Big Bend Administrative History

As promoters of Big Bend National Park solicited funds for land acquisition, so too did National Park Service planners devote an extraordinary amount of time and money to the design and construction of the new park's infrastructure. After the "first impressions" of 1935, when Congress authorized creation of Texas's inaugural NPS site, park officials from across the nation ventured into the Big Bend country to oversee the work of the Civilian Conservation Corps, to study the plant and animal life of the region, to examine Big Bend's geology and hydrology, and to prepare the site for visitation. Building upon knowledge acquired earlier in the decade, the park service proceeded through the auspices of the CCC to prepare for Big Bend's facility construction, resource management, interpretive programs, and concessions development. Only in the matter of the international peace park did the NPS lose momentum. Even though land acquisition did not occur, the investment by the NPS in park planning in the absence of any guarantees of park creation gave hope to advocates of Big Bend that they would have a national park someday.

One feature of NPS planning in the late 1930s that aided Big Bend was the professionalization of park planning and design. Linda Flint McClelland, author of Building the National Parks: Historic Landscape Design and Construction (1998), noted that "the programs of the 1930s put into operation and proved the value of the master planning process spearheaded by the Landscape Division, later renamed the Branch of Plans and Design." The Great Depression had left many architects and planners without work, and the NPS utilized their talents as the system expanded with New Deal agencies like the CCC, WPA, PWA, ECW, and the state parks. Big Bend further benefited from its location within the ECW's Region Three, which McClelland called "perhaps the most successful of the regions from the viewpoint of consistent, imaginative, and successful application of national park principles and practices." This McClelland attributed to the leadership of Herbert Maier, who "brought experience, wealth of sources, and an amazing ability to express clearly the qualities of naturalistic architecture and landscape design." Maier's inspectors, like the Harvard-trained George Nason, "ensured the high workmanship and consistent adherence to principles of naturalistic and rustic design," features that confronted the CCC at its camp in the Chisos Mountains. Maier became an authority within the park service for his training methods, and for McClelland his "greatest contribution to park design was his mastery of rock work, assimilating both the landscape gardener's emphasis on naturalism and the architect's vision of the construction potential of this material." Big Bend and other future park sites in Maier's southwestern region allowed he and his small staff to experiment with "conventions of landscape architecture such as winding walks, native plantings, flagstone terraces, and open foyers." Thus the CCC camp in the Chisos Mountains provided Maier and other NPS planners with a laboratory for innovation, not to mention the challenge of extremes of distance, isolation, and environment. [1]

"Camp No. SP-33-T" in the CCC program faced these conditions, and also the challenges of all New Deal relief agencies: the experimental nature of economic stimulation, the political influence of local and state leaders, and the turnover in crew members dictated by the limits of employment. For these reasons, camp superintendent Robert D. Morgan wrote in January 1936 to Maier of his concerns about the operations of the Chisos outfit. With some fourteen months' experience in charge of the camp, Morgan wondered whether "the organization as a whole, I mean the one I know in Texas, had really grasp[ed] the idea regarding our work, in a way that would enable us to get the very best out of the work being done in the Parks of Texas." In Morgan's estimation, "the vast majority of the men engaged in the Park work in Texas were just the same as myself," in that "the work was vastly different than any we had done, especially we who had been engaged in Engineering work." Reading Maier's manual entitled "Park Structures and Facilities," Morgan mused: "I would have to change a lot of ideas I had about structures, location and plans for buildings and roads." In addition, the Chisos superintendent would "have to learn to listen to a different group of men than I had been accustomed to being in contact with." This level of performance required Morgan to "read different type[s] of books and magazines, and take a greater interest in nature, and particularly to be willing to take suggestions different than ordinarily given regarding a similar building or structure in a different location or under usual conditions." [2]

Morgan's critique arose from his sense that "the entire organization had not yet realized just what it was all about." He had visited other CCC camps in Texas, and concluded that "members of the organization [who] were working on a project were not sold on the project, nor enthusiastic about the project." A good many men, Morgan informed Maier, "told me that they could see no reason for the project and that it would never be of any service to any one and it was merely a meal ticket until something else came along." Morgan discovered that "another outstanding point was the tension and ill feeling existing between some men and the inspecting personnel." Personal animosities also arose within CCC crews, as "a lot of the men I talked [to] seemed to want to critici[z]e the other [man's] job and the work that was being done." He believed that "it is the ability to conceive just what is right and best in each of the different locations that should . . . develop us all into Park men." Yet more disturbing to Morgan was the revelation that "the lack of enthusiasm was not confined to the men actually on the project, but existed in men in higher authority." These observations led Morgan to admit: "I was determined to sell this project to all the personnel." The Chisos camp needed to see itself as "part of a chain that was to tie us to an organization that was providing not only a job but an opportunity to advance and to have a part in the development of a project that will mean a lot to Texas and the nation." For his part, said Morgan, "I would discuss with my men the various things that came up in the work, urge them to read the books and magazines that came into the office regarding paper work and to impress upon them to take the suggestions given by our inspectors in a constructive way." For Morgan this meant that the crew "would live the job." Then reflecting the appreciation for Herbert Maier defined in McClelland's book one-half century later, Morgan concluded: "I think we owe it to you as our Regional Officer, to our Inspector and to our National Office to render a service that will reflect credit upon the National Park Service and help to stimulate the admiration of the public for the work being done." [3]

Other observers of CCC work shared Morgan's assessment of the significance of Big Bend to the CCC and NPS. George Nason wrote to Maier in February 1936 to endorse funding for another 90-day period at Big Bend, calling the site "probably a park that should rank as A No. 1 in awarding applications." The "necessity of doing pioneer work on this area," said the senior regional inspector, meant that "a great portion of cost is for road projects plus a pipe line to carry water." Nason recognized that operations at Big Bend created "excessive overhead" charges, as the distance from population centers made the cost of oil and gas quite high. He noted that "the grades are steep and . . . automobiles must many times run in low [gear]." Roads into the Big Bend area were "poor and pioneer," which "adds considerably to the maintenance cost." Then he claimed that "because of the very high number of uneducated Mexicans in the camp, it will be necessary to hire a clerk, which runs up the supervision cost." The Chisos camp budget of $22,000 included $16,000 for overhead charges. Yet Nason asked Maier to authorize the new expenditures, "justified by the fact that this is more important than our normal Texas State Park Camps." [4]

To address the concerns of Nason, Morgan, and other students of the Big Bend situation, Maier agreed in March to the suggestion made the year before by William Carnes of the NPS's San Francisco office to "furnish a man to contact the ECW inspector periodically in the Big Bend." Carnes's office had undergone substantial reductions in force, and Maier knew that no one would be forthcoming from the Bay Area. The pace of road construction into the CCC camp had sparked the interest of the West Texas Chamber of Commerce "to have some form of overnight accommodations provided for the visiting public." The chamber planned to publicize the project in order to promote the land-acquisition program. This necessitated "some form of limited accommodations" in the Chisos Basin, and to that end Maier asked that Charles Richey be assigned to review construction planning at the camp. Fortuitously, the San Francisco office that spring had construction work underway only at three sites: Platt National Park in Oklahoma, Bandelier National Monument in New Mexico, and Mesa Verde National Park in Colorado. As these were part of Richey's workload, and because "practically all parks and monuments in his territory now have a well formulated master plan," Carnes conceded that "some adjustment will need to be made to include more work for this summer in his territory." Richey himself had expressed an interest in working at Big Bend, and by relocating from San Francisco the inspector could visit more frequently the NPS sites at Carlsbad Caverns, White Sands National Monument, and the planned park unit in El Paso (the future Chamizal National Memorial). [5]

With management and oversight in hand, the NPS could devote its attention to the many tasks of design and construction at the Chisos camp. The onset of spring weather accelerated road construction, with the NPS pleased to learn from Everett Townsend of the state highway department's plans for the Big Bend area. As "senior foreman" at the Chisos camp, Townsend worked closely with the Brewster County commission to grant jurisdiction over access routes to the future national park. The route involved, Townsend told Maier, branched off from "State Highway No. 3, at Marathon, follows the present Boquillas road southward to the junction of the Big Bend Road, thence via the Big Bend Road to Burnham's Ranch; thence to Terlingua and from there to the mouth of the Santa Helena Canyon." With the shift of jurisdiction to the state, said Townsend, "it seems an appropriate time to urge the opening of a road from some where on the Terlingua[-]Alpine road through the Christmas Mountains to a connection with the other roads at or near the Burnham Ranch." To expedite this plan, said the camp's senior foreman, "I believe a word from you to the Chamber of Commerce, with an offer of advice through your road engineers as to the most practical and beneficial route, would create a lot of encouragement for this undertaking." [6]

Townsend's suggestion reminded Maier of the tenuous nature of park planning in Big Bend. Bernard Manbey, associate engineer with the NPS office in San Francisco, had surveyed a similar route in August 1935, hence Townsend's knowledge of the merits of the Terlingua-Alpine connection. Frank Kittredge, chief engineer for the San Francisco branch, reminded Maier that "from an engineering standpoint such a road is entirely feasible." This route would shorten considerably the distance between Alpine and park headquarters (then contemplated for the Chisos Basin. Kittredge predicted that "in view of the fact that the great majority of tourists visiting the Big Bend National Park would already have traveled great distances before they reach Alpine, any way of shortening the road from Alpine to the park would seem to be well worth while." An additional advantage would be that "all the necessary culverts and bridges could be put in the initial stage and the road laid out with proper grades, thus considerably cutting down the cost of subsequent maintenance." Kittredge attributed "the high cost of maintaining roads such as the existing ones and their frequent impassable condition" to "the lack of the very necessary above-mentioned structures and the consequent frequent washing away of stretches of road, as well as the formation of dangerous holes." The San Francisco engineer further noted that "since there is no public domain in the State of Texas, all approach roads would have to be built by the State, or else jointly by the State and County." It made sense, then, for NPS and Texas highway officials to collaborate from the start on road construction. [7]

Even as the NPS studied highway access to the Chisos camp, the U.S. Army (supervisor of camp operations) had plans to link the remote area to the outside world by means of an upgraded airstrip at the ranch of Elmo and Ada Johnson. At first Herbert Maier assumed that the site would be used "only for emergency purposes," but surmised that "if this location were fortunately on land now owned by the State, a good beginning could be made toward an eventual major landing field for this future national park." The Works Progress Administration expressed an interest in collaborating with the CCC and NPS on the Johnson airfield, and Maier learned from Robert Morgan that the latter had detailed Paul Pressler, an NPS architectural foreman, to work with Johnson at the site. "Of course we cannot let the work in the Chisos Mountains suffer," Maier warned Morgan, "but you should assist Johnson to as great an extent as you reasonably can." The ECW director's rationale was that "that part of the territory is in the proposed final area and anything done should be as well executed as possible under the existing conditions." Army officials then outlined their specific route of travel, with flights departing from Dryden to Sanderson, then heading southwest across the Santiago and Chisos Mountains, to land near the Rio Grande at Johnson's Ranch. The Army Air Corps thus would have service within sixteen miles of the Chisos camp. This plan appealed to all parties, and the WPA undertook the initial grading of the strip in April of 1936. Yet when Johnson attempted to secure a position with the agency to earn additional income, the NPS could not accommodate him. Instead, Maier offered Johnson employment as a "skilled workman" at the salary of $150.00 per month, assisting Erik Reed on his archaeological survey. Even this became problematic as the CCC's budget faced new reductions in June. By then Maier had nothing at all for Johnson; a situation that he regretted, as he told Reed: "Mr. Johnson has always cooperated with us one hundred percent." The best that Maier could do was to order the two CCC technicians assigned to the Johnson Ranch airstrip to rent accommodations from Johnson, rather than in the CCC camp in the mountains, so that Johnson could earn some revenue from the federal presence on his land. [8]

The desire of local ranchers to earn income from the NPS extended to Ira Hector, whose horse concession was the only one available to the CCC camp or to visitors. By May of 1936, superintendent Morgan reported problems with Hector's arrangement. The state parks board, lacking the funds to purchase Hector's lands, had granted grazing leases to him on "all State Owned land in and adjoining the basin." In exchange, Morgan told Colonel R.O. Whiteaker, chief engineer of the Texas parks board, "Hector agreed to pay into the Park Board $140.00 per year." In addition, the rancher "was given the horse concession in the [state] park," and was to "give to the Park Board twenty five percent of all monies collected." The state board intended that "this percentage along with the lease money was to be given to the heirs of the estate to pay them for their shares of the land." Hector complained to Morgan that "no payment has been made to the heirs although he has turned in a considerable sum of money." Thus the rancher "has refused to let any government man have any horses and this forces us to go on the outside and secure horses from other sources." Morgan also contended that "[Hector] is anxious to leave here as he claims to be having a lot of trouble with the boys in the camp." According to the rancher, the CCC crew members "are catching his horses and riding them, and in their travels out into the mountains that they run his cattle, steal his bells off his horses and so on." [9]

Hector's demands placed the CCC and its superintendent in an awkward position. Morgan informed Whiteaker that Hector had "wanted me to get the boys all confined to camp as he felt that they were trespassing on him since he had this land leased." The superintendent had no recourse, as "the Army has charge of the boys in camp." In addition, "the National Park Service has always raised sand about the [Hector] cattle being in here," as "they are doing a great damage to the trees and plant life and we would be far better off with them out of here." Morgan had learned from Hector that he would leave the Chisos basin "if some arrangement can be made to pay this land out." Hector would "take a payment of $100.00 per month and leave," said the camp superintendent. Morgan doubted "if the [parks] Board can pay this section out at this time," and had inquired of Everett Townsend to see if the Brewster County chamber of commerce would do so. In the interim, Morgan canvassed the other ranches in the Big Bend area to determine which could supply horses on a daily basis. Erik Reed and his archaeological surveyors were in need of mounts, but traveled great distances and did not spend more than one day in any given location. Morgan noted to the Austin office of the NPS that Waddy Burnham "has the only horses available to be used in [the] immediate area of the camp, and he has to bring them seven miles to start from here." At that, Burnham could not supply horses for any of the survey work underway in the Dead Horse and Rosillos Mountains, nor in the vicinity of Boquillas, Castolon, Johnson's Ranch, and San Vicente. Finally, the CCC camp faced a quarantine zone south of the basin, "and ranchers can not take horses into or out of this zone." Morgan asked permission to rent horses from a network of ranchers in the Big Bend country, and to authorize automobile travel as far as possible before switching to mounts. [10]

While Morgan struggled with transportation matters at the CCC camp, NPS architects Paul Pressler and Albert Benson scouted the landscape for potential visitor facilities. J.T. Roberts, regional NPS inspector, informed Maier on April 7: "I feel that the work in this area will soon be in such shape that we should begin to consider this development rather seriously." His first priority was a water system, from which the architects could then imagine locations for the "Casa de los Chisos," as Roberts named the lodge compound. He noted that the plans of Pressler and Benson placed the southwestern structure "on the shelf above the camp," making it invisible "as one comes down the road along Sierra Casa Grande leaving the fine views uninterrupted." As one drove south past Lone Peak, "the building forms an interesting termination," said Roberts, "settling down low with Mt. Emory towering above in the distance." Roberts further noted that "the pines immediately behind will offer a soft background, which will tie-in and blend with those about the Casa to unite the entire picture." Such a design, said the inspector, "demands a free, low Spanish-Mexican type of rambling structure, and should be erected with indigenous material to further complement the area." In so doing, said Roberts, "we may build a large structure, yet not one to be imposing or startling —- one suggesting or retaining the spirit of manana." [11]

When Roberts turned his attention to visitor-use patterns, he argued for access that was "easy, definite and confined." Automobiles would stop first at the main lobby, with bus travelers loaded and unloaded away from the entrance. As for the structural design, said Roberts: "I like particularly the idea of several small patios offering opportunity to pass from ceiled rooms to open rooms, to have a play of light and shade, to obtain variety, interest and color." The inspector found "very intriguing" the "idea of a small Spanish Capilla, on the point of land overlooking the window and on the main axis." Such a design "will draw many to that spot," Roberts contended, and suggested that "the circulation there needs more study." In comparison to other plans, Roberts disliked the concept of "cabins placed in the area between the Casa and the window." The road continuing through the court, claimed Roberts, "is to me impossible." Were the NPS to locate cabins in this area, "I would prefer to place them in the pines high up on the flats to the south of Casa Grande and then no road — pack in — that would have character and not spoil the area." Yet a third plan reviewed by Roberts called for a swimming pool, while the "road around that very fine elevation to the south and over the point of land to the southwest, where one of the finest views of the window is obtained, should never be considered." Such thinking "indicates a passion for roads," said the NPS inspector, "and the road must be stopped." Park service designers needed to remember, said Roberts, "that the idea in all Mexican structures that I have seen is to obtain light and air to rooms, to have a more or less garden room for short siestas and for fiestas and perhaps a place to whisper 'mi querida' to the Senoritas." [12]

Contingent upon a successful architectural design for lodging at the basin was discovery of sufficient water supplies, a task undertaken in May 1936 by Charles Gould and Ross Maxwell. The regional geologist and his assistant began by analyzing the original well dug in the basin in April 1934, which sank 27 feet down in the area of Kibby Springs, a branch of Oak Canyon (the primary drainage corridor that flowed westward to the Window). Gould and Maxwell detected a steady flow of 30 gallons or more per minute, which was pumped uphill to metal storage tanks prior to redistribution by gravity to the CCC camp. In order to accommodate the NPS and concessions facilities planned for 5,400 feet, reported Gould, the geologists studied a hill some 5,750 feet in altitude that stood 4,100 feet away from the existing CCC well. "The cost of lifting the water approximately 700 feet into a reservoir 4100 feet from the source," said the geologist, "will be excessive." Thus Gould and Maxwell sought "to locate in The Basin an ample supply of potable water at an elevation above 5750 feet," reporting that "in this attempt we were not successful." They concluded that "the only available supply of water at the present time is Kibby Spring, located on the west slope of Casa Grande at an elevation of about 6000 feet." They realized that "the water is potable but the supply is not sufficient for park needs, being only about two gallons per minute." [13]

In need of alternatives for water, Gould and Maxwell turned their attention to the streams surrounding the basin proper. One was the "main branch of Oak Canyon near Ward Mountain on the west side of The Basin," said Gould, while the other was "the middle arroyo which heads south west of Casa Grande and passes just west of the proposed building site." They offered "no assurance that any considerable supply of water will be encountered," but believed that "it is worth a trial." Another strategy had Gould and Maxwell survey Cattail Canyon, to the west of the basin. "Water in quantity is reported in this canyon," said Gould, and he surmised that "it may be possible to utilize it either by gravity or by pumping." Yet a third option for the geologists involved "check dams across the various arroyos flowing into Oak Canyon." Such facilities, said Gould, would "store storm water and the subsequent underflow through the gravel." Given the delicate environment of the basin, said the geologist, "the sites for these dams should be selected with care." Failing this, the NPS geologists concluded that "it will probably be necessary to utilize the present wells and pump the water 4100 feet with a 700 foot lift," a perspective that contrasted with the enthusiasm expressed by J.T. Roberts in the design of structures in the basin. [14]

As the Chisos CCC camp headed into the fall of 1936, rumors began to circulate regarding its management. In an otherwise laudatory letter by Representative Ewing Thomason to Maier, the El Paso Democrat closed with the cryptic note that "some complaints have also come to me that there is a lack of harmony and cooperation among the officials of the camp." Thomason, the author of the 1935 legislation authorizing Big Bend, told Maier: "I hope this can be ironed out, if same has not already been done." The NPS regional officer took Thomason's instructions seriously, and inquired of the Army's Eighth Corps area at Fort Sam Houston about its plans to replace "Lieutenant Sagaser" when his tour of duty ended in November. "In view of this," Maier wrote to J.C. Roak, the liaison officer for the CCC at Fort Sam Houston, "I think it will be in order for us to state that we sincerely hope that the officer who is to replace Lieutenant Sagaser at Big Bend will be of a type able to adjust himself to such conditions as surround this particular project." Maier considered "these conditions" to be "not in themselves complex, but are nevertheless of real importance to the National Park Service." Maier reminded Roak that "it is necessary for us to assign quite a number of technical men who represent such branches as wildlife, archaeology, forestry, etc., periodically to this area." The NPS employees "must be housed and fed at the camp, and as you know, we have constructed a building especially for the purpose of housing these men." Maier also reported that "the distance from the railroad at Marathon to the camp is close to a hundred miles, and so it is necessary for a great deal of give and take to be exercised on the part of the project superintendent and the Army officer in charge." Finally, Roak needed no reminder that "a considerable number of officials visit the Big Bend, such as State Legislators, Congressmen, etc., and this must also be taken into consideration." [15]

Big Bend was not the only NPS site facing managerial challenges in the heyday of the CCC. Yet the program overall evoked words of praise from media, civic officials and crew members alike. Soon after the landslide re-election in November 1936 of President Roosevelt, the Dallas Dispatch informed its readers that "undoubtedly one of the most popular enactments of the Democratic congress under Roosevelt was the establishment of the Civilian Conservation Corps." The original goal of the CCC had been met, claimed the Dallas paper, but its director, Robert Fechner, had plans to make the program permanent. Fechner believed that "healthy employment should be found for youths whom private industry has not or cannot assimilate." In addition, said the CCC director, "the corps should continue as long as there is valuable work to be done." In matters of park construction, the Dallas Dispatch had only high praise for the CCC crews. The editor declared that the "CCC has done notable work in the 18 state parks in Texas aggregating 325,000 acres in extent." The most dramatic setting for CCC attention was Big Bend. "Covering over 250,000 acres," said the Dispatch, "much of this vast wilderness was almost wholly inaccessible when CCC enrollees began construction of roads and trails." Big Bend constituted over three-quarters of all the Texas land under the CCC's purview, and the Dispatch advised its readers: "Work on this magnificent Big Bend project should by all means be continued, and as far as Texas is concerned maintenance of the CCC is worth while for this reason alone." [16]

Warm regards for the CCC in general, and at Big Bend in particular, complemented the efforts of the NPS and park boosters to secure private or state funds for land acquisition. For this reason, major park service personnel made the Chisos camp part of their itineraries when inspecting CCC sites. Conrad Wirth, director of the CCC program nationwide, recalled years later his December 1936 tour of the Southwest with Herbert Maier, and their memorable visit to the Chisos basin. "There was a state park of about 640 acres in a small valley in what was called the 'window,'" wrote Worth in 1980. He especially remembered the fact that "most of the men were of Hispanic descent." In honor of the visit by top NPS officials, the CCC workers held a Christmas party that Wirth called "very hospitable." One feature of note was the effort made by camp members to serve eggnog at the party. "We drank some of it," said Wirth, "but it wasn't too easy to do!" It seemed that "it was made from goat's milk, the only milk they could scare up on short notice, and tequila." The CCC director admitted that "the spirit was right," but conceded that "I've tasted better eggnog." After imbibing the distinctive Big Bend version of the holiday treat, Wirth, Maier, and their party "joined the boys for an extra fine Christmas dinner." [17]

Internal and external praise for the CCC work in the Chisos Basin continued in the spring of 1937, with the state highway department contributing an historical assessment of the building of roads by the camp. An unidentified state highway engineer that April delivered a paper at the annual meeting in San Antonio of the American Society of Engineers. The engineer recounted some of the history of the region for his audience, noting that "prior to 1936 no State Highway penetrated this vast land of rugged mountains and plains, chiefly because it is off the beaten track and the population is small and widely scattered." Highway officials came to the area to survey a route to the Chisos Mountains, which he told his audience meant "ghost" in the language of the Yaqui Indians (who lived far to the west in the Mexican state of Sonora). When the highway department entered the area, they discovered that "there were U.S. Geological Survey maps . . . but such maps do not supply complete information for general location work." The department also faced limitations of time and money, and "therefore, it was decided to make a motion picture reconnaissance of the existing roads and trails." By using these images, said the engineer, "together with the Geological Survey maps," the department could determine routes for highways into the future park site. The surveyors drove south from Marathon, using the odometer on their vehicle for measurement. Every five miles they halted to film the landscape, covering some 250 miles of terrain "varying in type from a very serviceable county road serving the quicksilver mining town of Terlingua down to trails that were merely two dim tracks over the prairie and through the mountains." [18]

Confronting the survey crew not only was the landscape of the Big Bend country, but also the tastes of "a traveling public primarily interested in scenery and pleasure." This meant routes "located to afford access to the points of interest, while at the same time, in view of limited funds, it must be located through a region containing natural building materials if possible." Technical concerns abounded, such as placing the road "where grades and curvature were not excessive," and "where the road could be built without excessive excavation or construction of embankments." The highway crew filmed during the daylight hours, "and it was necessary to spend many hours each night interviewing ranchers and others who were familiar with the roads and trails of this region." The surveyors took "many side trips to investigate different routes which were found impractical." Once they reached the Santiago range some 40 miles south of Marathon, they determined that Persimmon Gap "offered the most accessible pass." They decided that "this pass will form the principal gateway of the Big Bend Park, if and when the entire acreage of land is procured and the Big Bend Park reaches the size contemplated." At Persimmon Gap the surveyors "began to see a new form of vegetation, or perhaps we should say new types of thorn bush and cactus." One such specimen that the engineer called "very formidable," was the "Pitahaya," which he claimed "is beautiful when in full bloom and later produces a delicious fruit." [19]

Once the state highway surveyors had cleared the Persimmon Gap area, they quickly noticed the dominant feature on the southern landscape: the Chisos Mountains. "The road traverses country principally made up of gravel deposits or broken stone," they reported, with "many arroyos to cross, which in time of rain carry a considerable volume of water." The engineer realized that "rains in this region are often very hard but not of long duration." Nonetheless, "the lack of heavy vegetation and the rocky nature of the country makes the run-off fast, and in soils that erode easily the arroyos become very deep." Some fifteen miles south of Persimmon Gap the survey party encountered "an unusual strip of land which extends across the Big Bend." This was a band "about ten miles in width and is made of very unstable clays, and is known as the 'Bad Lands.'" The engineer reported that "this section is really very picturesque in that the clays are brightly colored in almost every conceivable shade." Erosion in turn "has left grotesque shapes, which under the early morning or late evening sun, present a continuously changing color picture." More practical was the engineer's assessment that "this land becomes unstable when wet, therefore it will be necessary to import surfacing material for the road through this section from either side of the ten mile strip," a circumstance mitigated by the presence of rock and clay nearby. [20]

As the surveyors drove into the Chisos range, they encountered yet another landscape with "oak, cherry and many other varieties of trees." They marveled at the mystery of the Lost Mine Trail, and the massiveness of Casa Grande. Conveying them to the center of the basin was the CCC road, which the surveyors reported as "in very good condition." One had to travel over a pass at 6,000 feet in elevation, then descend some 1,000 feet into Green Gulch and the CCC camp quarters. Once there, the surveyors had to "spend a day in the saddle to study the possibilities of another means of entry into this valley." They climbed "a few hundred feet to a small plateau where the Government will build a hotel," and there stopped to admire the view from the Window. "Through this gap," said the highway engineer, "all of the water falling in the valley must flow, or at least all that does not go into the gravel which is underground." Above the Window the surveyors reached "a pass known as The Laguna, where we find a very rare grass, called Pine Grass, and also the smallest of the many varieties of oaks found in the mountains, which is the Dwarf Oak [a mere four feet high]." This was but one of seventeen varieties of oak growing in the basin, along with four types of pine. "We find large groves of Douglas fir trees which are hundreds of miles from their natural setting," remarked the engineer, as well as the Arizona cypress, "some of these four feet in diameter." The survey crew also marveled that "the varieties of trees and shrubs to be found are almost numberless," and they were told "that there are many varieties of flowers which up to this time are unidentified." Large game animals proliferated in the Chisos, among them "Brown bear, Mule Deer, White Tail or Virginia Deer, and the Arizona Flag or Franciscan Deer." As for birds, said the engineer, "at certain seasons of the year tropical birds of vivid plumage come into these mountains apparently to spend a few weeks time and then to return to the tropics." The surveyors heard that "colleges and universities have in recent years learned of the wonders of this spot, and there have been many expeditions of scientists to study the plant and animal life as well as the geology and other features." [21]

With a brief stop at Boot Spring to gather their strength, the state highway surveyors rode south to the rim of the Chisos, "where one can look down a practically sheer cliff two thousand feet," or see "off in the distance about fifteen miles the Rio Grande . . . faintly glimmering in the sunlight." By riding horseback through the basin, the engineer concluded that "there is only one economical means of entry for automobiles into the valley, and that is the one that is being improved by the C.C.C. workers." At dusk the trail riders remarked that "we are treated to a beautiful display of colors from the rock walls of the surrounding peaks." Then "later on the moon comes up bright and clear, and we find that the coloration of the rock is so vivid that it is visible to a certain extent by moonlight." The party also learned "why the mountains are called Chisos, Ghost, as there is a peculiarly silvery light cast over the valley, possibly reflected from the rock walls, and the rugged cliffs." The engineer became almost poetic in describing nightfall in the basin, saying: "Peaks that surround us seem to dance in the moonlight, or perhaps my eyes were deceiving me." [22]

From the Chisos Basin the highway crew moved to the "St. Helena Canyon," "or the Grand Canyon of the Rio Grande." They noted that "as there is a possibility of a better road into the mountains through Alpine and Terlingua we go west to the quicksilver mining country surrounding Terlingua." First they passed through "the little mining town of Study Butte, which is second only to the Terlingua mine in size." Once in Terlingua, the surveyors would "find the picturesque adobe houses of the Mexicans who work in the mines, and . . . a small hotel, one of the few hotels in this territory." Heading south toward the Rio Grande, the crew crossed Terlingua Creek, which they decided "may prove a very serious obstacle to highway construction as a large volume of water flows down this creek during the rainy season," and which had no bridge. Upon traversing the face of the Rio Grande escarpment to reach the canyon, they came upon "the home of one of the County Commissioners of this, the largest county in Texas." The surveyors stood in awe of the sheer cliffs, noting that "as we swing toward the canyon the rock wall at first deceives the eye, and it is hard to believe that there is a drop of 1900 feet on the Mexican side from the plateau above the river," with the Texas side dropping some 1,800 feet. They could not look far into the canyon because "the river has cut a winding channel through this rock," leaving but "a narrow trail up one side of the canyon about one-half mile." From this vantage point the crew saw "large boulders that have fallen from the canyon wall above, one of them being sixty feet square." The surveyors climbed onto one of these boulders to gaze upon the river, and then turned to view the Chisos Mountains "thirty five miles away." [23]

Even though (like many first-time observers) the highway surveyors had come under the spell of the Rio Grande, their task was more mundane: to suggest transportation routes for the state of Texas to build. The engineer reported that "the shorter and more logical location of a road into this country is from Marathon south to the Chisos Mountains, and then for those who are interested in seeing the St. Helena Canyon, a road leading west to Terlingua and then south to the canyon." Texas officials adopted the recommendations of the surveyors, "adding 115 miles to the State Highway system." By the spring of 1937, the road had become "very serviceable" as far south as the Chisos Mountains, while "the road leading to the St. Helena Canyon . . . crosses Terlingua creek twice, and traffic is interrupted on this road for several days in time of high water." Unfortunately, no hotel facilities had been constructed on the road into the Big Bend country, and the engineer suggested "to those who plan to spend more than a day in the mountains that they carry camping equipment," although water would be available. Should visitors brave the rugged conditions of the state park, the engineer believed that "a vacation in these mountains would be an unusual experience." [24]

While the state highway department justified its construction program in the Chisos basin with the grandeur and beauty of the future national park, the CCC program had more practical concerns. By May of 1937, Milton McColm of Maier's staff would report to J.C. Roak that the second camp authorized for Big Bend (SP-34), "was approved but deferred and cancelled in the third period." Several CCC camps in the Southwest, from the Grand Canyon to Corpus Christi, faced threats of closure; a circumstance made more imminent when Vernon Randau, an inspector in the Oklahoma City NPS office, went to Texas to prepare for the transfer of the Big Bend crew to the Balmorhea State Park north of the Davis Mountains (CCC Camp SP-47). Randau suggested to E.A. Pesonen, an NPS official assigned to the "Texas Procurement Office" in Beaumont, that funds from the Big Bend operation be transferred to Balmorhea to provide for "main camp and rations, supervision and medical attention." Pesonen marked in the margin of Randau's letter a cryptic note: "There never were any funds in the Big Bend." He contended that "Dr. [Walter Prescott] Webb got it all." Additional money "must come from somewhere else," and Randau should "approve everything and tell Wash. [NPS headquarters in Washington] their recommendation could not be followed." Then Pesonen claimed that "the boys at Big Bend are doing nothing," and that "a mere letter should not be cause for their continuing to loaf." [25]

The deterioration of conditions at the Chisos camp had repercussions for the entire CCC program in Texas, leading Conrad Wirth to discuss the matter with William J. Lawson, executive secretary of the Texas State Parks Board, while the two drove by car from Philadelphia to Washington. Both individuals agreed that the crisis had arisen with the veto by Governor James Allred of the $750,000 appropriation for land purchases. "Unless something of a miracle takes place," Lawson informed Maier, "it will be two years before the subject can be presented again." For the NPS and the state parks board, said the executive secretary, "we have a CCC Camp in Big Bend which is marking time." Lawson and Wirth talked about "trying to work out a trade, whereby the N.P.S. would abandon SP33 at Big Bend on July 1st in exchange for P-74 [a forestry camp] staying on at Huntsville." In return, P-74 would remain in operation until October 1, and "at that time it would be turned over to the NPS for SP [state park] work." In so doing, said Lawson, "the CCC would lose one camp from the NPS instead of from the Forestry." Then the latter agency on October 1 "would have to lose a camp, as originally scheduled, and this time it would be by transfer to the NPS in exchange for the previous disbandment of SP33." By this arrangement, the state park board could gain some more work for Huntsville, yet Texas still would lose two programs that fall. It was clear to Lawson, however, that the Allred veto spelled doom for the Chisos operation, as he told Maier: "I see no justification for leaving Big Bend in place now." The parks board secretary bitterly informed Maier: "Certainly, the [state] legislature does not care whether or not there is a camp in the park, and there is not anymore work which can be done on the present land." [26]

A measure of the degree to which Big Bend's future had faded in the estimation of NPS and state officials came in early July, when Lawson notified Maier: "I made a rather detailed study of the other SP Camps operating in Texas, and do not find one which I would feel justified in stopping from its present construction program and substituting for the Big Bend camp." The parks board secretary conceded that "conditions arising between now and October 1st might change this decision," yet he believed that "we would be safe in reaffirming our recommendation that the Big Bend camp be exchanged for the Huntsville camp, as I have rather definite assurance that the Big Bend appropriation will not be re-introduced in the September Called Session of the Legislature." Given the reality of Texas politics, Lawson concluded that "we would do much better by having a camp located in Huntsville where it could be doing a very constructive piece of work, rather than holding the Big Bend camp in place in anticipation of legislative developments later on." Conrad Wirth concurred in Lawson's opinion, telling the parks board secretary on July 27 that "after considerable negotiation with the Forest Service, it has been decided that no action should be taken to effect this exchange of companies prior to the beginning of the tenth period." This Wirth attributed to the fact that "there is a possibility that both companies may be lost, due to present regulations which will not permit the establishment of new camps or the undertaking of new work programs." The Lone Star state, then, had forfeited an excellent opportunity to maximize the potential of the $323,680 already spent by the NPS in the Chisos basin, which a news story in the Houston Chronicle claimed had been directed "to making the mountain wilderness accessible to pleasure-seekers." [27]

Predictably, the local sponsors of the Big Bend park initiative did not appreciate word of the impending closure of the Chisos camp. Horace W. Morelock wrote directly to NPS headquarters, providing top park officials with word of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram's campaign to raise one million dollars for private land acquisition. "The fact that the Star-Telegram has undertaken this campaign," said acting NPS director A.E. Demaray, "is gratifying to those most interested in the proposed park." Nonetheless, Demaray was "unable to make a definite statement regarding the rumor that the CCC camp now located on the Big Bend State Park in the Chisos Mountains will be abandoned." Demaray faced the unpleasant choice to "reduce the number of camps now in operation on October 1 and then make a still greater reduction on January 1 of next year [1938]." Declining to share with the Sul Ross president the internal debate over Big Bend's future, Demaray claimed that "it has not been determined at this time just which camps will be abandoned on the dates mentioned." He promised that "we certainly do not want to do anything that will dampen the enthusiasm of those who are working for the Big Bend National Park." Then Demaray deflected yet another request from Morelock to send additional CCC workers to Brewster County, informing him that "it will not be possible to assign the company for work on Kokernot Park [a baseball field in Alpine near the Sul Ross campus], as suggested in the last paragraph of your letter." [28]

In the pursuit of federal funding for economic development, Brewster County officials shifted their focus from saving Big Bend's CCC camp to support of neighboring Jeff Davis County's state park in the Davis Mountains. Dom Adams, president of the Brewster County chamber of commerce, solicited the assistance of Ewing Thomason, who represented both counties in Congress. When Adams and his colleagues in Alpine had learned of the movement of the CCC crew to the Indian Lodge site, he reported to Thomason that "we are withdrawing our opposition to the transfer of this camp, and wish to heartily endorse the application of Fort Davis citizens that this camp be transferred to the Fort Davis State Park." The chamber, said Adams, "believe, and think that you will agree with us, that the Fort Davis State Park is one of the most potential areas that the State Parks Board has." Adams argued that "there is a good deal of work to be done there and we believe that it should be accomplished with the least possible delay." Herbert Maier's office, however, could not recommend the transfer, with E.A. Pesonen remarking that "the grazing privileges on Davis Mountains State Park are such that further development does not appear justifiable." Pesonen further advised NPS inspector William F. Ayres that "the Director of CCC [Wirth] has taken the position that qualifying factors, such as the grazing privileges, must be removed before any recommendations for development are made to him." In late August, the CCC had been told to eliminate some 350 camps nationwide by the end of the year. "It is reasonable to assume," said Pesonen to Ayres, "that Texas will be called upon to accept its share of camp reductions." In the NPS's opinion, "a logical camp to go out is clearly SP-33, Big Bend, since neither the State Park Board nor this Service is in a position to sponsor a work program." All that Pesonen could offer Ayres was the hope that "if, and when, the present anomalous situation regarding Big Bend is resolved, there will be time again to initiate development on the basis of a positive program." [29]

Absent any indication from local sponsors of an effective plan to acquire land for the future national park site, state and federal officials anticipated closure of the Chisos basin unit as the fall of 1937 approached. Even the Davis Mountain site stood in danger because of the lack of structures available to house the work crews, the failure of local interests to acquire land for park construction, and because ranchers maintained control of all but fifteen acres of the Davis Mountain State Park for grazing. William Lawson informed Maier on August 27 that "at the present time we are content to carry on work at the Indian Village with the side camp which is operating at the present time from SP-33." Should the state park board seek a transfer of the Big Bend crews to Fort Davis, "it would be only after the land restrictions have been removed." As for Big Bend itself, the CCC received criticism when "the camp Superintendent secured lights from a plant operated by the Service and lived in a house constructed of two army tent floors and some material purchased personally." Herbert Maier had to respond to the NPS director about this and other "irregularities" in the management of Texas's CCC sites. "Camp SP-33," said the Southwest region's acting director, "is an isolated section of the country where private quarters are not available within any reasonable distance." He noted that "no utilities are available either and the only water supply is that controlled by the CCC dump." Maier contended that "since the duties of a camp superintendent require his presence in the vicinity of the camp," the regional office believed that "the most economical solution as far as protection of the Government's interest is concerned has been arrived at." [30]

For promoters of Texas's first national park, announcement of the closure of the Chisos CCC unit came just weeks before the state legislature in special session granted authority to the state parks board to acquire private lands for Big Bend. Dom Adams wired Representative Thomason seeking his intercession with the NPS. Conrad Wirth had to remind the El Paso congressman: "Looking at this camp from a practical standpoint, it will be impossible to retain it even if land is acquired in the short space of a year and it becomes a national park." The assistant NPS director noted that "since at least a year would be required to plan the unit, the camp would not be able to accomplish much in development work, for which it was established." Wirth did indicate some success in his conversations in Texas with "Major Cheeves, District Commander of the Army, regarding problems in Big Bend and the desire of the local people to retain the buildings and a certain amount of equipment to use in connection with promotional work." The NPS official acknowledged to Cheeves that "we are desirous of reoccupying this camp at a later date," and told Thomason: "I believe this will accomplish the end which they [the local sponsors] seek." [31]

In its last days, Chisos camp staff attempted to preserve the best features of the site, even though official word from Washington had the facility closing by December 31. Herbert Maier notified NPS director Cammerer that "we have made good progress in assembling basic data upon which to found an additional museum program for the Big Bend Project." Ross Maxwell, whom Maier identified as "our local geologist," had undertaken "a comprehensive survey of all geographical and geological features." In collaboration with "especially trained CCC boys," said Maier, Maxwell had "collected and preserved an extensive collection of rock and mineral specimens, as well as numerous outstanding examples of fossils of great scientific value." The CCC-funded research "is now housed in a temporary museum at camp headquarters," said the acting Region III director, while "historians and archaeologists have completed a preliminary survey of anthropological features and botanists and zoologists of the Wildlife Division have made a notable start in listing all biological features." Maier made the case that "because this research has progressed so satisfactorily, I am anxious that it be continued, at least to the point of enabling us to present full justifications for a Big Bend Museum later on." The NPS needed to develop "a general museum plan which can be submitted for the concurrence and approval of all concerned." Maier knew that "the Public Works programs [PWA] have supported this type of work in other park areas," leading the acting regional director to "request that an allotment of $5,000 be made when new Public Works money becomes available for the purpose of studying Big Bend museum needs and preparing a final museum plan." He granted that "some small part of the allotment may be diverted to meet current museum needs and utilized in placing the present exhibits and labels in better condition until a fireproof building can be provided for housing the valuable specimens accumulated." [32]

While the NPS contemplated Maier's inquiry, Horace Morelock wasted little time in approaching the acting regional director to offer the services of his college. In a telegram of November 20, the Sul Ross president asked: "Since [the] camp is to be moved will appreciate it if you will lend us camp museum material until such time as National Park Service desires it returned." His rationale was that Sul Ross would be "open all times for visitors," and would provide a "good ad [advertisement] for [the] park campaign." Maier acknowledged that NPS officials "had decided that since the [CCC] company will probably be withdrawn only temporarily and since it would be necessary to engage a caretaker at the camp to protect the buildings and property," the park service believed that "this man could also protect the museum material which would be left in the museum under lock and key." This employee "would then open up the museum when official visitors are present, and then only." Maier reminded Morelock that "we have lately discussed the possibility of Mr. Townsend's operating this camp for the State in connection with official trips and visitors." The NPS believed that "the material is best exhibited right down in the Big Bend than at some point outside of the proposed park area." Maier did concede that "it is a little hard to say just what we will do with the material because we cannot say how long the camp will be operated and if it will be operated during the time the company is temporarily withdrawn." Recognizing the many services that Morelock had provided to the Big Bend campaign, Maier declared that "we should like nothing better than to have the material exhibited at Alpine if it could not be exhibited at the Big Bend." The regional official concluded, however, that "it appears that it will probably be possible to leave it there for the present at least." [33]

As Morelock sought opportunity for his institution amidst the grim news about the Chisos camp, the local chamber of commerce and the state parks board pressed at the eleventh hour for a reprieve. Dom Adams dashed off a telegram on November 19 to Maier, warning that "the termination of the Chisos camp will prove almost a fatal blow to our subscription campaign." This situation had led "representative men who had recently visited the park" to encourage Adams to "request that you give us every assistance consistent with your official capacity to keep it here." Should this effort fail, claimed the chamber president, "we will have [a] serious loss of prestige in putting over our campaign." Especially critical for Adams was the fact that "the development of trails to [the] South Rim and Lost Mine Mountain will be of inestimable value in furthering our campaign and we have sufficient funds on hand to assure the purchase of needed lands for those purposes." William Lawson pleaded with William Ayres along similar lines. "The State Parks Board," said its executive secretary, "has endeavored to keep the CCC camp in the Chisos Mountains because we felt its presence would aid materially in our approach to the people for contribution to this fund." Lawson told the NPS inspector, however, that "it seems . . . that we are not to get our wishes in this matter." The parks board thus "would like to next request that proper steps be taken to have at least some of the barracks buildings or facilitating buildings retained in place so that they might be used as a base for operations in the future." Because of what Lawson characterized as "the intense publicity campaign in connection with this [fundraising] campaign, it is certain that thousands of people will go into the Chisos area this winter and next summer." Without "accommodations in the area other than at the camp the Texas State Parks Board would like to acquire title or custody of at least two or three buildings, which could be converted into overnight structures and which could be put at the disposition of the public." [34]

Not wishing to leave the decision on Big Bend to NPS personnel alone, park sponsors approached U.S. Senator Tom Connally for his advice on the closure of the Chisos camp. This required Conrad Wirth to explain to the Texas senator that "the Act of Congress extending the activities of the Civilian Conservation Corps for another three years limited the enrollment and camp set up to 300,000 enrollees or 1,500 camps." This would have imperiled the Big Bend site in any event, but "a grave uncertainty as to the possibility of the establishment of Big Bend as a national park has developed since the recent announcement of the discovery of rich deposits of gold and cinnabar in the vicinity of the Chisos Mountains." Regardless of its merits, Wirth felt compelled to inform Connally: "The discovery is sufficient to neutralize any beneficial effect which the continuation of the SP-33 camp might have on the present campaign to raise funds for land purchases." He argued that "since the mandatory cut has to be met and the present projects at camp SP-33 are practically completed, it is our opinion that until further definite determination as to the future of the park is made, this camp could be terminated with the least injury to the program in Texas as a whole." Wirth then told Connally: "You may be assured . . . that this Service is very much interested in the Big Bend area, and that when the necessary land has been acquired, we intend to reestablish a [CCC] camp [in] the area." [35]

By mid-December of 1937, nothing could be done to halt the closure of the Chisos CCC program. NPS inspector William Ayres traveled to the Big Bend area just days before the park service planned to abandon the facility, and reported to his superiors that the CCC crews had done laudable work. "All personnel will be separated from active duty COB [close of business] Dec. 15th," wrote Ayres, "and terminated at the end of their accumulated leave." One mechanic would be transferred to the Balmorhea State Park site, and "skilled workman Lloyd Wade will probably be employed as caretaker at Big Bend camp if [a] caretaker is authorized." Ayres noted that "active work on the project ceased Dec. 10th," with superintendent Morgan to "complete all records and reports and forward all of the records of this camp to the [Texas] Procurement Office." While on site, Ayres met with Lloyd Wade to discuss the position of caretaker, and concluded that "he is the best man." The NPS inspector told Maier that Wade "will take care of the museum, and can operate the water pump and electric light plant, and make what minor repairs are needed to them." Upon his departure from Big Bend, Ayres visited in El Paso with Major Cheves. He asked the CCC district commander to leave behind "the water-pump, light plant, all stoves including kitchen range, kitchen utensils and dishes for 30 men, and beds and bedding for 30 men." Ayres also provided Cheves with "a copy of the letter from the [CCC] director authorizing continuation of the side camp at SP 4 [Fort Davis] to be operated by SP 47 [Balmorhea] and requested the transfer of fifty men to SP 47 from SP 33, of whom 42 will be at Ft. Davis." [36]

As the last of the CCC crews rolled down the highway that they had built into the Chisos basin, their departure signaled more than the failure of the fundraising campaign to secure property for Texas's first national park. To local sponsors, the limited volume of traffic into the park area made their efforts at promotion seem in vain. Caretaker Lloyd Wade, a local rancher himself, entertained few visitors in the year 1938, as the focus of the NPS shifted to the north and west of the Big Bend. In August of that year, Wade corresponded with William Lawson about conditions in the Chisos Mountains; a circumstance prompted by his discovery that one prominent park sponsor (Judge Beauchamp) had complained to Lawson of Wade's failure to return his correspondence. "It is possible that it may have been lost," wrote Wade on August 4, "as [I] do not have any sure way of mailing letters here." The Chisos caretaker had "to send them out by who ever can get to take them." Most often Wade received his mail "through the Highway Foreman's courtesy." That individual would "bring it to the nearest ranch and I go there for it." There would be periods of "several days before I get it," as "it does not come regular." Beauchamp in particular had wanted to secure Wade's services as a guide for a group of Boy Scouts coming to the Big Bend. "If they will send me $100.00," said Wade, "I will get the cold drinks and ice and some candies, cookies and hire someone to run the place and keep an account of everything." Once the Scouts had departed, Wade promised to "check up and if there is anything left will return it or if there is a deficit they are to make it up." Wade himself "will not expect any thing for my time." He informed Lawson that "about the use of the kitchen and the barracks [I] will expect something for the use of them because there never was [a] party that did not leave lots of work behind them when they moved out." Wade noted that "the bath house . . . will have to be kept clean and in order and someone will have to look after the pump and keep it running all the time for that many boys." He also was "limited to the [amount] of gasoline that [I] can use per month and run[n]ing the pump and light plant more than usual while they are here will more than likely make [me] run short for the month." [37]

More common for Lloyd Wade was the incidental inquiry of some public agency seeking information about the Big Bend area. Major W.M. Tenney of Fort D.A. Russell in Marfa, wrote to Herbert Maier in October 1938 to inform the NPS that "I recently made a reconnaissance of the Rio Grande River from Boquillas to Santa Helena Canyon, including parts of the Chisos Mountains State Park." Upon contacting Wade, said Tenney, "I learned that the Park Service has recently gotten out a revised map of the [park] . . . and adjacent areas," and hoped that Maier could provide the Army Air Corps with several copies of the map for use in aerial surveillance. More intriguing was Everett Townsend's request of Maier for an NPS-funded position "which would enable [him] to police the proposed park and get the cooperation of the land owners with an end to stopping hunters of animals and artifacts." Unfortunately, said the acting regional director, "I have no idea of how this can be done." "The only jobs we have in the field," Maier told the longtime park sponsor, "aside from Inspectors, are the camp supervisory personnel." In addition, he had to tell Townsend that "foremen can no longer be assigned away from their camps for any particular length of time." Maier hoped that Townsend would remember that "there was considerable pressure on us along about the time the Big Bend camp was finishing up to cause you to go back to the camp, and the [Interior] Secretary is stricter about this than before." In an anguished admission of the status of CCC work in the dark days of 1938, Maier confessed to Townsend: "Frankly, Everett, I just [don't] know how we would go about setting up a job such as this from NPS funds." He admitted that "it seems so impossible I even hesitate writing Mr. Wirth about it." Yet Maier wondered if "Ewing Thomason could approach [Wirth] in person at Washington and talk the thing over." From this, the Region III official hoped, "they might be able to work out some way whereby such a job could be set up." Were that the case, Maier believed that "the appointment will have to come from the Secretary." [38]

Just as Texas politics had delayed the dream of Townsend and other promoters of Big Bend National Park, so did the support of Governor W. Lee O'Daniel revive the spirits of NPS officials and breathe new life into the CCC program for south Brewster County. Once the state legislature passed, and the governor signed, a measure to transfer the state's properties in the Big Bend to the federal government, Herbert Maier sought to restore a CCC crew in the Chisos Basin. To that end, he dispatched William Ayres on May 3, 1939, to examine what remained of the original "SP-33" facility. "This is the largest and most important Park area in the [Texas] State Park System from a scenic standpoint," declared the NPS inspector. Yet "little has been done so far in this Park other than the construction of a road and trails and attendant bridges, together with the development of water supply and lineal and topographical surveys." Ayres recommended that "at least two miles of road must be constructed before the [Chisos] area in which uncompleted buildings are placed, will be accessible for the delivery of materials to the site," as the basin was "a rugged and [mountainous] area." "At least another period (6th)," said Ayres, "will be required to provide any facilities for accommodating Park visitors, as no buildings have been erected in this Park to date." Other suggestions by the inspector included "one large vehicle bridge, as well as a number of culverts," a "stone masonry and a concession and administration building . . . for the service and convenience of Park visitors," and "four miles of horse trails . . . to enable Park visitors to reach inaccessible mountains and valleys from the concession building area." Ayres predicted that "six stone masonry cabins should be constructed as quickly as possible to provide overnight accommodations for Park visitors," as the distance from the Chisos Basin to the town of Marathon made it "imperative that a provision be made for Park visitors who must, of necessity, remain overnight." Finally, the park service inspector called for "one pumping plant and house for same . . . for the secondary lift from [the] water supply to [the] concession building and cabin area," along with "four thousand feet of pipe line . . . to convey this water from [the] power plant to [the] storage reservoir." [39]

On the strength of Ayres's recommendations, Milton J. McColm of Region III included the Chisos basin in his "14th Period CCC Camp Applications" to Washington. Conrad Wirth had asked the Santa Fe office of the NPS about the merits of such an application, and McColm suggested that "the CCC Company now at SP-47 in Balmorhea State Park, one of the five camps recommended for abandonment in Texas, be transferred to the Big Bend area." McColm, as the acting regional director, pointed to Ayres's report that "the buildings are in very good condition and that rehabilitation cost should not exceed $2,000." He also suggested that "the application for a CCC camp in the Big Bend area will change the recommendation and memorandum of May 13 regarding the establishment of a camp at Bluewater State Park [in western New Mexico] . . . unless a CCC company can be made available to this Region from some other Region." Some six weeks later, the Santa Fe regional office released to the media more details of the Chisos CCC program. "The work," wrote McColm, "to consist mainly of roads and trails construction, will be confined to the Big Bend State Park." The lands recently transferred from the state of Texas to the NPS "aggregate about 240,000 acres of the 788,000 acres that will comprise the national park," said McColm. The latter noted that "'the Big Bend area has been so widely publicized . . . that there is certain to be a big influx of visitors almost immediately after the national park is established." Given that scenario, said the Region III official, "'we are anxious that some of the preliminary development be completed in time to permit those people to get into major areas of the park.'" McColm and his staff thus approached CCC director Robert Fechner to reopen the Chisos camp, and to restore to the Big Bend country the annual expenditure of more than $100,000 in federal funds that had ceased in December 1937. [40]

Word of the return of CCC workers to the Big Bend area electrified local park sponsors, who reiterated their calls for new road construction into the southern extremities of Brewster County. Benjamin F. Berkeley, the state senator from Alpine whose 1925 legislation first began the dialogue about national parks for west Texas, had become manager of the Brewster County Chamber of Commerce. With his knowledge of the political process, Berkeley undertook in July 1939 a campaign with the state parks board to prevail upon the NPS for "a cut-off from the Alpine-Terlingua road at a point about fifty miles south of Alpine to the other roads entering Green Gulch." Should the NPS and state parks board "desire to make any suggestions concerning the proposed more direct route from Alpine to the Park," said Berkeley, "we welcome same prior to the time the State Engineer approves the most practical route for the County to open up." The chamber manager advised Lawson that "a portion of the cut-off road above referred to is already being traveled by several ranchmen in that section." Berkeley and his associates were "anxious to make the extension for the purpose of facilitating the trade and business relationships between Alpine and the C.C.C. Camp when they return October next." In addition, the prescribed corridor "will be an improved scenic route which will be very helpful in the unfolding of the Park." Echoing the remarks of the state highway surveyors of 1937, Berkeley reminded Lawson that "we have already taken up the matter of securing a State Engineer to approve the proposed cut-off so that the possibility of future changes will be rendered negligible." [41]

Berkeley's correspondence with the state parks board initiated discussions about the NPS's plans for Big Bend that would persist until the park opened. Hillory Tolson, director of the Santa Fe region of the park service, spoke with Lawson about road matters, and sought further clarification from Berkeley before making any formal statements. Tolson noted that the chamber manager had failed to indicate "at which point the proposed cut-off will enter the present road, leading south from Marathon, in relation to Persimmon Gap which, as you know, is to be the principal control point for those entering the park." Speaking for the park service, Tolson acknowledged that "the proposed cut-off road perhaps is not intended as a portion of the permanent main approach road to the park from Alpine." Should the park service analyze Berkeley's suggested route, Tolson's office "will first require very considerable study of the entire route from Alpine to Persimmon Gap and in this the National Park Service would desire to participate, although we are hardly in a position to undertake such a study at the present time." Berkeley responded immediately to Tolson's concerns, declaring that "the most practical, direct, scenic route would be to branch off from the Terlingua road some 45 to 50 miles south of Alpine and head toward Green Gulch." The chamber's primary objective, said Berkeley, was that "since Alpine is the County Seat and all Park Matters are focused here, that it would be a short sighted policy to indefinitely delay a practical, scenic entrance into the Park from Alpine." Yet another, more pragmatic consideration for Berkeley was competition with its neighbors. "Should Alpine stand by," he admitted, "it is only a question of a very short time until Marfa, the county seat of the adjoining county of Presidio, will complete her road to the Park which will leave the central point, Alpine, without a direct connection." The chamber manager had to concede that "that is their [Marfa's] privilege but the point we raise is that Alpine would make a great mistake in not moving rapidly toward protecting her interests and at the same time facilitate travel to and from the Park." [42]

The chamber's persistence on the approach road to Big Bend, as with all of its interaction with the NPS, prompted Tolson to define more clearly the procedures of the agency. "It is the policy of this service," wrote the regional director on August 8, "to hold road mileage within the areas administered by it to a minimum as they constitute harmful encroachments on scenic areas." The park service also preferred to limit "the number of control points" along park roads for "ease and efficiency in administration." Mindful that the objectives of the Alpine chamber were drive more by economics than aesthetics, Tolson wrote that "the boundaries of the proposed Big Bend National Park purposely stretch northward to include Persimmon Gap because it was generally agreed that that point is the natural entrance to the park area." As the NPS anticipated that "90% of the traffic will come from a northerly direction," Tolson estimated that "a road leading from Alpine would function to the best advantage not only for the Government and the traveling public, but also for the town of Alpine, if the road enters the park area at the principal control point at Persimmon Gap." [43]

Roads may have been the overriding concern for local park sponsors as the NPS awaited the reopening of the Chisos CCC camp. Yet for park service planners, the logistics and schedule of work on the ground took precedence. In the summer and fall of 1939, the future of the park had begun to emerge in NPS plans for staffing, facilities, and employment. In particular, the abilities of Ross Maxwell had come to the forefront in the estimation of regional officials. "We should like to keep in closer touch with the work which Dr. Ross Maxwell, junior geologist, is doing," wrote Carl P. Russell, NPS supervisor of research and information. Maxwell was to "submit a monthly report to the Regional Office with a copy to be forwarded to us at the time that Dr. [Charles] Gould's monthly report is submitted." Russell gave as his reason the fact that "we are especially anxious to know what progress is being made upon the geological report for the Big Bend National Park project." With completion of that task, Russell asked Tolson that Maxwell "be assigned to certain geologic problems connected with CCC programs in the State of Texas." In addition, said Russell, the work of the CCC camp in the Chisos "will consist mainly of trail and road construction." He hoped that Maxwell "may be used advantageously in the planning of this work because of his familiarity with the area and his appreciation of the scientific values which may be utilized if the trails and roads are judiciously located." Russell paid particular attention to the advice of "Washington Office geologists [who] advise that one of the most important contributions which Dr. Maxwell could make to the developmental program would be a study of the water supply situation in those parks where CCC camps are operating." For the NPS, "the quantity and quality of the water which may be obtained from such sources and the cost of developing it should be the chief purpose of such an investigation." Hence the request by Russell that Maxwell coordinate his surveys with the Texas State Board of Water Engineers, and his suggestion that the NPS identify sources of underground water where "supplies may be developed and produced at a lesser cost than the existing installations." [44]

Maxwell's role in the development of state parks in Texas had taken on a new meaning with the reopening of the Chisos camp for Big Bend. Herbert Maier, now the assistant to Hillory Tolson, recognized the merits of Carl Russell's inquiry about the use of Maxwell's services. Yet he wanted Maxwell to complete his geological survey of the Big Bend region "at the earliest possible date." Then the regional office would assign to Maxwell "an expert draftsman . . . for a 90 day period at Austin, Texas, and it would not be practical to bring this man, who is working closely with Dr. Maxwell, to the Region III Headquarters on account of travel and per diem." Once these tasks had been accomplished, Maier told the NPS director, Maxwell would be assigned "to the Geological problems in connection with the CCC program in the State of Texas." Maier declared that "this is the work which Dr. Maxwell should actually be performing considering that his salary is being met from camp funds." Yet the NPS wanted "to utilize Dr. Maxwell in an advisory capacity on most of the jobs that are planned for the Big Bend CCC camp because of his familiarity with 'every inch' of the area." The acting Region III director also saw value in keeping Maxwell in Big Bend to identify water supplies. "When [one] considers that the only body of water in the entire area is the Rio Grande," said Maier, "and since it is planned to locate the major tourist development and administrative buildings in the Chisos Mountains," he could find no better person to perform this valuable research than the person conducting Big Bend's first major geological survey. [45]

Park service officials relied upon Ross Maxwell for more than his expertise in matters of science. Because the geologist had spent so much time in the Chisos camp during its first phase, the NPS sought his advice on employee relations and hiring procedures, a key feature of success for such an isolated unit of the CCC. Reflecting his discontent with the operations of the original CCC camp, Maxwell wrote to regional officials in late September to voice his concerns over plans to house married couples and their families. "My personal opinion is — that all wives (CCC superintendent and technical staff and army officers)," wrote Maxwell, "should not be allowed to live in camp." He considered "brief visits OK, but not extended visits." In the earlier arrangement, said the CCC geologist, he had witnessed patterns of "unfriendly relationship that sooner or later [develops], that in time leads to lack of cooperation between the [superintendent], technical staff, and army officers." Such tensions were "very marked at times," reported Maxwell, as "the [superintendent's] wife attempted (so they say and to one whose wife did not live in the camp it appeared to be true) to dominate the domestic activities of the technicians['] wives which lead to an unwarm feeling between the supt. and tech. and between some of the technicians themselves." Maxwell cited an incident where "heated words [were] exchanged between the supt. and C.O.'s [commanding officer's] wives which lead to a great deal of trouble or at least lack of cooperation between the supt. and the army." [46]

To emphasize his frustration with living conditions at the CCC camp, Maxwell told NPS inspector Diggs: "I know from personal experience that the technical men are not very well satisfied to live in the Chisos and have their families in Alpine or Marathon." He speculated that "they would probably not have to stay in camp for weekend duty oftener than once every [two] months." As for his own family situation, Maxwell recalled that "there were several periods when I didn't see my family for a month at a time," and "there were several of the other men who had similar experiences." Then the geologist cut to the heart of the dilemma facing the NPS at Big Bend for the duration of its existence. "Living in none too comfortable quarters and seeing no one except your fellow workers," said Maxwell, "seemed in the past to breed discontent." He recalled "frequent arguments and there was not anyplace to go to find different associations;" a circumstance that "did not help the work program." Maxwell thus recommended that "it may be advisable to allow the men who wish to live in Chisos to do so." As for "men with children, school age probably could not live there permanently, but might want to bring their families out there during the summer." Maxwell had "found it very convenient to have one of the cabins already there," as "I lived by myself, except about every two months the wife would come out for a week." This allowed the geologist to "keep out of the arguments at the Tech. Quarters, and games and other activities in which I was not interested." From this Maxwell learned that "I was on speaking terms with everyone in camp," and concluded that "an arrangement by which the personnel can bring their families as they desire may be the most satisfactory." [47]

His authoritative tone, and the dependence of the NPS upon his knowledge of science, led park planners to address Maxwell's cautions about social tensions within any new CCC camp in the Chisos Basin. John C. Diggs forwarded to Santa Fe Maxwell's comments, reminding Tolson and his advisors that "the situation at Big Bend is somewhat different from that of other camps which have settlements within a few miles of camp." Diggs saw "a distinct advantage in having a limited number of family size apartments which might be occupied during a part of the year by the supervisory personnel." Yet the NPS inspector disagreed with Maxwell on the severity of the problems at Big Bend, noting "that the situation . . . is different in degree only from the average camp in that the distance from settlements is greater." Diggs conceded that "we cannot help but give consideration also [to] the suggestions of Ross Maxwell that he has noted and feels that in the long run it will be very much better tha[t] the families of supervisory personnel do not become permanent camp residents." Instead, the inspector advised his superiors that "we would favor . . . the construction of three or four family apartments preferably temporary to be used in rotation by the families of supervisory personnel." This policy met the approval of the U.S. Army, whose officers would work with the NPS in any new camp in the Chisos. Lieutenant Colonel J. Frank Richmond, district CCC commander at Fort Bliss, informed Diggs that "we have anticipated solving this question by making a point of assigning bachelor personnel who would not require or need separate quarters for families." Richmond conceded that "this, of course, could not always be conveniently done with the Army, and I assume it is more difficult with the Technical Service." Yet the military had a different experience with isolated tours of duty, and Richmond suggested that "married officers with their families present in a place like Chisos Mountains, Big Bend National Park, would be on the job more and be more satisfied with their location than a married man separated from his family due to lack of quarters." In addition, "a married man under favorable circumstances," said the lieutenant colonel, "in a place like this, with his family present, would render better and more contented service than a bachelor who might be hankering to run off to the towns and bright lights." Richmond then remarked, almost as an afterthought, about the financial constraints facing the CCC when it reopened its Chisos camp. "I am for you in every way in this proposition," he told Diggs, "but I am wondering where the money is coming from." The army did not have monies for family quarters construction, "and frankly, I do not think they [the CCC] will allot such funds to the Army." [48]

Selection of those supervisory officials took a good deal of the NPS's time in the last weeks of 1939. J. Atwood Maulding, the park service's director of personnel, paid special attention to the individuals named for the various positions at Big Bend. He recommended to NPS director Cammerer that Curtis R. Byram, "presently assigned to the Cleburne State Park camp SP-53, be considered for transfer." From the CCC's unit at Balmorhea State Park, Maulding named Elmer Davenport to become Big Bend's new senior foreman (with engineering responsibilities), while James T. Carney, Junior, formerly with the Cleburne camp, would become second senior foreman. James T. Roberts of El Paso was tabbed for the position of landscape architect, while Lloyd Wade was one of Maulding's choices for the remaining three slots as senior foreman. Noting Wade's service as the caretaker of the abandoned CCC unit in the Chisos Basin, and his work in other Texas state parks, Maulding nonetheless expressed some concern that "his application . . . does not indicate that he has any technical engineering training or experience and it is not believed that he is qualified for such an assignment." Yet Maulding called for "special consideration" for the loyal employee, and suggested that "appropriate papers should be submitted as early as possible." When it came to the most prominent hire at the camp, Maulding advised the NPS director to move cautiously. "Mr. Everett E. Townsend has been mentioned in connection with possible placement as a mechanic or a member of the facilitating personnel of the camp," wrote the NPS personnel director. He had to report that, like Lloyd Wade, "there is no indication that he has had the experience usually required in filling positions of this type." Maulding reminded Cammerer that Townsend "previously was employed as a project manager at the Big Bend Area under the old FERA Land Program and later, because of his intimate knowledge of that Area and his work in connection with the acquisition activities, was employed as a senior foreman at $2000 per annum." One solution for the NPS would be to appoint Byram, "who is a well qualified engineer," and Davenport and Carney to provide Big Bend with "sufficient engineering services." Thus "in lieu of a third senior foreman (engineering) Mr. Townsend can be given special consideration." [49]

Maulding's careful monitoring of the supervisory team at Big Bend reflected from the intense interest of Texas public officials in their state's first national park, and by the NPS's need for political support from the Texas congressional delegation. Thus Everett Townsend received the "special consideration" that Maulding had suggested, but the "father of Big Bend National Park" had to decline the offer because of his wife's failing health. The level of political influence in the formation of the Big Bend camp surfaced when Townsend informed Representative Thomason of his decision, and the latter corresponded with Conrad Wirth to offer his sympathies. "I am very sorry," said the El Paso Democrat, "that his wife is ill, and sorry also that you will not have the benefit of his services." Thomason hoped that "we will always have his moral support," as Townsend "can help us a lot in that way." The west Texas congressman then inquired of Wirth: "I am interested in knowing whom, if anybody, you have in mind for the place you tendered him." Thomason recommended "Bob Robinson to have something but, of course, if he is not satisfactory in all respects, you can forget it." More problematic for Thomason was his charge that "I have . . . had some criticism because so many of the employees of this camp have come from outside my district." The congressman told Wirth: "I will very much appreciate it if you will try to find some competent person who lives in this section." He noted that the NPS was "importing a superintendent and two or three others which is satisfactory, because you say they are competent." Ignoring the fact that Byram, Carney and Davenport were Texans, and that J.T. Roberts hailed from Thomason's home town, the representative closed by reminding Wirth: "Of course, the most important thing is to do a good job." [50]

With surprisingly little fanfare, the Chisos CCC camp on January 1, 1940, greeted its new work crews. Designated "Texas NP-1," the camp had as its objectives "carrying out certain basic developments such as the building of roads and trails," of "making boundary, tract, topographic and reconnaissance surveys," conducting "hydraulic investigations and other research in reference to the location and production of satisfactory and adequate water supplies," and the "collecting [of] other information of a scientific and engineering nature which will aid the personnel of other professions in the planning of the area." Inspector John Diggs remarked that "the large area of the Project, . . . the great number of tracts of land including several hundred separate parcels distributed over territory of approximately 50 miles in extent in both directions, the rugged terrain and the inaccessibility of large sections except by animal and pack trains and the varied nature and extensiveness of the surveys to be undertaken" made it "highly advisable that at least three qualified Engineers and a landscape architect be made available." Diggs' analysis of the tasks awaiting the CCC camp echoed the voices of veterans of park planning for Big Bend like Herbert Maier, who in late November of 1939 had noted that "one of the first jobs to be undertaken when the camp is established and one that will continue for quite sometime will be that of surveying." Maier wanted "the entire boundary of the park area . . . surveyed and mapped as soon as possible so that the State will know exactly what property to purchase." He also warned that "quite possibly, on account of the property lines and the poverty of some of the owners, in many cases, it will be necessary for most of the property surveys to be carried out by others than the owners, especially in the case of small tracts where it would be a highly costly thing for the owner to bring in a surveyor." The acting regional director also wanted the CCC crews to "have the State property and private property surveyed in the Chisos where work will be carried on, at an early date." This would place the state "in a better position to make its earlier purchases of land that should be acquired for carrying on the work of the CCC." [51]

The most pressing issue awaiting the park service with the opening of the Chisos camp was not road construction, facility design, or employment. Rather it was a letter to NPS director Cammerer from Albert Thomas, a congressman from Houston, inquiring about reports that "many persons have secured free accommodations at the CCC camp . . . while other tourists were required to pay the regular fee." Conrad Wirth, the Washington official with the most intimate knowledge of the situation at Big Bend, informed Thomas on December 14, 1939, that "we are not aware that accommodations at this camp have been made available to anyone with the possible exception of field representatives of this Service engaged in survey or research work on the area." He also noted that "regulations, of course, preclude extending accommodations to tourists or others under any circumstances." Wirth then asked Herbert Maier to investigate the accusation more closely from the regional office. Maier sent John Diggs to the Chisos Basin to discuss the matter with Lloyd Wade, offering as advice the caveat that "at the time that the camp was withdrawn, it was generally understood that abandonment would be temporary and that a company would be returned to the area as soon as some definite legislation could be enacted by the State." For this reason, said Maier, "the Army was willing to leave in place many of the facilities which otherwise would have been removed or salvaged, among which were a number of cots, mattresses, etc." This would permit "official parties, legislators, prominent travelers, in addition to periodic visits by representatives of the State and of this Service [to] be accommodated when the occasion arose." [52]

When Diggs went to interview caretaker Wade, Maier asked the NPS inspector to remember that Wade "was selected largely because of his knowledge of the country and because he cooks well." Wade and Maier had an understanding that he "would provide meals and accommodations for individuals as referred to above." The acting Region III director, however, did not expect that Wade "would do so without cost to ordinary travelers." In addition, said Maier, "while no specific understanding was entered into with the State at the time Mr. Wade took the assignment, it was assumed that, in view of the fact that there are very few travelers in that part of the country, and because it is necessary for Mr. Wade to lay in a store of supplies, etc., he would probable make a few dollars now and then for this extra work." Maier could not say "as to whether Wade had any agreement with the State, considering that this area still falls under the category of a State park." Neither could the Santa Fe official know "whether he complimented some of the travelers and charged others." Maier could envision scenarios where "the impression was given out that individuals were complimented when really their accommodations were paid for by the State or by a chamber of commerce." Maier himself could recall "being a member of Governor-elect [W. Lee] O'Daniel's party at the camp a year ago at which time we were fed a sumptuous steak dinner." Yet the NPS official could not recall "who was the host," theorizing to Diggs that "it may have been the State or it may have been the Alpine Chamber of Commerce." Whatever the circumstances, Maier asked Diggs to "keep the matter more or less confidential and that you go over the arrangement under which Mr. Wade has operated with him the next time you are down there." [53]

Amidst his duties as inspector of Texas CCC units, Diggs traveled in early January to the Chisos Basin and the Alpine area to interview interested parties about the accommodations controversy. By January 30, 1940, he could report to Maier that local sponsors had arranged with Lloyd Wade "to provide meals and overnight lodgings in a portion of the camp buildings at a nominal cost of 50 [cents] per night during the summer season." In the winter, Wade would charge one dollar per night "when it was necessary to provide firewood for the warming of the buildings in which guests were lodged, and meals at 50 [cents] each." Diggs learned that "all charges were made on this basis with the exception of one occasion when the Chambers of Commerce of Alpine and Pecos entertained the Editorial Association." Then "a charge of 40 [cents] per meal was made and two nights of lodging were provided for a charge of 50 [cents]." Wade had agreed to these rates "in order that he might assist the Chambers of Commerce in providing additional publicity of the Project." The NPS inspector learned also that "on a limited number of other occasions Mr. Wade did not make a charge against Army personnel, personnel of this Service and personal friends who visited the Camp in a business or social capacity." Diggs concluded that "at no time were the charges for service excessive and that on those occasions when the charges were less than indicated above the reductions were the personal contribution of Mr. Wade." With the New Year's Day reopening of the camp, said Diggs, "services hereafter will be available through the Camp Commander and the charges will be those established under CCC regulations." [54]

The accommodations controversy had several consequences for the NPS and its partners in the creation of Big Bend National Park. The NPS's Region III contended that any deviation from the original instructions to Lloyd Wade had occurred at the behest of the Texas State Parks Board. For local promoters of the park, however, their concerns were less with the legalities of usage than the paucity of facilities for visitors. To that end, Benjamin Berkeley wrote on February 13 to Representative Thomason with word that "the Bowen Bus Company out of Fort Worth will operate a regular tourist schedule weekly between Fort Worth and the Big Bend National Park." The manager of the Brewster County chamber of commerce did not need to remind Thomason that "if these excursions are to prove a success, of necessity it will be required to obtain lodging and meals at the [CCC] camp in the Chisos Mountains." Berkeley lamented that "since the policy of the new set-up there is not yet definitely determined," the chamber would "greatly appreciate your calling on the new head of the National Park Service [Newton Drury] and securing from him the authority for, I will say, anywhere from 35 to 40 beds and meal accommodations for the traveling public." Should these not be available when the Bowen buses pulled into the Chisos Basin, said Berkeley, "you can readily see how the park movement will be crippled." Berkeley offered a gloomy forecast for the near future in the Chisos basin: "As I view the picture, it would well nigh be impossible to develop adequate facilities for 35 or 40 people anywhere near the scenic section of the park." Thus he warned that "for this and other cogent reasons it is absolutely indispensable that we secure the permission and cooperation of the National Park Service in obtaining these facilities at a minimum cost at the [CCC] Camp barracks." [55]

Reopening the Big Bend CCC program compelled the park service to revisit all of the old questions about planning and cost that had hindered the first phase of facility construction. NPS director Arno Cammerer noted in a letter to Representative Thomason that Berkeley's criticisms were not unknown to his agency. "Mr. Berkeley's statement brings up the whole problem of the establishment of this projected national park," said Cammerer, "because, so far as the National Park Service is concerned, there will be no authority to develop suitable public accommodations within the area until the park is established." The director doubted "that the Civilian Conservation Corps camp located in the area could be thrown open to the public for meals and lodging." The park service would "not object to such an arrangement as a temporary expedient," said its director, "if the Civilian Conservation Corps authorities, the Army, and the Texas State Parks Board were agreeable." For Cammerer, "the solution of the problem Mr. Berkeley presents, together with the many other problems involved in this project, is acquisition of the necessary land and establishment of the proposed national park." Until then, said the NPS director, "it is impossible to apply the full weight of our planning talent in the area, for the purpose of working out detailed layouts and estimates of public accommodations on a scale commensurate with the national interest in the area." Cammerer offered to Thomason the hope that "all understand that, in the meantime, we are forced to stand by, treating public demands for accommodations as added justification for the project." [56]

Cammerer's remarks revealed the park service's dilemma at Big Bend: the need to develop a transportation and administrative infrastructure while local sponsors chafed at delays in constructing visitor facilities. Given the imperatives of political pressure and the high cost of operations in the Chisos Basin, the NPS undertook a master plan in early 1940 that would align the mandates of the CCC (to find work for the unemployed) with the policies of the park service and the demands of local interests. The NPS first conducted an inventory of tasks completed in the first phase of CCC activity (1934-1937), identifying such features as seven miles of truck trails, six miles of horse trails, one latrine, 2,000 feet of pipe line, ten acres of landscaping, and a parking area. Conrad Wirth, now the "Supervisor of Recreation and Land Planning" at the Washington headquarters, suggested to Tolson that "it is logical that at least preliminary general development planning must have gone forward in order to properly guide the above kinds of development." Wirth's office was "not aware of developments now under consideration," and wished "to point out . . . the necessity of putting master planning into such shape as will assist in formulating a logical work program well in advance of construction." As Big Bend "is a proposed future National Park," he advised Tolson that "the authority of the Inspector for plan and job approvals is hereby withdrawn." Instead, "CCC jobs may be approved only by the Regional Director or his authorized representative in the regional office." Ongoing "jobs and plans," said Wirth, "may continue to be prepared and submitted through the [CCC's] Central Design Office, Park Authority, and Inspector, but control of the development should be maintained in the regional office which has familiarity with the area and Service standards and objectives." In particular, Wirth highlighted the "Service memorandum of February 19 which denoted that a serious condition existed at Texas NP-1 because of lack of approved jobs for the working forces." [57]

To initiate the master planning process for the NPS, Harvey H. Cornell, the regional landscape architect in Santa Fe, led a group of park specialists in late February through the Big Bend area. Inspector John Diggs, geologist Ross Maxwell, architect Jerome Miller, and Cornell noted that "the CCC camp has been reoccupied, the current work program relating primarily to improvement of existing roads, construction of new bridle and foot trails, boundary and topographic surveys, and investigation of sources of water supply." Reflecting concerns expressed by Wirth and other NPS officials, "it was agreed that, although the area is still classified as a State Park, the Master Plan be prepared by the Plans and Design Division, Region Three, rather than by the Central Design office in Austin." The preeminent issue facing the future park, said Cornell, was access. "It was apparent," said the architect to Thomas Vint, "that the Texas Highway Commission had definitely accepted the location leading south from Marathon as the main approach road to the park." Cornell admitted that "this road was being exceptionally well maintained and a large amount of permanent work in the way of improvements has been recently accomplished." He believed that "the pressure for an additional approach road leading south from Alpine was less apparent," and that it "had not been favorably considered by the Highway Commission as the location closely paralleled the Marathon Road and included many miles of new alignment." Cornell then predicted that "it will be impossible to hold to one entrance alone." The inspection team concurred in the belief that "in the very near future a new highway will be constructed leading northeast from Terlingua;" a route that would "be a part of the general plan requiring that a major road closely parallel the Rio Grande River for military protection." To Cornell, Maxwell, et al., "it is quite obvious . . . that there will be need for an entrance into the Park in the vicinity of Terlingua, with traffic coming from Alpine, Marfa, and other points northwest of the park." "This arrangement," Cornell hoped, "should satisfy the residents of Alpine in relation to their request for a direct approach to the park." He then added that "from the standpoint of traffic requirements, an additional entrance along the east border of the park is unnecessary and perhaps impractical because of natural barriers." Referring to the "proposed park in Mexico," Cornell and the inspection team concluded that "it appears that the one important entrance will be located at Boquillas." [58]

Once the inspectors had addressed the issue of access to the park site, they turned to the network of roads within the future Big Bend National Park. "The main park roads," Cornell wrote to Vint, "will include connections between the north entrance at Cimarron Canyon and the Basin, a connection leading east to Boquillas, and a connection between the Basin and the possible west entrance near Terlingua." He anticipated that "secondary roads may include a connection to Santa Elena Canyon and a road leading from Boquillas to Mariscal Canyon." As for a "circulatory road on the American side of the Rio Grande," Cornell saw this as "questionable," even though "a circulatory road on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande may be necessary in the ultimate development." [59]

When the inspection team shifted its attention to facility planning, they saw the relationship between well-designed roads and the distinctive features of the Big Bend master plan. "The suggestion that the main lodge development be located in the Basin," said Cornell, "was definitely concurred in." He could report to Vint that "the main park road leading to this location is virtually completed." Further, "the series of Juniper flats above the originally proposed lodge site afford an excellent area for the construction of cabins." As an added bonus, "the view from these flats through the Window is most dramatic," said the NPS landscape architect, while "preliminary investigation would indicate that a series of wells in this location would provide an adequate water supply." The inspectors disagreed, however, with the CCC's idea that the main campgrounds should be located in the basin. "A most suitable location," wrote Cornell, "is in Pine Canyon, referred to locally as Ward Canyon." Ross Maxwell had suggested that "it was quite possible to obtain a suitable water supply in this locality," and the master plan could include cabins interspersed with the campsites. At present the Pine Canyon area could be reached "from the Boquillas road," but "a much shorter alignment is possible as a direct connection between Pine Canyon and the main Park road just north of the Basin." The final concern of the inspectors in facility design was the siting of administrative quarters for NPS personnel. "Eventually this phase of the development might include quite a large number of buildings," said Cornell, "including residences for Park employees." The inspection team found that "the various sites previously under consideration appear to be exposed to views from the main park road." Thus the landscape architect reported that "a site north of the Basin and on the east side of the main park road was tentatively selected as it met space requirements and was quite thoroughly screened from the main park road." [60]

When Cornell and his associates looked at specific features such as the South Rim, the longhorn cattle ranch, and the international park, they saw much potential for the master planners to consider. "It is believed," said Cornell, "that views from the South Rim afford by far the most dramatic interest in the park area as a whole." He feared that "to deny the public access to this particular area could not be too easily justified." Yet "the problem of accessibility is an acute one," the landscape architect warned, "and further study will be necessary to determine the feasibility of approach by means of a park road leading from the Basin to the South Rim." Beyond this logistical hurdle, the NPS realized that "a bridle trail would permit only a small number of park visitors the opportunity to visit this side of the park," and "those who were denied the [privilege] would undoubtedly register a protest." Cornell then speculated that "if a road is impractical it may be possible to construct a tramway from the Basin to the Laguna area and from there continue with a road to the South Rim." Should park planners adopt this suggestion, "a minor development affording overnight facilities adjacent to the South Rim may be necessary." [61]

Referring to the idea of a working cattle operation at Big Bend, Cornell and his colleagues theorized that "a large number of park visitors will be interested in the usual ranch activities common to West Texas." The inspectors acknowledged suggestions that "in some favorable location a typical Ranch be considered as part of the development." Cornell reminded Vint that "this proposal has been discussed in a number of previous reports and should be given thorough consideration." He also reported that "if a Ranch is established in this area we doubt if local private interests would criticize the competitive nature of the development as the nearest 'Dude' Ranch would be many miles distant." The inspectors did recognize that "possible interference with Wildlife requirements would be an important factor in the establishment of a grazing range." [62]

The last item that the inspection team addressed was the "National Park in Mexico." Enthusiasm for the companion park south of the Rio Grande from Big Bend had cooled since the heady days of 1935-1936, and Cornell reported that "very little study was made of the possible park development in the adjoining area in Mexico." Yet the potential of such a venture gripped the imagination of the inspection team in the same manner as it had all others who had contemplated this gesture of goodwill between two nations often at odds with one another. ""It was apparent," wrote the landscape architect, "that the most interesting portion of the proposed park is in the vicinity of the Sierra del Carmen and Fronteriza Mountain ranges, southeast of Boquillas, Mexico." They offered no thoughts on the extent to which NPS master planners should study the international park; a circumstance that reflected the loss of momentum suffered by the concept in the turbulent days of the late 1930s. [63]

To advocates of Texas's first national park, their efforts to generate private funds for land acquisition could not wait for the deliberations of the NPS master planning process. By March, the Texas Big Bend Park Association (TBBPA) had fielded a number of inquiries about the status of the project. Harry Connelly, executive secretary of the Fort Worth-based organization, asked Hillory Tolson to provide him with answers to these questions. Among the items of interest to potential park visitors, said Connelly, were the availability of water to meet the requirements of tourists and campers, the "possibilities of dam[m]ing the Rio Grande to provide an artificial lake for recreational purposes," the NPS's plans for tourist housing and camping accommodations, the park's roads and trails, the "estimated annual expenditure of Federal funds for development and maintenance purposes," and the extent to which plans for development of the area had been made. [64]

Maintenance of a good rapport with the Amon Carter-led fundraising campaign prompted regional officials to draft an immediate response to Connally's inquiries. Jerome Miller advised Milton McColm to tell the TBBPA that "water is now available in the basin area, sufficient to supply the CCC camp needs." The camp drew its water from three wells that Miller believed "would probably be sufficient for public use in the future." He noted that the crews had begun drilling for "an additional deep well farther to the south in the basin area and nearer to the proposed lodge development." Miller expressed the hope that "water will be found at this new location sufficient to supply all future needs for the basin development," with "other wells . . . drilled in the more isolated developed areas as future needs dictate." The landscape architect was less knowledgeable of Connelly's query about "damming the Rio Grande to provide an artificial lake for recreational purposes." Miller had heard that "the Bureau of Reclamation is considering several site locations for such a dam." He informed McColm that "no definite commitments have been made concerning the construction of such a dam." As for visitor facilities, Miller reported that "tourist housing and camping accommodations are being considered on a large scale in the basin area of the Chisos Mountains." In addition, "several smaller overnight units are also contemplated in several of the more isolated canyons of the Chisos Mountains." For visitor access, Miller noted that "the park entrance road now extends into the basin as far as the proposed lodge site." The CCC had under construction "foot and bridle trails . . . from this point [that] will eventually extend as far south as the south rim." Any other road development under discussion "will be minor in character," the architect stated, "and, to a great extent, follow existing county roads within the area." At that, "this minor road development will not be undertaken for some time." [65]

McColm concurred in the judgments of his landscape architect, and replied to Connelly that the NPS appreciated the anxiety facing the fundraisers as they solicited support for a park that had yet to open. The Chisos CCC camp had over 200 employees engaged in all manner of facility development, while park service personnel collected information for the master plan of development. McColm strengthened Miller's argument against a recreational reservoir within the boundaries of the future park, noting to Connelly that "a project of this kind would not conform to the Service's policies as development in national parks." The acting regional director conceded that "it is not possible at this time to give you any information concerning the estimated annual expenditure of Federal funds for development and maintenance purposes." Such numbers, said McColm, "cannot be determined until the development by the CCC has progressed sufficiently to determine the needs of both further development and maintenance funds, which funds will then be requested from the Congress;" a feature that "cannot be requested until the national status of the area has become a reality." Connelly's query about planning for visitor accommodations would be resolved once the NPS had drafted its master plan, and McColm reminded the TBBPA secretary that "the job of planning the development of the Big Bend for a national park is no small task and will require considerable comprehensive study before the ultimate can be reached." [66]

Private fundraisers were not the only parties curious in the spring of 1940 about facility planning at Big Bend. The army's Colonel Richmond had approached regional officials about the use of two of the cabins located in the Chisos basin for military personnel stationed at the camp. Regional director Tolson asked John Diggs to determine the merits of this request, but the NPS inspector discovered obstacles in the way. "It appears probable," wrote Diggs, "that it was not made clear by Inspector Higgins that the buildings in question are not CCC nor National Park Service property." Instead the cabins "were built by individuals of this Service on State land, and have been considered as State property with some degree of claim vested in individuals of this Service." The CCC camp had provided electricity and water to the cabins. This situation had arisen when the CCC abandoned the Chisos unit, and the cabin constructed by former superintendent Robert Morgan had been sold to Lloyd Wade. Senior foreman Elmer Davenport had built another, while former employees of the NPS had constructed two more cabins. The new executive secretary of the state parks board, Frank D. Quinn, granted Tolson authority to resolve the matter of military housing at the Chisos camp. Diggs suggested that "harmony among Park Service and Army employees would be best maintained by letting personnel of each Service use the buildings for short periods, two or three weeks, as time permitted, during the summer months." This was preferable to one suggestion that the NPS divide the four cabins on site in half between the army and park service, in that "our Service has eight employees and the Army only four (Commanding Officer, Second in command, Medical Officer and Educational Advisor)." McColm agreed with Diggs' assessment of the housing situation, modifying it only slightly to offer one cabin to Army personnel "for occupancy as they desire." [67]

Resolution of the army's lodging needs was the least of the park service's concerns that spring as the master plan and facility development proceeded. By April the demands of a 200-plus CCC crew on the water supply of the Chisos basin had become acute. H.E. Rothrock, acting chief of the NPS's naturalist division in Washington, advised regional officials to monitor withdrawals from the basin. "The reserves are definitely limited," Rothrock contended, "and the use of the area should be planned with this limitation in mind." His own research in the mid-1930s had revealed that "water in the Basin is stored in the alluvial material contained therein." Water collected from the "rains and snows which fall within the 9-square-mile area of the Basin," and was "discharged by surface run-off, subsurface seepage, transpiration, evaporation, and by public use." During Rothrock's most recent visit to the basin, he learned that "the water level had been lowered appreciably in the wells, due to the generous use of these supplies by the CCC camp." It was obvious that the camp drew down water more rapidly than its recharge rate. The result for Rothrock would be "a serious shortage in this locality." Compounding the problem for the park service was a lack of knowledge of the volume of water beneath the basin. One could attempt to estimate the quantity, but "so many unknown factors exist that this approach to the problem is not practicable until more geologic data are available." Rothrock did offer an alternative: "A measure of the reserves . . . may be obtained from a study of the effect of the withdrawals from the wells." While the CCC did not draw water from the breadth of the basin, its wells "may be taken as representative of a large section thereof, and . . . the Service should take immediate steps to obtain specific data from them." [68]

Yet another issue at Big Bend attracting the attention of NPS officials in Washington that spring was the recommendation of Harvey Cornell for road construction within the future park. Conrad Wirth reviewed Cornell's report, and reminded him that "when we were first considering the study of the Big Bend we went over this ground quite thoroughly." Wirth noted that "it is the general belief that the section of the river area between Santa Helena Canyon and Boquillas should be left undisturbed and that the buildings and development there now should be eliminated to assure a proper range for the antelope." Demonstrating the NPS's preference for a pristine natural environment at the expense of cultural resources preservation, Wirth recounted for the regional office the fact that "apparently at one time there was considerable antelope in the section immediately west, east and north of the Mariscal Mountains." He also indicated that "perhaps some time a road would be necessary down into Mexico and that by bringing the road down by Marathon and Alpine it could spread from [the] north to the east and west of the Chisos Mountains, one going to Boquillas and the other to Santa Helena Canyon." Should this transportation network be implemented, said the NPS supervisor for land planning, "the road could cross into Mexico somewhere near Boquillas and go down to the Mt. Carmel Range [the Sierra del Carmen], circulating the Mexico Park and coming back to the Rio Grande River, crossing it somewhere in the vicinity of Smoky Creek or Castillian [Castolon]." Wirth found this scenario appealing, "and even if the road is not built into Mexico, it would not necessarily have to go along the Rio Grande on the American side." He suggested that if Cornell would "spot Boquillas and the mouth of Santa Helena Canyon on the map, you will notice it is just about as short going around to the north of the Chisos Mountains as it is to go around the south of the Mountains." Wirth offered this idea in part because "there is not sufficient supporting data to give real serious consideration to a road along the Rio Grande." The NPS planning chief emphatically added: "I certainly do not give a great deal of weight to the necessity for a military road along the River." [69]

Wirth then turned to Cornell's recommendation for a route from Green Gulch to the South Rim, reminding the landscape architect that "that country is extremely rugged." The NPS could design "two ways to get a road to the South Rim," Wirth conceded, "through a terrific cut and switchbacks scarring the mountain side severely," or "as I visualize it, by some tunneling which would be expensive, yet would perhaps scar the mountain less." When one approached the South Rim, one found that "the area is considerably limited and a steep grade approaches the rim itself." In addition, "a good part of the area would have to be regraded and worked over for parking purposes." If Cornell "wanted a road that would give you a view to the south," said Wirth, "it would seem to me that the proper solution would be to turn to the southeast, passing between Lost Mine Peak and Emory Peak, skirting the side hill to whatever elevation is necessary to look across Juniper Canyon to the southeast." From there the highway engineers could design a road to "slide out into the flat land down near Rocky Spring." Wirth realized that "this would be purely a mountain drive with no development, but it certainly would give a grand and glorious view to the south." [70]

Traffic into the basin concerned other NPS planners as the park service concluded its deliberations on road building strategies. Walter McDougall, regional biologist, informed his director that "the circle at the end of the road that extends to the proposed lodge site in the Basin is very evidently being used as a campground by the visiting public." McDougall had been told that "there is probably an average of two or three cars per day throughout the year that bring camping parties to this place." Their carelessness and the lack of formal facilities left the grounds "exceedingly dirty and unsightly." The biologist found campsites "littered with beer cans and other tin cans," while "the campers have cut down a number of trees for firewood and have destroyed other vegetation." He recommended to the regional director that "a job be set up to clean up this place and that a temporary campground, with refuse containers and possibly fireplaces, be constructed, either at this same place or elsewhere." These facilities could be installed "pending the establishment of a national park, or at least pending the construction of several overnight cabins which, I understand, are being contemplated." Once these structures were in place, wrote McDougall, "it is suggested that the CCC Project Superintendent be delegated to supervise camping in this area." The park service's "Regional Forester" also could "make recommendations concerning firewood for the use of campers," as McDougall doubted that "there is much wood in the area that can be used without detriment to the forests and to wildlife." Despite these obstacles, said the NPS biologist, "something should be done to prevent the cutting of valuable trees for firewood." [71]

As park officials debated measures to control access to the fledgling CCC camp, local park advocates accelerated their pleas for visitor accommodations with the onset of the summer touring season. Benjamin Berkeley wrote to the Santa Fe regional office on May 8 to expedite the work order of the CCC superintendent for the construction of six cabins in the Chisos basin. "I wish that you might see our files of requests from various organizations, individuals and groups," said the Alpine chamber of commerce director, "that are making inquiry almost daily concerning lodging and meal facilities at the Park." Berkeley claimed that "nothing would be of greater value in selling Texas on this worthy enterprise more than the public having knowledge of the fact that they could visit the area with access to these accommodations." [72]

Berkeley's plea for NPS work on lodging resulted from a visit paid to the Big Bend area two weeks earlier by J.E. Kell of the landscape architecture division. Kell and several other park service specialists had come to the basin "in search of a site for the six cabins to be constructed by surplus CCC funds." They learned that "most of the high juniper flats were on land not now owned by the state and were also too difficult of access by road." The architects then identified "a lower juniper flat [that] . . . was on park land and on the first ridge south of the main lodge development site." This section of the basin was "easily accessible and could be controlled from the lodge eventually." Kell could find "no other areas outside the Basin . . . since other suitable cabin sites are not available on land now owned by the state." The architect informed his superiors that "topography will be prepared immediately by the camp personnel," while "a preliminary layout and working drawings for the cabins will be prepared in the Regional Office." To meet the need for building materials, said Kell, "it was suggested that the making of adobes be started as soon as possible." Then the architectural review team analyzed potential sites for trails, recommending that "the trail from the lodge site to Lost Mine Peak be undertaken first." In addition, NPS planners should rethink their strategies for "planting now underway on the roadslopes." Kell observed that "native material was being obtained within the Basin area and adjoining hillsides." He suggested that "no plant material should be collected in the Basin or Green Gulch or any other of the canyons which might eventually be included in the park development." Kell also disliked the use of "additional guard rock . . . added to the road shoulder on the steep fills along the road into the Basin." CCC crews had set the rocks on end, presenting what Kell called "an undesirable appearance." Instead the landscape architect wanted "all guard rock [to] . . . be large, placed on their natural bed, and well anchored in the ground." [73]

With Kell's report and Berkeley's inquiry in hand, NPS regional director Milton McColm discussed the visitor accommodation strategies at his disposal. The NPS had $5,000 with which to design and build the cabins, but soon realized the "need of a building for a concessioner to operate the cabins and supply the necessary commodities to visitors to the Big Bend." McColm requested of park service headquarters that "an additional amount of $2500 be allotted for the construction of a permanent concession building, consisting of a sales room and living quarters." McColm wanted the structure "located on the site selected . . . within the lodge and cabin area as shown on the present master plan." Should the Washington office not have the funds, said McColm, "it is requested that an allotment of $1,000 be provided for a temporary structure of similar accommodations to be located not far from the CCC camp, along the entrance road to the cabin area." Then if the thousand dollars were not forthcoming, the regional director thought that "it would be possible to erect a temporary store building in this latter location for an amount of approximately $500, and permit the concessioner to occupy one of the cabins being constructed from the present $5,000 special allotment." McColm warned that "it would be difficult to obtain a concessioner to operate only the six cabins." Thus the park service should "give more inducement to a possible concessioner" by allowing "the erection of tent accommodations by the concessioner in the area between the CCC camp and the approach road to the cabin and lodge site." This arrangement, McColm admitted, "would, of course, be of a very temporary nature and a permit agreement would be drawn up on a year-to-year basis only." [74]

Because of the complex partnership between the NPS and the state parks board, the former (which oversaw master planning for the future national park) had to defer to the judgment of the latter on the matter of concessions operations. John R. White, who served briefly in 1940 as regional director of the NPS, wrote to Frank D. Quinn on May 11 to convey his office's thoughts on the growing controversy surrounding accommodations. "It seems clear that the construction of this unit must depend upon the operation," said White, "that is, it is futile [for] the National Park Service to construct these buildings within the state park area unless there will be means of operating them when the job is done." White's staff called for initiation of the concession facilities at once, so that "this work will be completed early this fall." The NPS needed the parks board to "make the necessary arrangements for some concessionaire to operate this first unit of accommodations in the present Big Bend State Park." White promised Quinn that "so far as the maintenance of these buildings are concerned, as long as a CCC camp is present in the Big Bend area, we shall, of course, expect to perform any necessary maintenance." [75]

With visitor access now a priority for the park service, despite the interim nature of work on infrastructure and facilities by the CCC crews, the agency decided in June to expand the operations of the museum in the Chisos Basin, and to hire an education specialist "for the purpose of training and maintaining of enrollee attend[a]nts." The job description prepared by camp superintendent Kirk Scott offered as a rationale the fact that "the Museum contains many geological specimens collected from the Park Area (proposed)." Among these Scott cited "vertebrates, the most abundant of which are dinosaur bones, many species of invertebrates, lithological specimens of both igneous and sedimentary rock, and some minerals." Scott's application noted that "since it is one of the few features in the proposed park that is accessible by improved road practically every visitor to the Area goes through the Museum." Given the volume of visitation, Scott saw "a need for intelligent enrollee attend[a]nts who have some knowledge of . . . the specimens on display, where they were found in the park and some brief history of their origin and age." The superintendent also wanted presentations on "the Park Area as a whole including the features of interest and something of the proposed plan of development." "Such information intelligently given," said Scott, "would be to the advantage of the Service, in that it would give the average visitor a better knowledge and idea of what we are trying to accomplish." He anticipated the training process to "consist of giving special instructions by qualified technical service personnel to at least 3 intelligent enrollees who have pleasing personalities and who are neat and clean in appearance." The trainees also would avail themselves of the catalogue written by Ross Maxwell, which contained "common names, scientific names, Geologic information, location, collector and date of collecting." [76]

As superintendent Scott worked to strengthen museum services at Big Bend, he also faced the problem of CCC foremen utilizing the structure for their living quarters. Inspector Diggs found while visiting the Chisos unit in June that "the quarters provided in the technical service quarters building were inadequate to house all supervisory personnel." Diggs believed that Scott and the army commander did not realize that "the temporary museum . . . was not actually a part of the camp, since it is provided electric lights, water and fire protection service by the camp utilities." CCC supervisors lodged at the museum "were certified for deduction by the Project Superintendent and the Camp Commander," Diggs told the regional director, "without regard to the fact that they were not quartered in the technical service quarters." The army then agreed to reconfigure its quarters to permit more personnel to reside there, at which time the NPS would propose "to submit a job for thoroughly cleaning the museum, and following such cleaning and disinfecting it will be available for the temporary stay of Regional Office technicians who may wish to visit the area." Otherwise, the park service would have to "vacate the museum building by housing the personnel in tents borrowed from the Army at Fort Bliss." [77]

Summer construction work allowed the NPS more opportunity to develop visitor facilities, even as the master plan remained on the drawing board. Jerome Miller returned to Big Bend on June 25 to examine progress on the "proposed cabin road" in the basin. He found that the layout of the six cabins followed closely the recommendations made earlier that spring, and suggested that "a small, temporary, portable structure should be built to house groceries and other supplies." CCC crews had dug a well to a depth of 85 feet, "with progress slow due to other jobs which the contractor has underway." Miller encouraged diligence on this matter "in order that water may be supplied to the cabins before the next tourist season." Then he studied the crews' efforts at building adobes. "Approximately 12,000 adobes are now made," reported Miller, "with good progress in evidence." The landscape architect judged the mud bricks to be "satisfactory." The CCC also took "stone samples . . . for foundations, chimneys and retaining walls." Miller urged that "no batter is to be applied to these masonry walls except where large natural boulders may be placed at the grade line." All that remained was for "accurate topography [to] be obtained on the store and horse concession site," which Miller wanted "submitted to the Regional Office showing trees and other natural features at 20 scale with one foot contour interval [including a parking site]." [78]

By August of 1940, the CCC had completed no fewer than 31 permanent and temporary structures in the Chisos Basin. This complex included six barracks for the crews, workshops, buildings for recreation and for education, the Big Bend museum, and a radio station operated by the army. That month the CCC also found new water at a depth of 383 feet "about 1,000 feet southeast of the proposed Lodge site," according to a report filed by Ross Maxwell. The geologist surmised that the layer of sandstone where the well struck water would hold additional quantities in other portions of the basin, and thus encouraged regional officials to drill for more. "On the other hand," cautioned Maxwell, "the rocks in the Basin have been highly deformed and, since about 90% of the surface is covered with alluvium, it is almost impossible to determine the details of the geology." Thus he cautioned that "to drill deeper might increase the amount of water," even as "the drill might penetrate a fault zone and allow the present supply to escape into a fissure." Given the volume of water needed for existing CCC operations, Maxwell recommended that "we should develop the present supply and not experiment at the present time." [79]

As the contours of Big Bend National Park emerged in the fall of 1940, the park service and state parks board prepared for visitors and the need for services to accommodate them. Minor R. Tillotson, named regional director in September, had met a Fort Worth woman named Mrs. W.F. Young who expressed an interest in the commercial opportunities of Texas's first national park. Mrs. Young had wanted to acquire "land or lease in the Big Bend National Park vicinity" so that she might "open a General Merchandise store of drugs, groceries[,] a bit of dry goods, souvenirs and anything for which there might be a sale." She also wished "to build a cabin or two and later add more as the tourist travel increases." Mrs. Young's curiosity about Big Bend had originated in a tour that she had taken to west Texas, especially her travels from Alpine to Terlingua to the Chisos CCC camp. "Terlingua is the only place," she told Frank Quinn, "where a goodly amount of supplies is kept, chiefly because of its being a little mining center." Young claimed that "there is more travel on the Marathon highway south and there are three small places with a mediocre amount of merchandise." She informed the state parks board secretary that "on the whole trip from Alpine to Marathon I passed or met approximately 100 cars and trucks, of which I kept a close check." Should Quinn grant her request, Young asked for a site "right at or very close to the forks of the road where one goes to Hot Springs, Boquillas and the other to the C.C.C. Headquarters and Terlingua." She estimated that "from 10 to 25 acres would be about all I would need," and hoped that Quinn could provide her with "information about [the] water supply." [80]

With the close of the summer visitor season, NPS officials faced less pressure from local park advocates for road construction and concessions development. While part of the reason was the decline of travelers, another was the anticipation of passage in the 1941 session of the Texas legislature of a bill to fund the purchase of land for Big Bend National Park. For these reasons the park service could address the challenges of design and construction without the intense scrutiny of the previous spring and summer. Yet the architects assigned to Big Bend found troubling one feature of their work: the use of adobes in the tourist cabins of the Chisos Basin. The first CCC program had used lumber to build frame dwellings and camp facilities, with an eye towards eventual replacement by more permanent structures. When the camp reopened in early 1940, the press for tourist cabins instead of maintenance buildings caught planners off-guard, resulting in September with the report of Lyle Bennett, associate architect for the Santa Fe region. Bennett and Kell surveyed the work site in the basin with camp superintendent Scott, and expressed concern about the foundation work at the cabins. "Stone work to date," said Bennett, "is very much out of character with the style of building designed." The NPS architect claimed that "the drawings were not carefully studied in regard to the type of masonry desired and the pattern used is both inconsistent with the material available and the character of the building." Bennett predicted that "the masonry on these buildings is of sufficient importance in establishing a precedent for future construction to warrant reconstruction of a large part of it." The work crews had at their disposal two types of native stone: "a white stone which is to be painted where exposed in walls but should not be exposed below approximate floor line;" and "a weathered stone which is to be used exclusively where floor line is above grade but should appear occasionally at grade above floor line, particularly as foundation stones for chimneys." [81]

Of more significance to Bennett was the difficulty encountered in the use of adobe for building construction. The regional office had embraced this distinctive style of architecture as its signature, from the new regional headquarters in Santa Fe to the visitor centers and administrative compounds of its parks and monuments that stretched from the deserts of Arizona and New Mexico to the mesas and canyons of southern Colorado. Tourists encountered the aesthetic charms of adobe when they visited places like Santa Fe and Albuquerque, and the Santa Fe Railway and the Southern Pacific Railway used southwestern themes and icons in their national advertising. For these reasons, the NPS in the 1930s preferred to use adobe wherever possible, and Bennett noted this in his review of the work of the CCC at Big Bend. "The average size of stone," said the NPS architect, "should grade from large in the lowest part of walls to small in the upper part of walls." When the crews placed the stones "on interior and porch walls, the average size . . . should approximate an adobe size." The workers also should exercise care that "these stones are laid horizontally and on their natural bed," so as to distribute their weight more evenly. [82]

Unfortunately for the CCC crews and park service planners, the soil in the Chisos Basin failed to meet the standards for building construction. "The adobes now on hand are of very poor quality," wrote Bennett, "and it is very doubtful whether these can be painted as originally intended." The architect observed that "the clay used expands when wet and cracks as it dries and may result in a very unstable wall although protected with plaster." Bennett conducted an "investigation of the soil between headquarters and the north entrance," only to conclude that these areas "showed similar surface characteristics." He encouraged the CCC to undertake a "further search for a good weathering adobe," and suggested that "tests [be] made on the present adobes before they are used in the cabins." "Until the quality of masonry and adobes has improved," said Bennett, he could not approve of continued work, despite the need to erect visitor accommodations before the onset of winter, and also the potential for reductions in force in the CCC itself. [83]

Bennett's review of facilities development at Big Bend reminded regional officials of the haste of planning under duress. Kirk Scott thanked Bennett for his thoroughness and detail, and noted that "the only regret is that we did not have something of this kind before construction was started." The camp superintendent and his crew "did not know that two types of stone were planned and were somewhat in the dark concerning the indications of the original drawings." Scott advised the NPS architect that the CCC workers realized the problem of adobe construction, as "we are conducting tests with different mixes using a larger portion of sand than in ones now on hand." The superintendent told Bennett that the bricks "when first made gave every evidence of being a good slick adobe for painting." Yet upon their "exposure to weather they do not seem to stand up." Scott doubted "very seriously our ability to find a material in the area that will meet requirements for painting." Instead, the crews hoped to "secure a sandy soil with gravelly particles for making adobe brick that will stand up if plastered." The superintendent lamented, however, that "this soil would have to be hauled about 30 miles from [the] vicinity of Terlingua or San Vicente." [84]

Stabilization of the adobes at Big Bend required analysis of mud and sand combinations at NPS laboratories in Washington. In the interim, Bennett suggested that Scott's work crews conduct their own field tests to determine whether they could prepare better adobes without the cost of transportation. "Fine sand should be added to the clay," wrote Bennett, "until stresses set up by shrinking are eliminated." He counseled that "the amount of water added to the clay is important and controls the extent of compaction and reabsorption of water after drying." In mixing varying degrees of water, Bennett hoped that "the sample showing the greatest weight per unit volume (dry) will represent maximum density which is necessary to reduce reabsorption of water and swelling after drying." The architect then dismissed the use of straw to stabilize the bricks, "as the straw presents a hazard to painting." Instead Bennett recommended "that it not be used in new adobes unless chopped into short lengths and used sparingly," and he preferred "to eliminate the straw entirely." One final suggestion was that "if, after experiments with sand and water, the cured adobes continue to swell and crack upon exposure to rain and drying, it may be necessary to add bitumels to the adobe." These particles "would prevent reabsorption of moisture after curing which is now causing the most damage." Even with this process, Bennett concluded, "it will be necessary to determine the proper sand and water content required to obtain a good solid adobe before bitumels are used." [85]

The experiments conducted by the CCC on adobe construction at Big Bend would have implications for future facility design at the park, as the park service contemplated using adobe in areas where local residents had not considered. By late November, the camp superintendent had informed regional officials of the data on field tests of adobe. CCC crews had formed bricks without straw that contained anywhere from no sand to three-quarters sand, then made adobes that were dry, medium wet, and wet. These 30 bricks underwent tests for cracks, density, tensile strength, and resistance to water sprays. Superintendent Scott reported that "the ones with the high clay content stood up better than the ones with a high sand content." Then the crews made 30 new bricks with straw, and concluded that "although there was some advantage indicated it was not enough to compensate for the disadvantage they would offer to painting." Once the CCC workers had completed all tests, they decided that "the adobes made with a 33 1/2% or 40% sand content, mixed comparatively dry, will be the most satisfactory provided the primer oil coat and the paint give adequate protection from the erosive effects of rain." Scott believed that he had a solution to the matter of adobe construction, and thus asked architect Bennett for advice on the addition of flagstone floors to the adobe cabins. Finally, the superintendent wondered "how masonry chimneys and adobe walls are to be tied together without the adobes settling and showing a crack." [86]

By year's end, the regional office had achieved consensus on the use of adobe in the Chisos Basin. Bennett had in hand the data from the CCC experiments and the Washington laboratory, and realized that "results of tests on adobes correspond to results observed on other jobs." He worried that "the data submitted did not indicate whether observations were made on swelling and checking after wetting and drying." The bricks sent to the regional office had been "subjected to wetting and drying without showing any indications of checking or swelling," while "the paint appeared to be very satisfactory and penetrated well into the adobe." Bennett thus concurred with the recommendations of Scott "that if the manufacture of the adobes is well controlled, the adobes should be satisfactory." He then cautioned the CCC superintendent about cyclical maintenance of the adobe buildings, especially the need for painting. "It will be necessary that the walls be completely dry and surfaces in good condition before painting," advised the NPS architect, with painting "done only in warm or hot weather and when the humidity is low." He suggested that Scott "note the fact that the barracks at Fort Davis were originally painted and although abandoned many years [since 1891] the paint coat on the adobes still remains in many places." Bennett was less sanguine about the potential for building stone fireplaces in the adobe cabins. "It is practically impossible to lay adobe against a stone wall without getting a crack during the time required for the mortar to shrink," wrote the architect, and he offered "several precautions . . . to keep shrinkage to a minimum;" each of them time-consuming, expensive, and requiring attention to detail not needed for stone or frame construction. [87]

Parallel with the private fundraising efforts to purchase land for Big Bend National Park, the designs and strategies of the CCC and the park service in the late 1930s kept alive the dream of Everett Townsend and other park sponsors that Texas would have a state-of-the-art facility along the Rio Grande. Despite the two-year hiatus in planning and construction for the Lone Star state's first national park, the quality of work and the beauty of the surroundings motivated park officials and private interests alike to pursue funds for Big Bend. A federal agency with national wage scales, job training, and employee housing was a novel concept in a land suffering from the dual traumas of drought and failed investment practices. A state that had had little interaction with the United States government other than the armed services and the post office developed a partnership with the NPS that taught both organizations how to collaborate on projects of lasting benefit to its citizenry. For its part, the park service gained more exposure to the complex world of Texas politics, heritage, and land-use patterns. Finally, the momentum sustained by the CCC and park sponsors would result after 1941 with the successful campaign to elicit financial support from the Texas legislature and the U.S. Congress, making Big Bend National Park a shining example of the goals set forth in 1933 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt to redefine the American Dream and put the nation back to work.

Figure 14: "Dallas Hut" Guest Room, Chisos Basin (c. 1950)

Endnotes

¹ Linda Flint McClelland, Building the National Parks: Historic Landscape Design and Construction (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 327, 390-92, 394, 398, 401-402.

² Morgan to Maier, January 23, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 94, Folder: 4^th Progress Report on Big Bend-Region III, DEN NARA.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Memorandum of Nason to the Regional Office, "Seventh Period Application for Big Bend SP-33, Texas," February 12, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 94, Folder: Big Bend DSP 1 and SP 33, DEN NARA.

⁵ Maier to Carnes, March 9, 1936; Carnes to Vint, March 17, 1936; Carnes to Maier, March 28, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 1, Folder: 000 General Big Bend, DEN NARA.

⁶ Townsend to Maier, March 20, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 1, Folder: 000 General Big Bend, DEN NARA.

⁷ Kittredge to Maier, April 9, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 94, Folder: General April 1, 1936-July 30, 1936, DEN NARA.

⁸ Maier to Roy Knabenshue, NPS Branch of Planning and State Cooperation, Washington, DC, March 9, 1936; Maier to Morgan, March 28, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 94, Folder: 4^th Progress Report on Big Bend-Region III; Morgan to Maier, April 10, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 600 CCC Lands, Buildings, Roads, Trails; Maier to Elmo Johnson, Marathon, TX, April 13, 1936; Maier to Erik Reed, Big Bend CCC Camp, Marathon, TX, June 16, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments, and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 94, Folder: General April 1, 1936-July 30, 1936, DEN NARA.

⁹ Morgan to Colonel R.O. Whiteaker, Chief Engineer, Texas Parks Board, Austin, Tx, May 16, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments, and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 94, Folder: General April 1, 1936-July 30, 1936, DEN NARA.

¹⁰ Ibid.; Morgan to "Mr. Haile," NPS, Austin, TX, July 16, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 95, Folder: Project 1004, DEN NARA.

¹¹ J.T. Roberts, NPS Regional Inspector, Austin, TX, to Maier, April 7, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 1, Folder: 000 General Big Bend, DEN NARA.

¹² Ibid.

¹³ Memorandum of Charles N. Gould, NPS Regional Geologist, to Maier, "Water Supply at Big Bend Camp SP-33-T," May 26, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 19, Folder: 660.05 (CCC) Water Supply Systems, DEN NARA.

¹⁴ Ibid.

¹⁵ Thomason to Maier, September 16, 1936; Maier to J.C. Roak, Liaison Officer, CCC Headquarters, 8^th Corps Area, Fort Sam Houston, TX, October 9, 1936, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: General Part 2, DEN NARA.

¹⁶ Editorial, "CCC and Big Bend Park," Dallas Dispatch, November 12, 1936.

¹⁷ Conrad L. Wirth, Parks, Politics, and the People (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980), 121.

¹⁸ Anonymous, "Highway Construction into the Chisos (Ghost) Mountains," April 20, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 630 Roads (General) [Folder 2] Big Bend, DEN NARA.

¹⁹ Ibid.

²⁰ Ibid.

²¹ Ibid.

²² Ibid.

²³ Ibid.

²⁴ Ibid.

²⁵ McColm to Roak, May 5, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps; "L.V.R." (L. Vernon Randau), Assistant-Projects, ECW Region Three, NPS, Oklahoma City, to E.A. Pesonen, Texas Procurement Office, c/o City Manager, Beaumont, TX, May 28, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 621 (CCC) Construction Project, DEN NARA.

²⁶ William J. Lawson, Executive Secretary, Texas State Parks Board, Austin, to Maier, June 12, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps, DEN NARA.

²⁷ Lawson to Maier, July 9, 1937; Wirth to Lawson, July 27, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601-30.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps, DEN NARA; "$323,680 Is Spent As CCC Work Nears End in Big Bend Park," The Houston Chronicle, July 25, 1937.

²⁸ Demaray to Morelock, July 28, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 1, Folder: 0-30 Big Bend International Park Part 2, DEN NARA.

²⁹ Dom Adams, President, Brewster County Chamber of Commerce, Alpine, TX, to Thomason, August 20, 1937; Pesonen to William F. Ayres, Inspector, NPS, Austin, TX, August 21, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps, DEN NARA.

³⁰ Lawson to the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Oklahoma City, August 27, 1937; (Conrad Wirth?), Assistant Director, NPS, to the Acting Regional Director, Region III, NPS, August 27, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/ Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601–3.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps; Maier to the NPS Director, November 2, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.58 (CCC) Quarters for Employees, DEN NARA.

³¹ Wirth to Thomason, November 10, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings, DEN NARA.

³² Maier to the NPS Director, n.d. (November 1937?), RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 62046 (CCC) Museums, DEN NARA.

³³ Telegram of Morelock to Maier, November 20, 1937; Maier to Morelock, November 22, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 22, Folder: 833 Exhibits, DEN NARA.

³⁴ Telegram of Dom Adams to Maier, November 19, 1937, RG79, NPS. SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps; Lawson to Ayres, November 23, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings (General), DEN NARA.

³⁵ Wirth to U.S. Senator Tom Connally, Washington, DC, November 24, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.2 (CCC) Abandoned Camps, DEN NARA.

³⁶ W.F. Ayres, "Inspection Report, Big Bend State Park 33, Dec. 9^th and 10^th, 1937," RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 204-01 CCC By Field Officers, DEN NARA.

³⁷ Lloyd Wade, Big Bend State Park, Marathon, TX, to Lawson, August 4, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 3, Folder: 201 Administration (General) Big Bend, DEN NARA.

³⁸ W.M. Tenney, Major, 77^th F.A., U.S. Army, Headquarters, Fort D. A. Russell, Marfa, TX, to Maier, October 28, 1937, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 10, Folder: 504.04 Maps [Folder 2]; Maier to Townsend, December 6, 1938, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 3, Folder: 201 Administration (General) Big Bend, DEN NARA.

³⁹ Memorandum of Ayres for the Acting Regional Director, Region III, NPS, May 12, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.1 (CCC) Applications for Camps (1 of 3), DEN NARA.

⁴⁰ Memorandum of Milton J. McColm, Acting Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, NM, for the (NPS) Director, May 24, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments, and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas, Box 97, Folder: 601-03.1 (CCC) Applications for Camps (1 of 3); Press Release, United States Department of the Interior, NPS, Region III, Santa Fe, June 30, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 8, Folder: 501.03 #2 Newspaper Articles (Folder 1), DEN NARA.

⁴¹ Benjamin F. Berkeley, Manager, Brewste r County Chamber of Commerce, Alpine, TX, to Lawson, July 12, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 17, Folder: 632 (CCC) Roads Outside of Parks, DEN NARA.

⁴² Hillory A. Tolson, Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, to Berkeley, July 25, 1939; Berkeley to Tolson, July 27, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 17, Folder: 632 (CCC) Roads Outside of Parks, DEN NARA.

⁴³ Tolson to Berkeley, August 8, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 17, Folder: 632 (CCC) Roads Outside of Parks, DEN NARA.

⁴⁴ Memorandum of C.P. Russell, Supervisor of Research and Information, NPS, Washington, DC, for the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, August 10, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 601-03 (CCC), Camp Sites, DEN NARA.

⁴⁵ Memorandum of Maier to the NPS Director, August 19, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 601-03 (CCC) Camp Sites, DEN NARA.

⁴⁶ Memorandum of Maxwell to "Mr. [John C.] Diggs," n.d. (September 1939), RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.58 (CCC) Quarters for Employees, DEN NARA.

⁴⁷ Ibid.

⁴⁸ Memorandum of Diggs for the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, September 23, 1939; Lieutenant Colonel (LTC) J. Frank Richmond, Cavalry, Commanding (Fort Bliss), to Diggs, November 4, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.58 (CCC) Quarters for Employees, DEN NARA.

⁴⁹ Memorandum of J. Atwood Maulding, Director of Personnel, NPS, Washington, DC, for the NPS Director, November 22, 1939, 0-32 ECW Big Bend File, RG79, NPS, CCF 1933-1949 Big Bend 847-900.02 Files, Box 837, DC NARA II.

⁵⁰ Thomason to Wirth, December 22, 1939, 0-32 ECW Big Bend File, RG79, NPS CCF 1933-1949 Big Bend 847-900.02 Files, Box 837, DC NARA II.

⁵¹ Memorandum of Claude B. Conley, Acting Assistant Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, for the NPS Director, January 28, 1940, 0-32 ECW Big Bend File, RG79, NPS CCF 1933-1949 Big Bend 847-900.02 Files; Maier to Morelock, November 24, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 9, Folder: 504 (NPS) Publications (General) [Folder 2], DEN NARA.

⁵² Wirth to Albert Thomas, Member of Congress, Houston, TX, December 14, 1939; Memorandum of Maier to Diggs, December 18, 1939, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests, and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 253-03 CCC Allowance for L.H. & Q., DEN NARA.

⁵³ Maier to Diggs, December 18, 1939.

⁵⁴ Memorandum of Diggs to the Acting Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, January 30, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests, and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 253-03 CCC Allowance for L.H. & Q., DEN NARA.

⁵⁵ Memorandum of Maier for the NPS Director, February 13, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests, and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 253-03 CCC Allowances for L.H. & Q; Berkeley to Thomason, February 13, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 12, Folder: 610.01 Purchasing of Lands #2 [Folder 2] Big Bend, DEN NARA.

⁵⁶Cammerer to Thomason, February 27, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 12, Folder: 610.01 Purchasing of Lands #2 [Folder 2] Big Bend, DEN NARA.

⁵⁷ Memorandum of Wirth to the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, February 23, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 600-03 CCC Development Outline, DEN NARA.

⁵⁸ Memorandum of Harvey H. Cornell, Regional Landscape Architect, Region III, NPS, to Mr. (Thomas) Vint, March 12, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 10, Folder: 600.01 (NPS) Master Plan [Folder 2], DEN NARA.

⁵⁹ Ibid.

⁶⁰ Ibid.

⁶¹ Ibid.

⁶² Ibid.

⁶³ Ibid. A discussion of the changes in Mexico by 1940 that eliminated the international park from the Big Bend master plan is found in Chapter Eleven of this manuscript.

⁶⁴ Connelly to Tolson, March 12, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 600-03 CCC Development Outline, DEN NARA.

⁶⁵ Memorandum of Jerome C. Miller, Acting Regional Landscape Architect, Region III, NPS, for the Acting Regional Director, Region III, March 15, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 600-03 CCC Development Outline, DEN NARA.

⁶⁶ McColm to Connelly, March 16, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 600-03 CCC Development Outline, DEN NARA.

⁶⁷ Memorandum of Diggs to the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, March 27, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings; McColm to Colonel Richmond, April 4, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings (General), DEN NARA.

⁶⁸ RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 19, Folder: 660-05.8 (CCC) Wells (Artesian, etc.), DEN NARA.

⁶⁹ Memorandum of Wirth for Cornell, April 11, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 10, Folder: 600.01 (NPS) Master Plan [Folder 2], DEN NARA.

⁷⁰ Ibid.

⁷¹ Memorandum of McDougall for the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, April 22, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 600 CCC Lands, Buildings, Roads, Trails, DEN NARA.

⁷² Berkeley to the Regional Director, Santa Fe, May 8, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings (General), DEN NARA.

⁷³ J.E. Kell, Acting Regional Landscape Architect, Region III, NPS, "Field Report, Plans and Design Division, Big Bend National Park Project, April 23-24, 1940," RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 204-01 CCC By Field Officers, DEN NARA.

⁷⁴ Memorandum of McColm for the NPS Director, May 11, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings, DEN NARA.

⁷⁵ John R. White, Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, to Frank D. Quinn, Executive Secretary, Texas State Park Board, Austin, May 11, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings, DEN NARA.

⁷⁶ Kirk S. Scott, Project Superintendent, NP-1-T, "Job Application, Education Guide, Big Bend NP-1-T," June 19, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Forests, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Big Bend National Park, Texas/Br[y]ce Canyon National Monument, Utah, Box 97, Folder: 830 (CCC) Service to Public (General), DEN NARA.

⁷⁷ Memorandum of Diggs for the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, July 2, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.58 (CCC) Quarters for Employees, DEN NARA.

⁷⁸ Jerome C. Miller, Associate Landscape Architect, "Field Report, Big Bend National Park Project, June 25, 1940," RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 204-01 CCC By Field Officers, DEN NARA.

⁷⁹ Memorandum of Scott to Assistant Regional Director Douglas, Region III Headquarters, Santa Fe, August 2, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 14, Folder: 620 CCC Buildings (General); Memorandum of Maxwell for the Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, August 15, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 19, Folder: 700 (NPS) Flora, Fauna, Natural Phenomena, Antiquities and Sciences, DEN NARA.

⁸⁰ Mrs. W.F. Young, Fort Worth, TX, to Quinn, September 11, 1940, Townsend Collection, Folder 4, Archives of the Big Bend, SRSU.

⁸¹ Lyle E. Bennett, Associate Architect, Region III, NPS, "Field Report, Plans and Design Division, Big Bend National Park Project, September 17-19, 1940," RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to CCC, ECW, and ERA Work in National Parks, Forests and Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1933-1934, Box 96, Folder: 204-01 CCC By Field Officers, DEN NARA.

⁸² Ibid.

⁸³ Ibid.

⁸⁴ Memorandum of Kirk H. Scott, Project Superintendent, NP-1-T, Marathon, TX, for Bennett, October 1, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.80 (CCC) Shelter Cabins, DEN NARA.

⁸⁵ Memorandum of Milo F. Christiansen, Assistant Regional Director, Region III, NPS, Santa Fe, for Diggs, October 10, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.08 (CCC) Shelter Cabins, DEN NARA.

⁸⁶ Memorandum of Scott to Bennett, November 26, 1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.08 (CCC) Shelter Cabins, DEN NARA.

⁸⁷ Memorandum of Cornell for Diggs, December 17,1940, RG79, NPS, SWRO, Santa Fe, Correspondence Relating to National Parks, Monuments and Recreational Areas, 1927-1953, Box 15, Folder: 620.08 (CCC) Shelter Cabins, DEN NARA. For a discussion of adobe construction and NPS maintenance practices at Fort Davis, see Welsh, A Special Place, A Sacred Trust.