Redwood History Basic Data

A. THE ESTABLISHMENT of FORT TER-WAW

Major Heintzelman, upon replacing Patterson as Indian agent, had visited the Tolowa and talked a majority into removing to the Klamath River Reservation. This was a good example of Heintzelman's persuasive powers, because the Tolowa and several of the Yurok villages were traditional enemies. Some of the Tolowa, however, had fled to the mountains rather than go to the Klamath. For those removing to the Klamath, the agent had built at Wau-Kell 23 log houses (15 x 18-foot) and had made arrangements to provide them at regular intervals with rations and clothing. [1]

When they learned of this, the citizens of Crescent City held a mass-meeting and addressed a petition to the commander of the Department of the Pacific, Col. Norman Clarke. He was informed that while the Tolowa, who had gone to the mountains, had not committed any depredations, many of the settlers were in terror that they might. The citizens therefore urged Clarke to "place a Military force at or near" the Reservation. Through this action the Tolowa would be deterred from joining their brothers in the mountains. If there were no troops, fears were voiced that the Tolowa—as soon as the fall salmon run had been concluded—would return to their old haunts on Smith River. In addition, the troops could be called on to police the Reservation and keep the Tolowa and Yurok from cutting each others throats. [2]

Colonel Clarke read the petition and was impressed with its logic. Calling for his adjutant, William W. Mackall, Clarke had him draft orders transferring a company of the 4th United States Infantry to the Reservation. Mackall suggested that Company D, currently posted at Fort Jones, would be a good unit to send, as it had completed its mission in Siskiyou County.

In mid-September, Lt. George Crook received orders, signed by Mackall, to march his company to the mouth of the Klamath, and establish a post to keep peace among the Indians. Acknowledging the communication, Crook on September 27 notified Adjutant Mackall that he planned to put his company in motion from Fort Jones for Crescent City within 48 hours. As the rainy season was imminent he requested that Company D be provided with "all implements & materials necessary to erect a shelter," and instructions as to the type of quarters to be erected. As he did not want to become in debted to the Office of Indian Affairs, he would like instructions as to whether the Indians would assist with military construction, and if they did, was he to supply them with rations or allow them wages? [3]

Crook and his company moved out as scheduled, marching down Scotts River to its confluence with the Klamath. The regulars then followed the Klamath, until a trail was struck leading across the Coast Range to Crescent City. As the soldiers pushed down the Klamath, they had passed a number of mining camps, but after leaving the river they saw few habitations until they reached Crescent City on October 10, four days later than Crook had anticipated. Crook described Crescent City as "a small place of a few hundred inhabitants, kept alive by being the port for some mining districts in the interior. Its harbor extended clear to China, being a simple indentation in the coast." [4]

From Crescent City, the column took the trail opened by Whipple leading to the Klamath. This route led over "broken bluffs" to the mouth of the river, where the troops arrived on the 12th. Here they encountered the Tolowa, as they were starting back to Smith River, Crook, making a show of force, escorted them back to Wau-Kell on the 13th. The passage of the Klamath was made in canoes, paddled by the Indians. [5]

Crook reconnoitered the area searching for a favorable site for his post, one that would provide protection, and simultaneously have the soldiers sufficiently removed from the agency so as not to cause any friction. He finally selected a "beautiful, grassy flat, diagonally across and up the river" from the agency. Here there was "a small strip of woods running nearly all around the flat immediately on the bank of the river, while a dense forest of redwood furnished the background." This flat contained about 100 acres. Relaying this information to Captain Mackall at Benicia, Crook suggested that the post be designated Fort Ter-Waw, the Yurok name for the flat. [6]

B. THE FIGHT at WAU-KELL

As soon as the baggage, along with the tools and building materials forwarded from Benicia, arrived, Crook turned his people to erecting quarters. Crook, in the meantime, had familiarized himself with the Indians and their problems. He learned that the Indians indigenous to the river were Yurok, and that the Indians removed to the reservation from Smith River were the Tolowa. Although they were neighbors, the two groups had different habits and spoke different languages. The Tolowa wished to return to their homes, while the Yurok were anxious to see them go. [7]

Much of the disaffection on the part of the Tolowa, he blamed on ill-disposed whites, who wished them back on Smith River. Agent Heintzelman had told Crook that about 100 Tolowa had returned to their former homes prior to his arrival. The two officers were in agreement that they would never return to the Reservation unless force was employed. If they were allowed to continue to defy the authorities war would result, as the Tolowa remaining on the reservation had vowed that they would not stay unless the fugitives were returned. [8]

Crook's orders from headquarters, Department of the Pacific, were to provoke no incidents and not to fight the Indians unless they fired first. During the last ten days of October and the first two weeks of November, a number of Tolowa took advantage of the restrictions Colonel Clarke had placed on Crook to slip away in small parties. Encouraged by these successes and satisfied that the military's hands were tied, they boasted that they were not afraid of the soldiers, because a "whiteman" had told them that Crook would not dare to fire on them. Discovering that all could not escape in this manner, they organized a conspiracy. Crook soon learned from a Yurok that the Tolowa were plotting to murder him, destroy the boats which had ferried his company up the river, then kill Agent Heintzelman and his employees, sack the agency, and return to their homes. They reasoned that with Crook dead, the soldiers would be helpless, and they would have little to fret about. Already, a number of warriors had returned from Smith River to join the conspiracy.

Crook by this time was already wise in the ways of the redman, and he knew that unless he seized the initiative, some of the troops would be murdered. He made his plans accordingly. The conspirators were to be surrounded at daylight, as soon as their plans jelled and their guilt could be established. A detachment was sent across the river to Wau-Kell.

Several Tolowa visited camp at this time, approached Crook's tent, felt its thickness, and conversed excitedly. They made certain as to Crook's sleeping habits. The enlisted men's tents were about 50 to 60 yards away, at the edge of the redwoods. Crook kept cool, and not for a moment did he permit the plotters to know that he was aware of their intentions. Nothing was said to the soldiers. When he prepared to retire for the night, Crook laid his rifle on one side and his shotgun on the other, with his pistol and bowie knife under his head. A box of brasses belonging to the soldiers' accoutrements were positioned so that if the Indians attempted to slip inside they would stumble over them and awaken Crook.

Crook was so confident of his superiority that he hoped the Tolowa would strike. He would be in the dark, while they would be between him and the skyline, which would give him the advantage. Instead, the Indians determined to first eliminate Agent Heintzelman.

On the morning of November 17, 1857, the Tolowa sent word for Heintzelman to come to their village to see a sick man. The agent went, accompanied by a surgeon. Upon their arrival, they were assailed from all sides by redmen armed with bows and arrows, and knives. The two whites were able to fend off the Tolowa for a few moments, which permitted the guard detachment to come up on the double. Two or three volleys sent the Indians scattering into the underbrush.

The first Crook knew of the attack was when a runner dashed up with a note from one of the agency employees, stating that the agent had been killed. The soldiers at this time were organized into fatigue details, collecting building materials. Crook had the "long roll" beaten. Within less than one-half hour, he had rounded up his company, except for two men, crossed the river, and moved against the Tolowa. The fight was soon over, as the men of Company D routed the Indians from Wau-Kell Flat, killing ten and wounding a number. When he mustered his company. Crook was delighted to learn that the army had suffered no casualties. [9]

In the mopping up operations which ensued, 26 warriors and a number of women and children were captured and sworn that they would remain on the Reservation. The rest of the Tolowa, however, took advantage of the confusion to flee into the mountains. Those that reached Smith River sent word that if Crook wanted to fight, he knew where to find them. Forwarding this information, along with a report of the fight at Wau-Kell to his superiors in Benicia, Crook observed, "I feel that if they are allowed to remain on Smith River, war is inevitable & that there is but one way to bring them in." [10]

Agent Heintzelman agreed with Crook that the army would have to pursue the Tolowa "to their old haunts and severely punish them." Many of the young men had participated in the Rogue River War and were skilled in the use of firearms, besides having established close contact with a number of the Chetco, who had fled into the mountains rather than submit. According to reports reaching Wau-Kell, these sturdy warriors were biding their time, and in the spring they would resume hostilities against the Rogue River settlers. If they did, he believed the Tolowa would rally to their cause. Twice before, in 1856 and again in 1857, the Tolowa had been brought to the Reservation by "peaceable means," and both times they had refused to stay. Now he argued, they must be taught that "the Reserve is their home & that the agent is there to protect them & see to their wants, & what they are told by the squawmen are lies." [11]

Meanwhile, Superintendent Henley had been studying the reports of the clash filed by Crook and Heintzelman and the stories carried by the newspapers. What he read convinced him that to "a very great degree," the outbreak could be attributed to "the injudicious management" of Heintzelman. In his opinion, the subagent's zeal for the interest of the Service exceeded his knowledge of Indians or his judgment in their management. [12]

When he forwarded this critical evaluation of Heintzelman's capabilities to Commissioner Denver, he pointed out that the people of Crescent City had been constantly agitating for the removal of the Tolowa to the Reservation. Before agreeing to this, Heintzelman had consulted the superintendent. Henley had advised him not to proceed with removal unless the agency was "fully provided with provisions for their subsistence." Succumbing to pressure from Crescent City interests, Heintzelman had proceeded to remove most of the tribe, about 600 strong, to the Reservation. At the time of their arrival, food was scarce, as the crops had not been harvested. This, along with dissatisfaction with the housing at Wau-Kell, had sparked the fight. [13]

Henley, learning that most of the Tolowa had fled into the mountains, gave them permission to return to their villages on Smith River. This was a great disappointment to Crook, because he believed that most of them would have returned to the Reservation on their own initiative. Before receipt of Henley's latest directive, certain whites at Crescent City had been apprised of it and had leaked the information to the Tolowa. Those Indians who had indicated a desire to stay on the Reservation were told that they would be harassed by the Yurok. This had the anticipated effect, and they quickly crossed the Klamath and headed northward up the trail to Crescent City and Smith River. [14]

Although he had been in the area less than three months, Crook had learned that there were a number of "low principled whites" in and about Crescent City, "who had been living with squaws & subsisting off the Indians, who with a few headmen" of the Tolowa were at the bottom of the trouble. Heintzelman had secured verbal evidence that several of these men had lain in ambush along the Crescent City-Klamath Trail for the purpose of assassinating him. Prior to Company D's arrival at Fort Ter-Waw, the squawmen had told the Tolowa that if they returned to Smith River, Crook would be compelled to subsist them as Lieutenant Garder had during the winter of 1856-57. [15]

Relaying this information to Department headquarters, Crook warned that if the Tolowa were allowed to remain on Smith River, the squawmen would cause a war, at the close of which they would "bring in a large claim against the government for services never performed." Moreover, he warned, the Tolowa with their numerous moves had failed to lay in a winter's supply of food, and without such "they must either steal or starve." If he compelled the Tolawa to return and it led to war, he did not believe there would be any trouble on the Reservation, because the Yurok had assured him that they desired them back, and were even willing to assist in bringing them in. But if the worse came and there was war with the Tolowa, Crook was confident Company D, 4th U. S. Infantry, could cope with the situation. [16]

Superintendent Henley was backed by Commissioner Denver in his decision not to employ force in returning the Tolowa to the Klamath River Reservation. In view of this decision, the military found its hands tied. Crook for the next several months could concentrate on construction projects. The barracks were built first. By the time he was ordered to Fort Vancouver, in the last week of June 1858, to participate in a campaign against the Indians who had defeated Maj. Stephen Steptoe's command, Fort Ter-Waw was nearly completed. [17]

C. COMPANY B, 4TH UNITED STATES INFANTRY, GARRISONS the POST

Prior to the receipt of orders sending his unit up the coast, Crook was involved in a dispute with Capt. Gabriel Rains, who had replaced Captain Buchanan as commanding officer at Fort Humboldt. Rains had detained 2d Lt. T. E. Turner at his post, although the young officer was assigned to Company D. Crook accordingly protested to Adjutant Mackall that he had been the only officer with the company since he had joined in 1856. When he had only the company to be responsible for, he did not feel overly burdened by his tasks, but now that he also had the duties of post commander to reckon with, it was impossible to give the unit the attention it deserved. [18]

Department headquarters called on Captain Rains to release Lieutenant Turner, and he reported to Crook before the company started for Fort Vancouver on June 28. Company B, Lt. Joseph Collins commanding, was to occupy Fort Ter-Waw during Company D's absence. Collins' people left Fort Humboldt on July 8 and reached the post on the Klamath 72 hours later. Evidently, the men were not overjoyed at their new assignment, because four deserted after tattoo on the 8th.

After reaching Fort Ter-Waw, Collins complained to Adjutant Mackall that he had left two men at Fort Humboldt, one a baker and the other a carpenter. As his people had inherited a number of unfinished structures, Collins wanted these men provided with transportation to the Klamath. If he were compelled to hire a carpenter, the salary demanded would be more than the army could afford.

When Captain Rains was asked to comment on Collins' complaint, he exploded that it was humbug about one of the men named being a good carpenter. The man, however, was a first-rate servant. [19]

Collins tried to be an "empire builder." In late July he complained to Mackall that as there was no post surgeon, one should be ordered to the Reservation. On August 1 Mackall was notified that there were no laundresses at Fort Ter-Waw, and as there were three assigned to Company B at Fort Humboldt, two should be sent to the Klamath. [20] Mackall viewed Collins' requests with a jaundiced eye and they were pigeonholed.

Lieutenant Crook expected to return to Fort Ter-Waw in the fall, so on July 29 from a camp, near the Dalles, he wrote Mackall, in forming him that his company had left a "fine garden." A letter had been left, addressed to Lieutenant Collins, requesting him to reimburse Company D for the money expended. As yet, he had heard nothing from Collins, and he had reason "to believe that the company will . . . lose all." He therefore requested that Company D be reassigned to Fort Ter-Waw, as soon as the campaign was over, because his unit had been deprived of a "garden every season since I have been with it." [21]

Taking cognizance of Crook's request and good record, Mackall saw that orders were issued reassigning Company D, 4th U.S. Infantry, to Fort Ter-Waw at the close of the summer's campaign in Washington Territory. Crook and his unit were back on the Reservation in October. For the next several months, Fort Ter-Waw was garrisoned by two companies—Crook's and Collins'. [22]

D. TWO and ONE-HALF ROUTINE YEARS at FORT TER-WAW

The Ordnance Department in the fall of 1858 shipped to Crescent City new firearms and accoutrements to replace those currently in use. At Crescent City, the ordnance stores were transferred from the steamer that had brought them up from Benicia to the schooner Charlotte. As Charlotte tried to beat her way into the Klamath, she was stranded and wrecked on the bar.

Crook turned out a fatigue party, and, assisted by the Yurok, he was able to salvage a number of weapons and cartridge-boxes. The firearms, however, were badly rusted by the saltwater, while the leather in the cartridge-boxes was worthless. The arms and accoutrements were accordingly returned to Benicia, and on December 10 Ordnance Officer Capt. Franklin D. Callender turned over to the Quartermaster's Department for transportation to Companies B and D "new model arms with accoutrements and ammunition." This time there were no shipwrecks, and the ordnance stores were received at Fort Ter-Waw and issued to the troops. [23]

The high opinion his superiors held of Crook was again demonstrated in January 1859. In December 1858 Crook had complained to Adjutant Mackall that there was no medical officer at Fort Ter-Waw, and there were men on sick call who required medical attention. In addition, if one of his men met with a serious accident, he would be "at a loss to know what to do." Crook would also like to see Fort Ter-Waw placed on the list of posts entitled to double rations. The department commander acceded to Crook's request, whereas six months before he had turned down Collins when that officer had asked that a medical officer be detailed to the Klamath. [24]

In the spring of 1859 Lieutenant Collins and Company B were with drawn from Fort Ter-Waw and sent to Hoopa Valley, where they were assigned to Fort Gaston. Crook that summer, in response to a plea for protection against the Hupa, ordered a sergeant and a score of privates to establish an outpost at the confluence of the Klamath and Salmon. This news did not sit well with the residents of Crescent City. As they had several times in the past, they held a meeting and drafted a protest, which was forwarded to department head quarters. In expressing their regret at Crook's action, they pointed out that the mouth of the Salmon was within 36 miles of Fort Gaston; the number of Indians in Hoopa Valley was one to ten, when compared with the number in the vicinity of Fort Ter-Waw and Crescent City; and that the Hupa were "all of a friendly habit and there was no fear of an outbreak among them." At the same time, the Tolowa were uneasy and restless, because most of their land had been occupied by settlers. And, it was pointed out, these settlers were not squatters, the Indians' land having been purchased either by the United States or California, These settlers, since they held legal title to their property under the law of the United States, wanted the Tolowa removed for a third—and they hoped final—time to the Klamath River Reservation, so they could be "left in the peaceable occupation of their lands." [25]

Many of the Tolowa congregated in Crescent City. At nights they could be found everywhere. Drunken Indians were in the habit of sleeping in barns, sheds, and abandoned buildings, and there was constant danger of fire. Protests had been made but the officials in charge of the Reservation took no action. [26]

The citizens therefore petitioned that "all orders now issued or contemplated which will tend to divide or remove the command of Lt. Crook from the Klamath Reservation may be countermanded . . ., and the entire Company kept" at Fort Ter-Waw, "where they will be of service." If the army would agree to their two requests, it would be serving "the cause of humanity," while placing the citizens of recently organized Del Norte County under its obligation. [27]

The military pocketed the memorial. In regard to recalling the outpost at the mouth of the Salmon, it would be unwise to allow civilians to dictate how an officer was to deploy his unit, while Superintendent Henley had overruled the forcible return of the Tolowa to the Reservation. If the citizens wished the Indians back on the Reservation, they would have to approach officials of the Department of the Interior.

Lieutenant Crook in mid-September took a canoe up the Klamath to visit his detachment. He found the Hupa peaceful, and—on discussing the situation with several influential members of the white community—that no outbreak was anticipated. He was told that those who had agitated for the stationing of troops in the area had done so not for the protection the military would afford, "but for the personal benefit they would derive" from the sale of goods and services to the army. He learned that several buildings at the Orleans Bar diggings had been burned, but he was not satisfied the Indians were the arsonists.

If the detachment were to remain where it was through the winter, quarters would have to be erected, because the snow back in the mountains got very deep. Moreover, the nearest doctor was at Fort Gaston, and this point had been driven home when Crook was compelled to "bring down one of his men to the post for medical attention." [28]

The people at Benicia, after evaluating Crook's report and taking cognizance that Company D was too scattered to take the field if trouble developed with the Tolowa, ordered the outpost recalled. Crook accordingly recalled the detachment from the mouth of the Salmon and concentrated his company at Fort Ter-Waw. [29]

In August 1859 the Fort Ter-Waw guardhouse was partially destroy ed by fire. As to be expected, a grog shop had been opened by an enterprising white just off the Reservation, but within easy walking distance of the post. With a supply of rotgut whiskey so near and little else for the troops to spend their money on, the guard house was usually full after each visit by the paymaster. Consequently, Crook "assumed the responsibility of placing soldiers on extra duty to build a new house, trusting it will meet with the general's approval." [30]

Crook, in the last week of September, turned out a fatigue party to improve the trail from Fort Ter-Waw to Crescent City. The rugged terrain and thick undergrowth made this a difficult and unpopular chore. Sgt. William Hunt, who was detailed to push the men, tried to be a friend to the privates and permitted them to straggle. Crook could be a stern disciplinarian, and he had the sergeant locked up in the new guardhouse. The lesson was learned, and the project was completed without further incidents. [31]

In September 1860 Crook secured a 60-day leave to visit friends and relatives in the east. Lieutenant Turner commanded at Fort Ter-Waw while Crook was absent. Crook returned to duty on Christmas. [32] Soon after his return, Crook organized "The Ter-Waw Dramatic Association," and the performances were said to "be very interesting and to reflect great credit on its members." [33]

E. THE CIVIL WAR COMPELS the U.S. to REDEPLOY the 4TH INFANTRY

South Carolina had withdrawn from the Union on December 20, 1860, to be followed by the other six states of the deep South. On April 12 Confederate guns opened on Fort Sumter, and its defenders surrendered the next day. President Abraham Lincoln then called for 75,000 volunteers to surpress the rebellion, and four states of the upper South left the Union. For the next four years, the bloody Civil War was to occupy much of the nation's energy.

Regular army units scattered about the frontier posts would be recalled to fight the South. Because his superiors held Crook in high repute, his unit was one of the first to receive its marching orders. In June, Crook took Company D to Crescent City, where on June 11 it was embarked on a steamboat for San Francisco, the next stage on its journey to the Atlantic Seaboard. Crook's Autobiography and official correspondence demonstrate that his Fort Ter-Waw years taught him many valuable lessons, which he successfully applied in the Indian Campaigns of the 1870s and 1880s. Unlike many of his brother officers, Crook observed the redmen closely and sought to understand them.

The Crescent City citizens were disappointed to see that Lieutenant Crook's command had been withdrawn from Fort Ter-Waw, At a mass-meeting, held on June 24, a memorial was framed and addressed to the commander of the Department of the Pacific, Brig. Gen. Edwin V. Summer. It was pointed out that the presence of troops had been "effectual in awing and restraining the Indians" in Del Norte and Klamath Counties, and that their continued presence was essential to the preservation of peace. They asked General Summer to return Crook's company to Fort Ter-Waw, and if this were impracticable to send an officer and arms to organize a militia company.

To illustrate the danger, the citizens pointed out that the Indians, in Del Norte County, outnumbered the whites two to one, and moreover many of them were well-armed. If the government refused protection the citizens would "make preparations at our own expense as we do not desire a repetition of the scenes of 1855 and 1856." [34]

The last thing that General Summer wanted was a repetition of the Rogue River War, so he ordered Company C, 4th U. S. Infantry, Capt. Lewis Hunt commanding, to Fort Ter-Waw. Hunt's people would remain on the Reservation until such time as the California Volunteers were ready to take the field. Company C left Camp Sumner on the steamboat Columbia on August 20. The unit disembarked at Crescent City on the 24th and marched to the mouth of the Klamath over a mule trail. There they were embarked in canoes on the 28th and taken upstream to the post. [35]

Captain Hunt found that his stay at Fort Ter-Waw would be pleasant. Apart from the high cost of transportation ($25 to $30 per ton) from Crescent City, the post would not be an expensive one to maintain. Half the forage allowance would be sufficient, and good beef cattle could be purchased, on the hoof for five cents per pound or less. The Yurok was quiet and well disposed, so there would be no trouble with them. The buildings were of solid construction, and the gardens, seeded by Company D, lush. [36]

F. FLOODS DESTROY FORT TER-WAW

By November the 3d California Volunteer Infantry was ready to take the field. Capt. John H. May's Company C was ordered to Del Norte County to relieve Hunt's regulars. May's people reached Fort Ter-Waw on November 14. On his arrival at Crescent City from San Francisco, May found that the heavy surf would not permit the steamer to tie-up at the wharf. May was compelled to land his unit in small boats, at a cost of two dollars per man. The charge for boating equipment and supplies from Crescent City to the mouth of the Klamath was also high, eight cents per pound. [37]

On November 24 the post was turned over to May by Captain Hunt, and he marched his regulars to Eureka. From there they took the steamship Columbia to San Francisco. [38]

Torrential rains pounded the Humboldt Coast in December and early January, causing the Klamath, as well as the other rivers and streams, to flood. By mid-January the flat on which Fort Ter-Waw stood had been inundated four times, as the river crested and ebbed. Seventeen of the 20 buildings constituting the post were swept away. When Captain May reported this situation to his superiors, they directed him to rebuild the post. This would not be impossible, because the men's morale, despite the heavy rains and flooding, was surprisingly high. With the parade ground under water much of the time, company drill had been infrequent. [39]

Col. Francis J. Lippitt had formally assumed command of the Humboldt Military District, with headquarters at Fort Humboldt, on January 9, 1862. [40] Heavy rains which continued to plague the coast and poor trails prevented Colonel Lippitt from visiting Fort Ter-Waw. Until March 5 the road and trail leading up the coast from Eureka to the mouth of the Klamath was impassable.

Meanwhile, Lippitt's superiors had determined to redeploy Captain May's company, sending it to rejoin the regiment on the Central Overland Route. The new commander of the Department of the Pacific, Brig. Gen. George Wright, accordingly ordered Company G, 2d California Infantry to the Klamath. The first Lippitt learned of this move was when Capt. William W. Stuart with his company reached Humboldt Bay by steamer from San Francisco. He was agreeably surprised to learn from Stuart that he and his men were enroute to Fort Ter-Waw to replace May's people. Captain Stuart had not brought any provisions or ammunition with him, and Lippitt, not knowing whether any would be available at Crescent City or Fort Ter-Waw, had Company G supplied with 30 days' rations and 1,000 rounds of ball cartridge. [41]

Stuart's company then sailed on to Crescent City, landing there. Lt. Theodore Whetmore started for Fort Ter-Waw with a 24-man detachment on March 14. A 20-mule train accompanied the platoon, while the men carried three-days' rations in their haversacks. Lt. John J. Shepherd followed with a second detachment on the 20th. One of Shepherd's men, Greenleaf Curtis, kept a journal, in which he recorded his impressions of the march. On the first day's tramp, the troops reached Gushing's house, five miles down the beach from Crescent City. The little column got under way at 10 a.m. on the 21st and "went as far as English Henry's 14 miles over a very bad road." Lieutenant Shepherd had his men on the trail by 8 o'clock on the 22d, and they reached the mouth of the Klamath three hours later, to find that portions of the trail up the north bank of the river had been destroyed by the winter floods. A number of Yurok, with four canoes, took the soldiers up to Fort Ter-Waw, where they arrived at 3 p.m. [42]

Another soldier, Pvt. George E. Young, recorded what he saw:

Amidst the grand old forest of such mammoth trees this Post once formed a conspicuous and important spot of uncommon beauty. The Quarters, barracks, Government Stores & Shops were handsomely arranged for comfort and usefulness and no expense spared to make the Fort a safe retreat and a good & pleasant home.

But all the property we found is in a most deplorable condition. Out of 25 buildings only three remained and only two of any account. All others had been swept away. [43]

They found May's company, along with those who had come down with Lieutenant Whetmore, living in tents. Captain May and his people, with Stuart's on the scene, now marched for Crescent City. [44]

Soon after he assumed responsibility for the post, Captain Stuart made a reconnaissance of the route from the fort to Crescent City "to ascertain the practicality of opening a trail passable for pack-animals." He found considerable labor would be required to improve the trail from the fort to Half-way House. To add to his problems, there were only 20 days' rations on hand, and the Klamath, for the time being, could not be navigated by anything larger than a canoe. In reporting this situation to his superiors, on March 25, Stuart pointed out, "the post is at the present time a very expensive one, and it will require an immense amount of labor and material to rebuild." [45]

Stuart was opposed to carrying out the orders to rebuild Fort Ter-Waw, and on May 10 he reported, "we are hemmed in here in every way, and we have no outlet except the trail on the south side of the Klamath to the coast, which the troops had recently opened." This trail intersected the Crescent City-Humboldt trail. Travel was generally by canoe and very expensive, the Yurok owning all the canoes. Their charge for ferrying the troops across the river was four cents each way, which Stuart considered too high. [46]

Once again, the people of Crescent City began to interfere with troop movements. They were distressed to learn that Captain Stuart had sent his best men to the Bald Hills to man the outpost at Elk Camp, on the trail between Trinidad and the Klamath. Recently, two-thirds of the adult males had left Crescent City for the Oregon mines. About 150 families had remained, mostly women and children, with only a 30-man militia company to protect them from the Tolowa. Most of the homeguards were armed with flintlocks. The people were saying harsh words about the reduction of Stuart's command, because Fort Ter-Waw was all the defense Del Norte had. With 800 Yurok on the Klamath and as many more Tolowa on Smith River, the situation looked bleak. To make matters worse, the Hupa were descending the Klamath, daily, to fish and trade. Persons had told Stuart that the Yurok had secreted 400 stands-of-arms, which they had salvaged after the flood, and that profiteers from Humboldt Bay were selling them ammunition.

In the period following the flood, the Indian agent had abandoned his agency at Wau-Kell, and the Indians had dug up quantities of lead pipe and iron. When he had first reached the post, Stuart could, by using quartermaster's supplies for currency, get the Yurok to transport government stores, but by May they demanded cash. Some had become so bold that they threatened the Hupa and "others up the river will come down and clean white men out from their fishing grounds, saying, 'Indians all fight against white men.'" [47]

Captain Stuart was not a man of Lieutenant Crook's ability and character, and he was shaken by these stories and unwilling to face difficulties. Besides, he was a poor match for the Crescent City politicians. Judge E. Mason of that town on May 19 wrote George M. Hanson, Superintendent of Indians for the Northern District, complaining that his fellow citizens were disenchanted with the military. He reminded Hanson of a promise "to have at least one company of troops in Smith River Valley" by April, in return for an agreement to permit the United States to establish a reservation there. Since the departure of the men for the mines, the Tolowa had become "quite impudent going to houses where there are no men and demanding food and clothing." This had frightened the women and children, causing them to abandon their homes and seek shelter in Crescent City. Moreover, the Tolowa were in contact with their former enemies—the Yurok. Chief Ilas had made three visits to the Klamath and fears were voiced that he was plotting a general outbreak. [48]

Superintendent Hanson on May 21 accordingly contacted General Wright. While Hanson, personally, had no fears of trouble in Del Norte, he would be glad to see troops posted in the new Smith River Reservation. [49] General Wright, the next day, acknowledged receipt of Hanson's note and Judge Mason's letter. Before taking action, Wright wished to know the number of Indians on the Smith River Reservation, and whether all those previously living near Fort Ter-Waw had been removed. [50]

Hanson answered immediately. Previous to his departure from Smith River, he had removed all, or nearly all, the Humboldt and Eel River Indians and a few Yurok to the new reservation. Counting the Tolowa, there would be about 1,000 Indians on Smith River. The Yurok were disinclined to emigrate, and claimed that in "their old haunts they could shift or provide for themselves better than the others who had been" concentrated on Smith River. Hanson was agreeable to their remaining on the Klamath until he had better means of providing for their welfare. In his opinion there could not be in excess of 300 Yurok within three or four miles of Fort Ter-Waw, while there were no white settlers within 30 miles, if squawmen were discounted. Hanson would be pleased to see Stuart's company located at some point between Crescent City and Smith River. [51]

General Wright, since the move was advocated by the Office of Indian Affairs and no longer opposed by the post commander, agreed to abandon Fort Ter-Waw. On May 27, 1862, Captain Stuart received orders to pull his troops off the Klamath River Reservation and to establish a new post on or adjacent to the new Smith River Reservation. Stuart lost no time in carrying out his orders. A diarist wrote on June 10, 1862, that the day was "memorable for the departure of the 1st detachment in the evacuation of Fort Ter-Waw. At early dawn the captain with 39 men took boats down the river to its mouth, then overland to Crescent City." The rest of Company G, 2d California Infantry, followed within two days, and Fort Ter-Waw had been abandoned and was soon forgotten. [52]

G. COMMENTS and RECOMMENDATIONS

The site of Fort Ter-Waw is now engulfed by the rapidly growing community of Klamath Glen. The site is near the line separating Sections 18 and 19, Township 13 North, Range 2 East. This is about three miles east of the boundary of Redwood National Park. The State of California has erected a historical tablet, commemorating the post, near the site. In 1946 Fred B. Rogers reported that the remains of several chimney foundations could be seen. When I visited the site on April 26, 1969, these had disappeared. [53]

Although Fort Ter-Waw is not located in Redwood National Park, it is intimately associated with a number of themes of the Park Story, and as such it constitutes an important resource. Troops from Fort Ter-Waw brought peace and order to the Klamath and protected the Yurok from encroachments by the whites; they opened a trail from the post to the mouth of the Klamath and improved the trail up the coast to Crescent City; and they defeated the Tolowa in the battle on Wau-Kell Flat.

The role of George Crook at Fort Ter-Waw and on the Klamath will be of interest to the visitor. Crook, a Civil War general and famous Indian campaigner in the West, commanded at Fort Ter-Waw for almost four years. Here he learned to understand and appreciate the Indians, faculties not possessed by most American generals who established their reputations by leading armies in the Civil War. Crook has given us some of our most enlightening and entertaining description of life among the Yurok in the late 1850s. Finally, the battle on Wau-Kell Flat was the second engagement in which this famous Indian fighter had an independent command.

The flood that destroyed Fort Ter-Waw in January 1862 is our first recorded example of the terrible devastation the Klamath is capable of inflicting.

Unless Wau-Kell Flat is acquired by the Service as previously recommended, the story of Fort Ter-Waw, George Crook, and the army on the Klamath will have to be interpreted in a Visitor Center. If Wau-Kell Flat is acquired, these elements of "Man in the Redwoods" should be interpreted there.

ENDNOTES

1. Heintzelman to Crook, Dec. 15, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of Calif. The movement of the Tolowa, willing to emigrate, had been completed by August 5, 1857.

2. Citizens of Crescent City to Clarke, Sept. 8, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

3. Crook, Autobiography, p. 55; Crook to Mackall, Sept. 27, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

4. Crook, Autobiography, p. 55.

5. Ibid.; Crook to Mackall, Oct. 21, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

6. Ibid. The Klamath at this point was a quarter of a mile across, with a powerful current.

7. Crook, Autobiography, p. 56. Agent Heintzelman had been very cooperative in supplying the military with tools, especially as orders forwarded to Crescent City took two weeks, to fill.

8. Crook to Mackall, Oct. 21, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept., of the Pacific.

9. Crook, Autobiography, 56-57; Crook to Mackall, Nov. 17, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept of the Pacific.

10. Crook to Mackall, Nov. 17, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

11. Heintzelman to Crook, Dec. 15, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

12. Henley to Denver, Dec. 19, 1857, NA, RG 75, 01A, Calif. Supt.

13. Ibid.

14. Crook to Mackall, Dec. 25, 1857, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept of the Pacific.

15. Ibid. Crook likened these whites to the ones who had "commenced the Rogue River War by going to a settler's garden after night in their bare feet, destroying the vegetables, [and] firing his home. And then the next day, one of this same party, who was an officer in a Volunteer Company, helped massacre a Rancheria of innocent Indians for the alleged depredations." Another nasty incident in that war was participated in by two of the men of this company, "who slept with two Indian women and the next a.m. beat their brains out." He had evidence that these same men were behind the clash at Wau-Kell on November 17.

16. Ibid.

17. Crook, Autobiography, pp. 57-58.

18. Crook to Mackall, May 11, 1858, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd,, Dept of Pacific.

19. Muster Rolls & Returns, Company B, 4th U. S. Infantry, NA.

20. Collins to Mackall, July 29, 1858, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

21. Crook to Mackall, July 29, 1858, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

22. Master Rolls & Returns, Cos. B & D, 4th U.S. Infantry, NA.

23. Crook to Mackall, Nov. 21 & Dec. 8, 1858, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

24. Crook to Mackall, Dec. 30, 1858, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

25. Crescent City Citizens to Mackall, July 21, 1859, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

26. Bledsoe, History of Del Norte County, p. 61.

27. Crescent City Citizens to Mackall, July 21, 1859, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific. Del Norte County was organized in 1857 by a division of Klamath County.

28. Crook to Mackall, Sept. 23, 1859, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

29. Ibid.

30. Crook to Mackall, Aug. 30, 1859, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

31. Crook to Mackall, Oct. 19, 1859, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

32. Muster Rolls & Returns, Co. D, 4th U. S. Infantry, NA.

33. McBeth, Lower Klamath Country, pp. 39-40.

34. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, 1880-1900), (Series I) 50, (pt. 1), 522-523, Cited hereinafter as O.R.

35. Muster Rolls & Returns, Co. C, 4th U.S. Infantry, NA.

36. Hunt to Drum, Aug. 31, 1861, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

37. O.R., (Series I), 50, (pt. 1), 743.

38. Hunt to Drum, Dec. 5, 1861, NA, RG 98, Ltrs. Recd., Dept. of the Pacific.

39. O.R. (Series I), 50, (pt. 1), 805. The garrison numbered 55, including officers. The three buildings left standing were officers' quarters. McBeth, Lower Klamath Country, p. 40.

40. The District included the counties of Del Norte, Klamath, Humboldt, Trinity, Mendocino, Sonoma, and Napa. OR, (Series I), 50, (pt. 1), 800.

41. Ibid., pp. 909-910. Fred B. Rogers, "Early Military Posts of Del Norte County," California Historical Society Quarterly, 26, 3.

42. Young, History of Del Norte, p. 57.

43. Rogers, "Early Military Posts of Del Norte County," California Historical Society Quarterly, 26, 3.

44. Young, History of Del Norte, p. 57.

45. O. R. (Series I), 50, (pt.1), 952.

46. Ibid., p. 1062.

47. Ibid., pp. 1062-1963.

48. Ibid., p. 1088.

49. Ibid., p. 1087.

50. Ibid., p. 1092.

51. Ibid., p. 1093,

52. Rogers, "Early Military Posts of Del Norte County," California Historical Society Quarterly, 26, 3.

53. Ibid., 3.