831 (Kubler, "Religious Architecture," p. 55, fig. 22, p.104, fig. 35). Many of the churches built in the eighteenth century were also simple, continuous nave structures. Being a small, simple, continuous nave structure does not mean that a church was built in the early 1600s.

The foundations at Quarai match the situation described in Archdiocese records so well that we must assume they belong to the chapel mentioned in the 1829-1830 controversy, unless clear evidence to the contrary is found.

Park Service historian Joseph Sanchez directed the author to some of the Archdiocese Archives documents dealing with the Manzano request for a chapel. He was the first to argue that these documents implied the Quarai church foundations might have been built in 1830 as a result of the Manzano petition.

³⁷ Loose Documents 1830, nos. 8, 10-12, Archdiocese Archives of Santa Fe, Special Collection Microfilm, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico (hereafter referred to as AASF).

³⁸ Ibid. In the petition for permission to build the new chapel at Manzano instead of Quarai, the petitioners referred to the chapel as empesado. In colloquial architectural usage this usually meant "foundations are laid but no significant aboveground construction has been done."

³⁹ Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches," pp. 162-163.

⁴⁰ Abert, New Mexico Report, 1846-'47, p. 109-10; Abert, Western America, p. 52.

⁴¹ Stone robbing in the 1870s was probably responsible for the almost complete destruction of the baptistry.

⁴² Wesley R. Hurt, "The 1939-1940 Excavation Project at Quarai Pueblo and Mission Buildings," 1985, pp. 21-22, manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁴³ J. W. Chatham, "Diary," February 27, 1849, copy in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁴⁴ William W. Hunter, "Journal," July 31, 1849, David P. Robrock transcripts, Special Collections, the University of Arizona Library.

⁴⁵ Carleton, "Diary," p. 302. Carleton has a peculiarly abstract style of narrative. Even when talking about the town of Manzano as having five or six hundred inhabitants, he gives the impression that he never looked directly at any of them. The lack of a reference to persons living at Quarai should not, therefore, be considered proof that the place was abandoned.

⁴⁶ Bandelier, Southwestern Journals, 1883-1884, p. 15.

⁴⁷ Bandelier, Final Report, p. 263; Bandelier, A History of the Southwest, p. 150; Kubler, Religious Architecture, Fig. 45. Bandelier took two photographs of Quarai on December 28, 1882: one of the pueblo and church from the northwest and one of the church from the south. These photographs, long thought to be lost, were relocated by Burrus in the Vatican Library, BAV # 483-48, 466-31.

⁴⁸ SWM # 24833, 24828, 24844.

⁴⁹ Adolph Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Carried On Mainly in the Years From 1880 to 1885, Part I, Papers of the Archeological Institute of America, American Series, no. 4 (Cambridge: John Wilson and Son, 1892), p. 131 and n. 2. See also Adolph Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1883-1884, edited by Charles H. Lange, Carroll L. Riley, and Elizabeth M. Lange (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1970), p. 160, 162; and George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and Since the American Occupation, fourth printing (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972), p. 91.

⁵⁰ Benjamin David Wilson, "Benjamin David Wilson's Observations on Early Days in California and New Mexico," Annual (Los Angeles: Historical Society of Southern California, 1934), pp. 95-96.

⁵¹ Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, edited by Max Moorhead (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1954), pp. xix, 116-17.

⁵² Carleton, "Diary," pp. 307-15

⁵³ Robert B. Willison, "Survey Report 1872, Base Line, General Description," April 19, 1872, in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁵⁴ Lieutenant Charles C. Morrison, Appendix F, "Executive and Descriptive Report of Lieutenant Charles C. Morrison, Sixth Cavalry, on the Operations of Party No. 2, Colorado Section, Field Season of 1877," in Lieutenant George M. Wheeler Annual Report upon the Geographical Surveys of the Territories of the United States West of the 100th Meridian, in the States and Territories of California, Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, Texas, Arizona, Idaho, Montana, New Mexico, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming, Appendix NN of the Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers for 1878 (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1878), pp. 136-37; see figure 38. Lieutenant Morrison's original journal and sketches may be in the National Archives. It is possible that his journal contains other information beyond what was included in his official report. He may well have drawn several other sketches besides those included in the report, and the original drawings could contain more information than the etchings made from them, as happened with Abert's watercolors. In the case of Abert's work, the etching contained considerably less information than did Abert's original. Morrison's journals should be looked for.

⁵⁵ BAV # 484-49, 467-32, 485-50, 447-12, 373-62, and watercolor map 281-70, features H and W.

⁵⁶ Hayes, Gran Quivira, p. 61.

⁵⁷ Charles F. Lummis, "The Southwestern Wonderland. VIII. The Ghost of the Quivira," in The Land of Sunshine, 5 (November 1896): 222-26; Charles F. Lummis, The Land of Poco Tiempo (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1893), pp. 301-06.

⁵⁸ Virgin seems to have confused details of the three Salinas missions. For example, he describes Quarai as "more dilapidated than either of the others," a description that could only fit Abó, and described a flagstone floor in San Buenaventura that wasn't there, but could have been an erroneous memory of the floor in the church at Quarai, some part of which may have been visible. Virgin's statements should not be categorically accepted in all details. In letters written in the 1930s, Virgin recalls taking photographs at Quarai, although in earlier letters he states that he never visited Quarai or Abó. Virgin's photograph collection is presently unlocated. These quotes are from facsimiles of Virgin's letters at Salinas National Monument, "Beam File":

1908, Feb. 5-- "I have not been at Abó."

1930, Feb. 2-- "Abo (which I never saw)"; "isn't a picture of Quivira atoll but looks much as Quarrah ruins might look by now. In fact is little different from what Quarah was when I photographed it thirty odd years ago [therefore ca. 1900]. It was built of red sand stone & had been a much finer building as to proportions than Quivira tho not covering so much ground. It was quite a lot taller then than Quivira had ever been."

⁵⁹ This is incorrect. Carleton in 1853 described two decaying pillars that had supported the main cross-beam, matching the practice at other seventeenth-century missions. Virgin may have seen the remains of one of these pillars.

⁶⁰ Virgin, Jan. 15, 1930. This could have been the beam photographed outside the Dow House in ca. 1896; see figure 45. That beam had one saw cut about 1/4 of its length from one end, carving on at least one face, and severe weathering on its upper surface.

⁶¹ None of the archeological work within the church has ever seen any indication of a flagstone floor in the building. It is virtually impossible for the entire interior to have had flagstone removed so thoroughly that no archeological evidence remained, and none of the photographs taken before the excavations of 1923 show any sign of the extensive excavations necessary for such a removal. In fact, other than a constant disturbance at the head of the church in the area where the main altar would have been, the interior of the church stayed almost unchanged throughout the period from the first available photographs in 1882 to the excavations of 1923. It is unlikely that such work would have been carried out, anyway, since good stone was readily available at the surface in the ruins of the church, convento, and pueblo.

⁶² According to long-time Mountainair resident H. M. Fulfer, at least one lintel beam was pulled from the church facade in about 1916, removed by one Henry Culbert using a team of horses; see Douglas Scofield, "Memorandum," July 25, 1963, Salinas National Monument files, section H2215. However, dated photographs show that all beams had been removed by 1905 (see, for example, the Santa Fe New Mexican, June 22, 1905, p. 1), while photographs by Harry C. Yontz, taken between 1898 and 1905, show the beams in place; see, for example, MNM # 40759. The outermost beam was brought back to the site in about 1924 and over the next few years moved from one location to another near San Buenaventura. It was eventually identified by the pattern of knots on one face as the outermost surviving beam visible in the Lummis photographs of 1890. After this identification it was returned to the lintel of the church door where it remains today.

⁶³ SNM # 448 (266. 27891), ca. 1896.

¹ Toulouse numbered the convento rooms in the order in which he found them or recognized them as subdivisions of previously located rooms. The first three rooms on the southeast corner, therefore, were numbered 1, 2, and 3.

² Toulouse does not specifically mention the choir balcony beams in his published report. See his discussion in Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949), p. 9 and n. 69. A great deal more detail about these beams, their appearance and their location, can be found in Toulouse's field records in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe; see especially "Excavation Record: Wood," items Bb 32/1 through 32/32, July 22 through August 28, 1938.

³ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr. "The Standard Daily Reminder, 1938," August 18, 1938, copy in the files of Salinas National Monument; Toulouse, Abó, pp. 10, 12.

⁴ In the published report, Toulouse mentions the balustrade only briefly, and says little to indicate where in the portería the bench was found. His journal implies that the bench was just inside and to the left or right of the entrance to the portería, close to the balustrade; see "Daily Reminder," August 17, September 15-21. It was apparently facing towards the south. The field records specifically locate the parts of the bench just inside and to the right of the entrance to the portería through the balustrade. See "Excavation Record: Wood," items Bb 32/36-38, September 21, 1938, location C-5/35 to 46.

⁵ In "Excavation Record: Sherds," Toulouse noted on record Bb 11/37 that the excavation had to penetrate 15 feet of rubble before seeing the walls of the apse.

⁶ Toulouse, Abó, pp. 13, 25; plate 42. Toulouse found no other burials within the church, probably because he did not go beneath the floor. The burials within the church occurred after abandonment but before the walls fell; however, Toulouse does not say whether they pre-dated or post-dated the burning of the roof.

⁷ An exception to this may have been rooms 1, 2, and 3. These were the first three rooms excavated, before Toulouse knew the floor level within the convento. On June 21, when the excavation of these rooms was well along, Toulouse wrote in his "Daily Reminder" that there was "something screwy somewhere -- walls not continuing down to where they should. Must check all of these." The author considers it likely that at least rooms 2 and 3 had floors at the same level as the other rooms along the south side of the convento and were entered by doors from the south corridor, and that Toulouse missed this evidence during the too-hasty excavation of the rooms. Room 1, added to the convento later in the seventeenth century along with its stairway, probably had a floor at outside ground level since it appears to have been a storeroom entered through a hatch from the second floor like the storerooms added to the conventos of Quarai and San Buenaventura. Since this was the first room excavated, Toulouse was probably mislead by its floor level into believing that the next two rooms west would have the same floor height.

⁸ Toulouse later recognized that room 15 had two floor levels, and excavated to the lower one in July. He was apparently trying to understand how the shallow stub of wall across the floor between room 15 and room 26 actually related to the plan. More recent archeology has shown that a number of the last convento rooms over lie floors and walls at lower levels dating from the first convento period. In most areas, however, Toulouse stopped at the upper floors.

⁹ Toulouse, "Excavation Record: Wood," Bb 32/47, February, 28, 1939, indicates that beam fragments were being removed from the southeast portion of the room by that date. Since the Excavation Records describing the individual rooms show that burned beams and other charred material were found only in the lower six to fifteen inches of room fill immediately above the floors in the church and convento, mixed with what Toulouse called "wind-blown material," the clearing of burned material indicates that the excavators were near the floor in this part of the sacristy. In general, when Toulouse's records state that burned material was removed from a particular area in a room, this is taken to mean that the room excavation has virtually reached the floor in that area.

¹⁰ In the northeast corner of room 17, opening off the sacristy, Toulouse found badly decayed fragments of carved wood, enameled white and trimmed with gold and green paint. The fragments, when found, were attached to a badly decayed board on which letters had been carved. Unfortunately, the letters could not be read. In the southeast corner he found a number of segments of shaped gypsum on which pieces of cut mica had been cemented. The presence of the cut mica, an item frequently mentioned as decoration on retablos, suggests that sections of the retablo from one of the altars of the church may have been dragged into this room and left at the time of abandonment of the mission. See Toulouse, Abó, p. 23, fig. 31 and plate 37.

¹¹ Majolica is a tin-enamelled earthen ware ceramic made in Mexico and imported to Spanish sites in the Southwestern United States by the supply trains.

¹² Toulouse apparently did not find these middens because they were all buried under the expanded portions of the convento, except for the material removed from some area, perhaps the original version of the east courtyard, and dumped into the kiva. San Gregorio de Abó is the type site for the majolica variety called Abó Polychrome. John Goggin, the formulator of the type, dated Abó Polychrome to 1650-1700, based on the appearance of the ceramic at various sites; see John M. Goggin, Spanish Majolica in the New World: Types of the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 72 (New Haven: Department of Anthropology, Yale University, 1968), pp. 169-73. Most of the Abó Polychrome found at Abó came from the kiva, and therefore dated from 1622-1650, but other fragments were found on the floor of the kitchen, room 16. It would appear that Goggin should have dated Abó Polychrome to the period 1620-1700, instead. Some of the later appearances of Abó Polychrome may actually be types that are transitional between Abó and later orange-band polychromes such as those called Aranama Polychrome by Goggin.

¹³ See Toulouse, Abó, p. 7 and note 62; p. 21, fig. 27.

¹⁴ Unfortunately, Toulouse's field notes and plans of these areas have been lost. Only a general idea of the layout of the buildings around the church can be achieved through examination of the surviving wall traces today. Either Toulouse or some later project director removed all above grade walls foundations that approached the church within the State-constructed chain-link fence. Fortunately, the foundations of these walls appear to survive in the ground.

¹⁵ Toulouse, Abó, p. 23, 25.

¹⁶ Toulouse's excavation records indicate that burned beams were being found between the upper and lower floors as of July 17, 1939.

¹⁷ Bertha Dutton, "Excavation Tests at the Pueblo Ruins of Abó, Part I," in Collected Papers in Honor of Erik Kellerman Reed, Papers of the Archeological Society of New Mexico, no. 6 (Albuquerque: Archeological Society of New Mexico, 1981), pp. 177-195; Bertha Dutton, "Excavation Tests at the Pueblo Ruins of Abó, Part II," in Prehistory and History in the Southwest, Papers of the Archeological Society of New Mexico, no. 11 (Albuquerque: Archeological Society of New Mexico, 1985), pp. 91-104.

¹⁸ Dutton, "Excavation Tests, Part I," pp. 178-86.

¹⁹ Dutton, "Excavation Tests, Part II," pp. 95-97, 100-01.

²⁰ Ray Ghent, "Report of Excavations at Abó, May 15th to 22 inc, Ray Ghent--Supervisor," May 22, 1958, in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, LA 97, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

²¹ Ghent does not say whether room 1 was north or south of room 2, but internal evidence implies that room 1 was on the north.

²² Stewart J. Baldwin, Preliminary Report on 1982 Excavations at the Pueblo of Abó," manuscript at Salinas National Monument; see also Jim Trott, "Comments on Baldwin's 'Preliminary Report,'" appended to the report.

²³ Jim Trott, the archeologist at Salinas National Monument at the time, stated in the "Assessment of Effect" that he considered Toulouse to have found traces of an earlier convento, and that therefore "the possibility for encountering subsurface cultural material is high."

²⁴ Susan Kreger, personal communication, August 27, 1984; Jim Trott, personal communication, October 15, 1986.

²⁵ A complete report with detailed discussion of the information found during the investigations is forthcoming.

²⁶ Anonymous, "Ancient Quarai Ruins Taken Over By Museum," El Palacio, 1 (December 1913): 1. Within a few years, a lawsuit would be filed against the Museum and the University claiming that the land had not been purchased from the legal owners. The University and Museum would lose the court case, and not have clear title to the ruins of Quarai until 1934.

²⁷ Anonymous, "Field Work," El Palacio, 1 (December 1913): 5, 6; "Quarai - Mission Church, August 28, 1913" and "Quarai - Site Map, August 1913," Museum of New Mexico Laboratory of Anthropology Map Files, LA 95, Drawer 2, File 4; Lummis photographs, 1913, SWM # 24824, 24826, 24827, 24829, 24837-42, 24845, August 26-August 28.

²⁸ The survey reversed the measurements of rooms 12 and 13, probably through an error in recording.

²⁹ In fact, it was the only map of the system until the aerial mapping and archeological survey of the valley conducted by the National Park Service in September, 1982.

³⁰ Anonymous, "Field Work," pp. 5, 6; "Quarai - Excavation of Mound, August 29, 1913 (two maps)," Museum of New Mexico Laboratory of Anthropology Map Files, LA95, Drawer 2, File 4.

³¹ Anonymous, "Both Field Expeditions Prove Very Successful," El Palacio, 2 (October 1914): 5; Adams's topographic map has disappeared.

³² Anonymous, "The Museum of New Mexico," El Palacio, 7 (August 1919): 75. After a long period of neglect, the model was restored in 1984 and is now on display at Salinas National Monument.

³³ Lynn Adkins, Jesse L. Nusbaum: A Transitional Period Archeological Photographer in the Maya Region of Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico thesis, University of New Mexico, 1985, pp. 9-10, 114; MNM # 6640, 6641, 12945-12947, 12950, 12951, and 28793 (1916). The North House wall can be seen at the left edge of the church in photograph 12950 and Mound J House in 6641, 12947.

³⁴ Anonymous, "The Museum of New Mexico," p. 76; Roy A. Keech, "The Saline Pueblo Strongholds," El Palacio, 34 (January 1933): 8.

³⁵ Donovan Senter, "The Work on the Old Quarai Mission, 1934," El Palacio, 37 (November-December 1934): 169; Donovan Senter, "Church Excavation," p. 1, LA 95, Site Record Files, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

³⁶ Senter, "Church Excavation," p. 1.

³⁷ This included some description by Al Ely in Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of Quarai Mission," El Palacio, 39 (December 1935): 142; and Albert G. Ely, "The Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," (MA thesis, University of New Mexico, 1935), Acknowledgements and p. 23. To distinguish Ely's El Palacio article from his thesis, the two will be referred to respectively as Ely, El Palacio, "Excavation and Repair of Quarai," and Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission."

³⁸ Donovan Senter, "Excavation Records, Mortuary, Quarai, 1934," Burials #1-#5, Museum of New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology, File LA95, Quarai.

³⁹ The floor and the burial had both been somewhat disturbed, but Senter felt that the body was still approximately in its original position. The body was that of a thirty-five year old European male with a long narrow face, good teeth, and a pronounced nose. He was resting on his back with his head towards the south. Senter found a button and a buckle in the burial. He felt that the body was that of a priest. Senter, "Excavation Records, Mortuary, Quarai, 1934," Burial #1.

⁴⁰ Senter, "Work on the Old Quarai Mission," p. 170. Senter made a drawing of the pattern or design on the beam, which he intended to be included in the El Palacio article. However, it was left out. No copy of the drawing can be found in the Laboratory of Anthropology files, but perhaps it survives in the files of El Palacio. The beam fragment itself is in the collections of the Laboratory of Anthropology, accession number 43181-11. See, for example, the photograph of it in Lonn Taylor and Dessa Bokides, New Mexico Furniture, 1600-1940: The Origins, Survival, and Revival of Furniture Making in the Hispanic Southwest (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1987), p. 11.

⁴¹ See, for example, photograph MNM # 87726.

⁴² Reginald G. Fisher, map dated May, 1935 in Ely, El Palacio, "Excavation and Repair of Quarai," p. 142; Ely, Thesis, "Excavation and Repair of the Quarai Mission," Acknowledgements and p. 23. Ely used Fisher's map, but did not describe the square kiva in his thesis or mention its discovery. The first reference to the square kiva in print was in a newsnote in El Palacio in 1936, apparently communicated by Ele Baker; see Anonymous, "Kivas Found in Quarai Monastery," El Palacio 40 (May-June 1936): 122.

⁴³ The square kiva was discussed by Ross Montgomery in 1949 in Ross Gordon Montgomery, Watson Smith, and John Otis Brew, Franciscan Awatovi: The Excavation and Conjectural Reconstruction of a 17th-Century Spanish Mission Establishment at a Hopi Indian Town in Northeastern Arizona, Reports of the Awatovi Expedition, No. 3, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 36 (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, 1949), p. 135. Baker's work was recorded on "Quarai-Mission Excavated Mar. 20, '36. Ele and Jewel Baker," plan in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, LA 95, Drawer 2, File 4, the Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

⁴⁴ Anonymous, "Kivas Found," p. 122. Both the round and square kivas found in the convento of Quarai were described in this report.

⁴⁵ Some details of Baker's excavations are from John P. Wilson notes, telephone conversation with Ele Baker; Personal communication, Ele Baker to John P. Wilson, January 29, 1982.

⁴⁶ George Boundey, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," April, 1976, p. 247.

⁴⁷ Baker, "Quarai - Mission Excavated March 20, 1936."

⁴⁸ Ele Baker, "Report of Stratification Tests, Quarai," 1936, manuscript in the files of LA95 (Quarai), Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

⁴⁹ Baker, "Stratification Tests," p. 8.

⁵⁰ Wesley R. Hurt, "The 1939-1940 Excavation Project at Quarai Pueblo and Mission Buildings," 1985, p. 136, manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁵¹ See MNM # 6680, summer, 1934, MNM # 6709, summer 1935, and MNM # 6690, fall 1937.

⁵² Hurt, "Excavation Project at Quarai," p. 11-28.

⁵³ Excavations in the nave in 1972 saw evidence indicating that the floor had been raised about three inches. See Louise Valder, "Field Journal of the Stabilization of Quarai, 1972," and Tim Valder, "Field Records of the Stabilization of Quarai, 1972," in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe; see also n. 60 in this chapter.

⁵⁴ Anonymous, "Test Excavations at Quarai," El Palacio 51 (October 1944): 221.

⁵⁵ Hurt, "Excavation Project at Quarai," p. 8.

⁵⁶ Stanley A. Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches Found at Quarai and Tabirá (Pueblo Blanco)," El Palacio, 66 (October 1959): 162-63.

⁵⁷ Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, Archivo Fotographico, # 236-25 (Bandelier 1882).

⁵⁸ See "Field journal, LA 95, Quarai Stabilization, 1972," by Linda Valder in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe. Linda Valder's field journal is a careful record of the work accomplished and the observations made on each day of the project, and delightful in its own right. The author's favorite entry is "4/20--The dog stole our lunch, so we all ate at Eloy's."

⁵⁹ Valder, "Field Journal," entries for March 27, June 20, and July 10, 1972. This arrangement of beams resembles those of room 108 in mound 7 of Las Humanas; see Alden C. Hayes, Jon Nathan Young, and A. H. Warren, Excavation of Mound 7, Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico, Publications in Archeology no. 16 (Washington: National Park Service, U. S. Department of the Interior, 1981), p. 46. Hayes speculates that his room 108 was a turkey pen. It is more likely, however, that the beams in the friary of Quarai are the supports for a loft-like structure in the room, typical of storerooms.

⁶⁰ The Valders were under the impression that Albert Ely had removed all the flagstone from the church, levelled the surface, and then reset the stone; see Valder, "Field Journal," May 15, 1972. Ely's thesis was apparently not available to them. In actuality, Ely had uncovered the floor, but had not moved any of the stones. Wes Hurt, in August, 1939, and June through July, 1940, had removed and reset some or all of the flagstone in the church. The extent of his work is unknown.

⁶¹ See Valder, "Field Journal," May 8 through 15, 1972, and Feature Form #7.

⁶² Mardith Schuetz, The History and Archeology of Mission San Juan Capistrano, San Antonio, Texas; Volume I: Historical Documentation and Description of the Structures, Archeological Program Report no. 10 (Austin: Texas State Building Commission, 1968), pp. 196-215; also Joan K. Koch, "Mortuary Behavior Patterning and Physical Anthropology in Colonial St. Augustine," pp. 187-218, in Kathleen Deagan, et al., Spanish St. Augustine: The Archeology of a Colonial Creole Community (New York: Academic Press, 1983). Churches with wooden floors usually arranged the flooring so that panels could be lifted in order to bury the dead; see, for example, the surviving floor in the colonial church at Trampas, New Mexico.

⁶³ "Stabilization Notes, Quarai/LA 95, Volume I: Feature Notes 1-34, New Mexico State Monuments, Museum of New Mexico, 1978," p. 23; manuscript in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

⁶⁴ Channing Howell, "History of Gran Quivira National Monument," manuscript on file at Salinas National Monument, 1956, p. 31.

⁶⁵ See Presidential Proclamation no. 882 (36 Stat. 2503), November 1, 1909, and Presidential Proclamation no. 1545 (41 Stat. 1778), November 25, 1919.

⁶⁶ Frank "Boss" Pinkley to Stephen Mather, August 1, 1923, copy in the files of Salinas National Monument. Each of the principle activities were described in a short report, and Shepard and Squires drew a final draft of the map of the pueblo, numbering the house blocks in the manner still used today; see Ida Belle Squires, "Field Work, Summer of 1923: Houses of Tabirá," in "Hewett Excavations, 1923-1925," bound volume in files of Salinas National Monument, New Mexico; Ida Belle Squires, "Plat of House Ruins, Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico," School of American Research, 1923, copies in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁶⁷ Toulouse, Abó, p. 1; Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," January, 1940, p. 17.

⁶⁸ The last use of the name "New Mission" was in the February, 1941, issue of "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports." Toulouse referred to San Isidro as "the small church" in the "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," in May, 1941. Toulouse's hesitation to use "San Buenaventura" in the September, 1941 report on the collapse of some walls suggests that he had only just arrived at the decision to apply the names to the two structures as of late 1941; see Appendix 3.

⁶⁹ Toulouse, Abó, p. 10, n. 76; Joseph Toulouse, "Stabilization: Gran Quivira National Monument, 1942," manuscript at Salinas National Monument, bound volume, pp. 98-100; Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th-Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira, Archeological Research Series, No. 8 (Washington, D. C.: National Park Service, 1979), p. 62.

⁷⁰ Vivian, Excavations, pp. 61-83.

⁷¹ Vivian, Excavations, p. v. Vivian revised some of the ceramics assessments in 1959, but did not rewrite the other sections of the report.

⁷² Stanley A. Stubbs and Bruce T. Ellis, Archaeological Investigations at the Chapel of San Miguel and the site of La Castrense, Santa Fe, New Mexico, Monographs of the School of American Research No. 20 (Santa Fe: Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, 1955).

⁷³ Garland J. Gordon, "Report on the Excavation of a Sacrarium in San Isidro Church, Gran Quivira, New Mexico," March 12, 1962, manuscript in files of Salinas National Monument, New Mexico.

⁷⁴ Gordon, "Sacrarium;" see also Father Victor R. Stoner, "Identification of rooms and features in San Isidro and San Buenaventura," floor plans and note on letter, December 2, 1952, Salinas National Monument, file H22, Research-Gran Quivira.

⁷⁵ Vivian, Excavations, pp. 85-93.

⁷⁶ Charles Voll and Roland Richert, "Archeological Tests in San Buenaventura de los Jumanos, Gran Quivira National Monument, New Mexico," manuscript at Salinas National Monument, bound volume.

⁷⁷ Voll and Richert, "Archeological Tests," pp. 23-24.

⁷⁸ Ibid., pp. 4-5.

⁷⁹ Squires, "Field Work, Summer of 1923;" Squires, "Plat of House Ruins."

⁸⁰ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Stabilization Report for 1923," bound volume in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁸¹ Morgan Rieder, "San Buenaventura, 8/3/86 & 8/15/86," drawings in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁸² Gordon Vivian summarized what is known of Hewett's work in Gran Quivira, p. 5.

⁸³ Adolph Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Carried On Mainly in the Years From 1880 to 1885, Part I, Papers of the Archeological Institute of America, American Series, no. 4 (Cambridge: John Wilson and Son, 1892), p. 131 and n. 2. See also Adolph Bandelier, The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1883-1884, edited by Charles H. Lange, Carroll L. Riley, and Elizabeth M. Lange (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1970), p. 160, 162; and George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico in the Colonial Period and Since the American Occupation, fourth printing (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972), p. 91.

⁸⁴ George Boundey, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," March, 1936, p. 169.

⁸⁵ George Boundey, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," November, 1936, pp. 317, 318.

⁸⁶ George Boundey, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," November, 1936, p. 317.

⁸⁷ George Boundey, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," March, 1938, p. 220. Although Boundey apparently never knew the name "Pueblo Blanco" in association with the pueblo where he found the church ruins, his later descriptions of the location of the site narrowed the possibilities to Pueblo Blanco and Pueblo Colorado. Information from a student who accompanied Boundey on a return to the site in June, 1938 (including a photograph of the ruins of the church) leaves no doubt that Pueblo Blanco was indeed the pueblo Boundey identified as Tabirá.

⁸⁸ Frank Pinkley, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," March, 1938, p. 221.

⁸⁹ George Boundey, "Monthly Report of Educational Activities in National Parks and Monuments," Gran Quivira National Monument, June, 1938, manuscript at Salinas National Monument, bound volume entitled "Gran Quivira and the Salinas Group: Various Authors." In his report, Boundey remarks with irritation that "this is the ruin much ridiculed in a previous report--nevertheless [the visitors] all seem to have had the same hallucination as the custodian." In the "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," June, 1938, p. 498, Pinkley responded to these remarks by saying that he wouldn't "give up the name 'Gran Quivira'" to the new pueblo and church ruins until the remains of two churches were found there. "We continue to think you have the old and new 'Tabirá' churches right there on your monument, George," Pinkley added. Boundey's estimates of size, shape, and plan all proved to be accurate when the church was excavated in 1959.

⁹⁰ Charles W. Hackett, ed., Historical Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, Collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, English translations edited with introduction and annotations by Charles Wilson Hackett, Vol. 3 (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1937).

⁹¹ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Historical Notes on Gran Quivira," January 31, 1939, manuscript at Salinas National Monument, in bound volume entitled "Gran Quivira and Salinas Group: Various Authors."

⁹² Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Recent Data Relating to Gran Quivira National Monument," "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," Supplement, November, 1940, pp. 326-31.

⁹³ Toulouse, "Recent Data," p. 327, n. 11; H. P. Mera, Population Changes in the Rio Grande Glaze-Paint Area, Laboratory of Anthropology Technical Series, Bulletin no. 9 (Santa Fe: New Mexico Laboratory of Anthropology, 1940), pp. 16-17; H. P. Mera, "An Approach to the Identity of the Jumano Pueblos in the Saline-Medano District Through Archaeological Evidence," pp. 296, 298, in Scholes and Mera, "Jumanos Problem." Mera may have been in the group of students and professors from the University of New Mexico that George Boundey took to visit the ruins of "Tabirá" in June, 1938.

⁹⁴ Channing T. Howell to George L. Boundey, March 5, 1958, manuscript at Salinas National Monument, "Gran Quivira and Salinas Group: Various Authors."

⁹⁵ George Boundey to Channing T. Howell, April 14, 1958, in "Gran Quivira and the Salinas Group: Various Authors."

⁹⁶ W. D. Crozier to Richard Howard, March 22, 1959, in "Gran Quivira and the Salinas Group: Various Authors."

⁹⁷ Guided by Mack Wells of the village of Gran Quivira, Howard had visited Pueblo Blanco in about March, 1958, about the time Channing Howell had first noticed Boundey's remarks about a church ruin in a near-by pueblo. He noticed the ruins of the church during the visit, but thought they were nothing more than a "peculiar" pueblo ruin. See Richard Howard, Supervisory Park Ranger, Gran Quivira National Monument, to Regional Director, "Location of Spanish Mission Site of Tabirá," March 11, 1959, in "Gran Quivira and the Salinas Group: Various Authors;" Richard Howard, "Tabirá--Identification and Historical Sketch," El Palacio 67 (April 1960): 68, n. 1.

⁹⁸ Howard, "Location of Spanish Mission Site of Tabirá."

⁹⁹ Stubbs, "'New' Old Churches," pp. 162-69.

¹⁰⁰ Howard, "Tabirá," pp. 68-71; see also John W. Wilson, "Tabirá--Outpost on the East," in Collected Papers in Honor of Charlie R. Steen, Jr., Papers of the Archeological Society of New Mexico, no. 8 (Albuquerque: Archeological Society of New Mexico, 1983), pp. 87-104.

¹ The details of the 1938 season are taken from Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr. "The Standard Daily Reminder, 1938," copy in the files of Salinas National Monument; Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., The Mission of San Gregorio de Abó: A Report on the Excavation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mexico Mission, Monographs of the School of American Research, No. 13 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949); and Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., Field Records, in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

² The details of the 1939 season are taken from Toulouse, Abó, and Toulouse, Field Records.

³ Photographs taken about 1919 clearly show the first beam socket of the corridor ceiling, as well as the line of the roof of room 18 on the south face of the east side chapel. No clear indication of a lintel socket for the filled doorway can be seen below these details.

⁴ All the wood presently in place at Abó appears to date from the stabilization of 1938-39, except the round beams making up the floor of the bell platform. The beams in the west wall and the beams making the edges of the choir stair have been specifically identified in photographs taken during Toulouse's work. Beams edging the side chapel platforms and the platform across the sanctuary, and the two beams across the north end of the sacristy floor were all put in by Toulouse, but cannot be examined closely enough in the photographs to confirm that they are those still in place. Considering their apparent age and method of cutting, the present beams are almost certainly the beams installed by Toulouse.

⁵ Why Vivian reached this conclusion is unknown. Photographs made during Toulouse's work and the remarks in his diary make it clear that the masons only repaired the veneer and capped the wall tops of the "tower." Most of it was original construction, as a comparison of stonework before and after the 1938-39 project shows.

⁶ Adelicio S. (Sam) Chavez, "1982 Stabilization Report, Abó," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁷ Ibid.

⁸ Adelicio Chavez, "1983 Stabilization Report, Abó," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁹ Adelicio Chavez, "1984 Stabilization Report, Abó;" Jim Trott, "The Annual Inspection of the Abó Unit of Salinas National Monument, March, 1984," p. 2, manuscript at Salinas National Monument, New Mexico.

¹⁰ Donovan Senter, "The Work on the Old Quarai Mission, 1934," El Palacio, 37 (November-December 1934): 169; Senter, "Church Excavation," p. 1, Laboratory of Anthropology Site Number (LA) 95 (Quarai), Site Record Files. Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

¹¹ Senter, "Church Excavation," p. 1.

¹² The workmen found the first burial under the flagstones at the entrance to the church on July 31. By the end of 1934 the laborers would remove just under 3,000 cubic yards of earth and rock from the interior of the church.

¹³ The rebuilding of rooms 17 and 18 into a second residence probably occurred after Baker left in March, 1936, and the fall of 1937. Baker prepared a plan of the church and convento on March 20, 1936, and did not indicate that rooms 17 and 18 (rooms 12 and 13 in the numbering system used by all the projects at Quarai in the period from 1934 to 1940) had been converted to a residence. However, he did not show the baptistry as a residence, either, so it is possible that the rebuilding had occurred before March 20.

¹⁴ At the same time, the first residence built into the baptistry became the park office.

¹⁵ Wesley R. Hurt, "The 1939-1940 Excavation Project at Quarai Pueblo and Mission Buildings," 1985, manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument; Wesley R. Hurt, "Monthly Reports," in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

¹⁶ The photographs do not reveal the presence of ruined steps in this area prior to the capping, and Hurt had difficulty deciding what the plan of the front terrace actually was. In a letter to his supervisor, Reginald Fisher, Hurt asked for any excavation notes on the terrace, because "there is so little of it left, that it is not possible to determine its original size." Wesley Hurt to Reginald Fisher, July 26, 1939, in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

¹⁷ Excavations in the nave in 1972 saw evidence indicating that the floor had been raised about three inches. See Louise Valder, "Field Journal of the Stabilization of Quarai, 1972," and Tim Valder, "Field Records of the Stabilization of Quarai, 1972," in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

¹⁸ Wayne L. Mauzy to Joseph A. Black, June 7, 1963, manuscript in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

¹⁹ Ronald L. Stewart, "Quarai State Monument Development Project, Phase I Completion Report," October 30, 1972, manuscript in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

²⁰ Charles R. Steen, "Stabilization Plan," 1973, manuscript in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.

²¹ Anonymous, "Stabilization Notes: Quarai/95," Volume 1, "Feature Notes 1-34," New Mexico State Monuments, Museum of New Mexico, 1978, manuscript in the files of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe; see notes on Feature 1, the church.

²² Anonymous, "Stabilization Notes," Feature 22 and Feature 24.

²³ Ibid., Feature 27. The fire pit was found to be square, measuring 28 inches north to south and 30 inches east to west, and full of charcoal.

²⁴ Ibid., Features 52-54.

²⁵ Jim Trott, "The Ruins Inspection of the Quarai Unit of Salinas National Monument, 1983," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

²⁶ MNM # 6680, MNM # 6690.

²⁷ Adelicio Chavez, "1983 Stabilization Report, Quarai" manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

²⁸ Adelicio Chavez, "1984 Stabilization Report Quarai," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

²⁹ Ibid.

³⁰ Adelicio Chavez, "1985 Stabilization Report, Quarai," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

³¹ Ibid.

³² Adelicio Chavez, "1986 Stabilization Report, Quarai," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

³³ Adelicio Chavez, "1987 Stabilization Report, Quarai," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

³⁴ Channing Howell, "History of Gran Quivira National Monument, " 1956, p. 19, manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

³⁵ Frank "Boss" Pinkley said that some stabilization was planned as of the time he left Gran Quivira in August, 1923; see Frank Pinkley to Stephen Mather, August 1, 1923, manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument. The attempt by Joe Toulouse in 1941 to work out all stabilization work at Gran Quivira during the 1923-27 work identified a fair amount of veneer repair and hole filling; see Toulouse, "The Stabilization of 1923," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

³⁶ Smith noticed the edges of the sill and jambs of the window over the room with its splay widening inward towards the nave; see Smith, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," April, 1933, p. 7, and Ibid., May, 1933, p. 4. See also R. E. Fetter, "Gran Quivira National Monument, Plan, Elevations, & Cross Sections of Mission Ruins," NM/GQ-4940, September, 1933, Office of the Chief of Engineers, San Francisco, National Park Service, Department of the Interior, copy in the files of Salinas National Monument. Fetter did the field work for the plans in 1931.

³⁷ Smith, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," July, 1932, and Ibid., September, 1932. See also the map of the pueblo by R. E. Fetter, "Gran Quivira National Monument, Topographic Sheet, Headquarters Area," 1932, Office of the Chief of Engineers, San Francisco, National Park Service, Department of the Interior, copy in the files of Salinas National Monument. Fetter carried out the field survey in 1931, at the same time as the "Plan, Elevations, & Cross Section," but details were updated in 1932 before the final preparation of the map.

³⁸ W. H. Smith, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," February, 1935, p. 57, states that the museum was broken into on February 1. See also Howell, "History of Gran Quivira National Monument," p. 20.

³⁹ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Stabilization: Gran Quivira National Monument, 1942," bound volume in the files of Salinas National Monument. See the map in the back pocket, "Headquarters Area Plan, Part of the Master Plan, Gran Quivira National Monument," January, 1942, NM-GQ-3003-E.

⁴⁰ George Boundey, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," June, 1938, p. 497.

⁴¹ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," January, 1940, p. 17. George Boundey left Gran Quivira in July 1939; see Frank Pinkley, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," p. 49. A series of temporary custodians filled in for the next five months.

⁴² Toulouse, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," April 1940, p. 215.

⁴³ Toulouse, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," May, 1940, p. 284-85.

⁴⁴ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Stabilization of Gran Quivira, Fiscal Year, 1940," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁴⁵ Toulouse, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," August, 1940, p. 92.

⁴⁶ Toulouse, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," October, 1940, p. 230. Toulouse completed the study in the winter of 1941-42, after the storm of September, 1941, in anticipation of the stabilization of 1942; see Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Stabilization Report for 1923," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁴⁷ Toulouse, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports," December, 1940, p. 359.

⁴⁸ Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr., "Storm Damage: September, 1941," in the bound reports, "Gran Quivira Stabilization Records, 1933-1964," in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁴⁹ Toulouse, "Stabilization, 1942," p. 5.

⁵⁰ Gordon Vivian, "San Buenaventura Mission, Gran Quivira National Monument, Stabilization Records," November, 1948 and March, April, 1951, bound volume "Stabilization San Buenaventura Church & Convent," in the files of Salinas National Monument; see also Gordon Vivian, 1956, in "Gran Quivira Stabilization Record, 1933-1964," bound volume in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁵¹ Voll and Richert, "Gran Quivira National Monument, Stabilization Records," April-July, 1962, bound volume in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁵² Notes in the 1978-80 stabilization records volume state that the plastic wood peeled off within a few years. About 1966 the wood began to be treated with "penta" every year. After several years, the treatment with "penta" was reduced to every other year. After the plastic wood peeled off, the cracks in the upper surface were caulked with jute. Ravens were observed to pull out the jute. Beginning in 1980, the beam was painted with Cuprinol 20 (zinc naphthanate) with the intent to continue application of Cuprinol at intervals until the beam would absorb no more. Today the beam has a matte grey, weathered finish that looks much like its appearance in photographs taken before it was treated with any preservatives. In other words, so long as the beam is exposed to weather, it continues to weather. The only treatment that will preserve it is to put it inside a building, either on display or in storage.

⁵³ W. H. Smith, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," May, 1932; Toulouse, "Stabilization Report for 1923."

⁵⁴ Smith, "Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report," June, 1933, p. 6; see also Gordon Vivian, Excavations in a 17th-Century Jumano Pueblo: Gran Quivira, Archeological Research Series, No. 8 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, 1979), p. 31-33.

⁵⁵ Toulouse, Abó, p. 10, n. 76; see also Vivian, Excavations, p. 62 for further discussion of this.

⁵⁶ Toulouse, "Stabilization: 1942;" Vivian, Excavations, p. 3.

⁵⁷ Toulouse, "Stabilization: 1942."

⁵⁸ Gordon Vivian, "House A, Gran Quivira National Monument, 1951," bound volume in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁵⁹ Roland Richert to Calvin Cummings, "1973-77 F. Y. Maintenance Stabilization Estimates," April 19, 1971, in "Management-Preservation-Maintenance of Gran Quivira Structures," folder in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁶⁰ Ibid.

⁶¹ Anonymous, "Stabilization Record 6-1-76 to 12-1-76," in "Early Stabilization Records," folder in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁶² C. H. Fulfer, "Ruins Stabilization Report, 1978," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁶³ Vernie L. Wells, "Stabilization Summary Report, Summer 1979," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁶⁴ Adelicio S. Chavez, "1980: Stabilization Report," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.

⁶⁵ Adelicio S. Chavez, "1981: Stabilization Report," manuscript in the files of Salinas National Monument.