A History of Forest Conservation in the Pacific Northwest, 1891-1913

1. Jeannie S. Payton, "Forestry Movement of the Seventies in the Interior Department, Under Schurz," in Forestry Quarterly, XVII:4 (April, 1920), p. 406.

2. A few examples of such distortions may be cited. John Ise and Jenks Cameron in their excellent books concentrate on congressional and administrative action. Andrew Denny Rodgers, in his biography of Bernhard Edouward Fernow, gives him much credit for the success of the movement and makes only one mention of John Muir; while Linnie Wolfe Marsh, in her biography of John Muir, hails Muir as the father of forest conservation and makes only one mention of Fernow. Roy Robbins, Richard C. Lilliard, and E. Louise Peffer picture the movement as an eastern one with almost everyone west of the hundredth meridian hostile to it. The most balanced accounts are Herbert A. Smith, "The Early Forestry Movement in the United States" Agricultural History, XII:4 (October, 1938), 326-46; and W. N. Sparhawk, "The History of Forestry in America," in The Yearbook of Agriculture, 1949 (Washington, 1949), pp. 702-15.

3. The clearest brief account, with valuable statistical tables, of the public domain and its disposal is Stephen S. Visher, "The Public Domain and its Disposal" in Guy-Harold Smith (ed.), Conservation of Natural Resources (New York, 1952), pp. 13-24. More detailed standard accounts are Benjamin Horace Hibbard, A History of Public Land Policies (New York, 1939), and Roy Robbins, Our Landed Heritage (New York, 1950).

4. Hibbard, op. cit., pp. 462-65.

5. Andrew Denny Rodgers, Bernhard Eduard Fernow (Princeton, 1951), pp. 9-11, gives a good account of the laws as applied to forest lands. John Ise, The United States Forest Policy (New Haven, 1920), pp. 41-72, gives a scholar analysis of timber and laws. Surveys of the effects of the laws are found in Hibbard, op cit., pp. 228-472. and Robbins, op. cit., pp. 119-285. There are a large number of articles in The Forester, Forestry, and Irrigation, and The Journal of Forestry dealing with particular cases.

6. Henry David Thoreau, The Maine Woods (Boston, 1893), pp. 212-13. The essay was first published in the Atlantic Monthly in 1858. Chittenden, in his history of Yellowstone National Park, quotes the statements of Catlin desiring to have a "Nation's Park," containing man and beast in all the wilderness and freshness of their nature's beauty.

7. The best known standard account of these changes wrought by urbanization is Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Rise of the City (New York, 1933), pp. 314-16. However, the best analysis of these forces is that by Lewis Mumford, The Brown Decades (New York, 1931), pp. 56-96.

8. Robert Athearn, Westward the Briton (New York, 1953), pp. 9, 116-20, has some analysis of the Colorado tourist attractions. Harlean James, Romance of the National Parks (New York, 1939), pp. 36-65, gives a lucid treatment of the California situation. There is need for more scholarship on the subject.

9. Luther H. Gulick, "Metropolitan Political Developments," in Robert Moore Fisher (ed.), The Metropolis of Modern Life (Garden City, 1955), p. 77; W. Stull Holt, "Some Consequences of the Urban Movement in American History," The Pacific Historical Review XXII:4 (November, 1953), pp. 348-49; Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1903 (Washington, 1903), p. 24.

10. David Lowenthal, George Perkins Marsh (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1953), pp. 542-46; Mumford, op. cit., pp. 56-96.

11. Sparhawk, op. cit., pp. 705-06; Herbert A. Smith, op. cit., pp. 334-35; Rodgers, op. cit., pp. 95-98, D.A.B., V, p. 485, and XII, pp. 162-63.

12. Highlights in the History of Forest Conservation (Washington, U.S.D.A., 1948).

13. Rodgers, op. cit., pp. 48-61.

14. Ibid., p. 135.

15. Bernhard Edouard Fernow, Report on the Forest Investigations of the U. S. Department of Agriculture 1877-98 (Washington, 1899).

16. Edgar T. Ensign, Report on the Forest Conditions of the Rocky Mountains and Other Papers (Washington: 1889, U.S.D.A., Forestry Division Bulletin No. 2).

17. Peyton, op. cit.

18. The best biography of Fernow and his work is that by Rodgers.

19. Herbert A. Smith, "The Early Forestry Movement in the United States," Agricultural History, XII:4 (October, 1938), pp. 326-46; Rodgers, op. cit., p. 7.

20. Sparhawk, op. cit., p. 706. A list of the bills is contained in Bernhard Edouard Fernow, Report upon the Forestry Investigations of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1877-1898 (Washington, G.P.O., 1899). Little information is available on most of the bills. Fernow from 1886 on, annually introduced a general bill for federal timber land management, later known as the Hale Bill. The Colorado Forestry Association introduced several bills reserving the crest of the Rocky Mountains in that state; and also several bills were introduced for smaller areas to protect city watersheds and recreational areas. John Muir was responsible for at least two bills introduced by Senator John F. Miller of California to reserve areas in the Sierra Nevada. Las Vegas, New Mexico, introduced several bills to protect her watersheds. In addition, several eastern members of Congress introduced bills to create parks or reserves in the west.

21. Probably the most accurate account of the action is found in Rodgers, op. cit., pp. 155-56. Opinions vary as to who or what group was entitled to the most credit. Among those given a high degree of credit is John Muir. Biographers have, as is usually the case, given their subjects credit for what was a cumulative triumph. Thus, John Muir's biographer feels that to John Muir was due the credit for convincing Noble; the sketch of Pettigrew in the D.A.B. gives him most of the credit; and Ensign, Noble, and Bowers have their champions. Actually, it was, as Jeannie Peyton has mentioned in the passage cited at the beginning of this chapter, a cumulative triumph.

22. This analysis is mainly based on Lancaster Pollard, "The Pacific Northwest," in Merril Jensen (ed.), Regionalism in America (Madison, 1952), pp. 187-212. His charts of population movements and trends are especially helpful.

23. Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1951 (Washington, 1951), p. 658. The figures are revealing:

24. Edward Norris Wentworth, America's Sheep Trails (Ames, 1948), pp. 206-18; Fredrick V. Colville, Sheep Grazing in the Cascade Mountains of Oregon (Washington, 1898), pp. 120-21.

25. Ibid., pp. 284-85.

26. H. H. Bancroft, Works (San Francisco, 1889), ii, pp. 654 58.

27. D.A.B., II, pp. 86-87.

28. Randall V. Mills, Sternwheelers up the Columbia (Palo Alto, 1947), pp. 154-68, has given a good picture of seashore recreation and society at the time. The columns of the Sunday Oregonian for the months of August, when the season was in swing, contain interesting material on social stratification within the beach society.

29. Rudyard Kipling, From Sea to Sea (New York, 1899), I, pp. 101-21.

30. The summer hotels flourished until the late 20's, but then most became the victim of the transportation revolution. Most are now abandoned, their purpose outlived; the former two-day trip to Portland is now but an hour's drive. The old homesteads in the neighborhood have been divided and sold as sites for summer cottages; and the hay pastures have now become a golf course. Old trails, kept open since the 80's by communal effort of the original settlers, are now posted with "no trespass" signs, or have been destroyed by gypos looking for logs.

31. A good example of Steel's booster activities regarding Portland can be found in his personal magazine. Steel Points, I:1 (October, 1906), pp. 1-15. The issues for January and April, 1907 (I:2 and 1:3) give an account of the Club's activities in relation to Mt. Hood and to Crater Lake. Most park histories retell Steel's own story of the creation of Crater Lake National Park; the most recent retelling is in Robert Shankland, Steve Mather of the National Parks (New York, 1951), pp. 44-45. The constitution of the Oregon Alpine Club may be found in Steel's book, The Mountains of Oregon (Portland, 1890), pp. 67-81.

32. "House Memorial No. 8," Journal of the House of the Legislative Assembly for the Fifteenth Regular Session, 1889 (Salem, 1889), pp. 118-21. Waldo gives his own account of the memorial in The Forester, IV:5 (May, 1898), pp. 100-01.

1. Bernhard Edouard Fernow, Report Upon the Forestry Investigations of the U. S. Department of Agriculture 1877-1898 (Washington, 1899: 55th Cong. 3rd Session H.D. 181), p. 191.

2. No complete account of forces concerned in making the reserves exists. Some information may be found in Lawrence Rakestraw, "Uncle Sam's Forest Reserves," Pacific Northwest Quarterly, 44:4 (October, 1953), pp. 145-51.

3. James High, "Some Southern California Opinion Concerning Conservation of Forests 1890-1905," The Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly, XXXIII:4 (December, 1951), pp. 291-312.

4. "Ashland and the Rogue River Valley," The West Shore, XV:7 (July, 1889), pp. 354-57; Alfred L. Lomax, "The Ashland Woolen Mills, 1865-1900," The Oregon Historical Quarterly, XLVI:2 (December, 1945), pp. 327-31; John Almack, "History of Oregon Normal Schools," The Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXI:2 (June, 1920), pp. 95-169; Report on the Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census, 90 (Washington, 1895), I, p. 285; John B. Leiberg, "Cascade Range and Ashland Forest Reserves and Adjacent Regions," Twenty-First Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey: Part V, Forest Reserves, pp. 472-573; letter of Max Pracht, in The Morning Oregonian, August 28, 1893, p. 3.

5. Petition by the Common Council and Board of Trade, January 25, 1892; Letter of Max Pracht to J. N. Dolph, January 27, 1893; in National Archives Department of Interior, National Forests (hereafter abbreveated as N.A., D.I., N.F.) Ouichita to Ashley, box 4.

6. Joseph Gaston, Portland and Its builders (Portland, 1911), I, pp. 338-39.

7. Henry Failing to Land Commissioner, January 11, 1892, N.A., D.I., N.F., Mount Baker to Mount Hood, Part 5, Box 107; Oregonian, March 2, 1892.

8. Commissioner Thomas Carter to Secretary of the Interior, March 12, 1892; Frank Dodge to C. E. Loomis, April 30, 1892; Report of C. E. Loomis, May 21, 1892, N.A., D.I., N.F., Mt. Baker to Mt. Hood, Part 5, box 107.

9. What prompted the Land Office to ask for the examination is not known. However, there had long been desire, on the part of local and national recreational groups, and foreign travelers, to make Mt. Rainier a national park, and the Land Office undoubtedly had received such requests. What, if any, specific request was being acted on is not known, as the Commissioner's letter to Mosier is not in the Land Office file.

10. Cyrus A. Mosier to General Land Office Commissioner, November 14, 1891, N.A., D.I., N.F., Gallatin to Gifford Pinchot, box 53.

11. Cyrus A. Mosier to Commissioner, October 8, 1892, Ibid.

12. "Report relative to the Proposed Reservation of Public Lands, Mount Rainier Region," by Cyrus A. Mosier, Special Agent of the General Land Office, Seattle, Washington, April 8, 1892, ibid.

13. Letters to Land Commissioner by T. R. Kemp, November 15, 1892; J. Hampton, October 29, 1892; Byron Phelps, November 22, 1892; F. A. Twichell, October 27, 1892; Board of Trustees of Seattle Chamber of Commerce, December 7, 1892. Letter of Commercial Club of Tacoma to Benjamin Harrison, January 26, 1893, accompanied by clipping from The Tacoma Ledger January 7, 1893, ibid.

14. Oregonian, March 25, 1892.

15. Oregonian, April 14, 1892.

16. S. A. D. Puter and Horace Stevens, Looters of the Public Domain (Portland, 1908), p. 322. There is some evidence that even before this time Steel was engaged in promoting a larger reserve, but the evidence is ambiguous.

17. "Petition of the people of Klamath Falls for Reserves around Crater Lake, April 13, 1892"; and "Petition of American Forestry Association (n.d.)" in N.A., D.I., N.F., Wichita to Willamette, Part I, box 174. There is no evidence to indicate whether this group was in touch with the Alpine Club or whether they did it on their own.

18. "Petition to the President of the United States," April 27, 1892; Petition, n.d., of the Alpine Club; R. G. Savery to Secretary of the Interior, July 23, 1892, N.A., D.I., N.F., Wichita to Willamette, Part I, box 174. In view of the fact that some fraud was involved in creation of the reserve, it may be noted that most of those who signed were motivated by honest reasons. Of those who signed, only one—F. L. Maya—can be definitely identified as belonging to the timber sharks; on the other hand, a fair number may be identified as among those who then or later were concerned with the conservation movement in Oregon. Most of the signers had previously been signers of the petition to withdraw Crater Lake.

19. Petition of homesteaders, ibid. The petition from the miners is not in the Land Office files, but is mentioned in various places.

20. Petition of Oregon Alpine Club, January 13, 1893, ibid.

21. Oregonian, June 8, 1892.

22. The Journal of the Senate of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Oregon for the Seventeenth Regular Session, 1893 (Salem, 1893), pp. 13-15.

23. W. G. Steel to E. A. Bowers, Acting Land Commissioner, May 1, 1893, N.A., D.I., N.F., Willamette, box 174.

24. John H. Cradlebaugh to Land Commissioner, April 13, 1893; C. W. Kimball to S. W. Tamoreaux, June 12, 1893, ibid.

25. The balance of forces here are not entirely clear. Puter indicates that the looters had support in the Land Office; this statement may be regarded as not proven. It is likely that the Land Office decided the benefits conferred by the reserve would outweigh the damage done by fraud; and there are indications that the Land Office made an agreement with the State that the latter would not accept the disputed sections as base.

26. Cong. Rec., 53rd Congress, 1st sess., p. 2372. This was not the only bill drafted in 1893. Senator J. N. Dolph of Oregon, who had been the main Congressional support of the faction supporting the reserves in that state, drafted a bill for governing the reserves. The bill provided for the classification and withdrawal of timber lands for the usual purposes of protecting and improving the forests, securing water flow, and insuring a permanent supply of timber for local communities. A hierarchy of inspectors, superintendents, and rangers would manage the forest to prevent trespass and fire and to supervise cutting. The bill had the backing of the American Forestry Association, but it died in committee. Oregonian August 13, 1893.

27. Ibid., 53rd Congress, 3rd Session, p. 109, 164-67.

28. Rodgers, op. cit., pp. 207-08.

29. Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1893 (Washington, 1893), pp. 77-70.

30. Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1892 (Washington, 1892), pp. 46-51.

31. Petitions from such groups came in from Montana, where residents of the Bitterroot Valley petitioned for withdrawal of the Lake Como area; California, where the Sierra Club petitioned for the Lake Tahoe region; and Colorado, where the Colorado Forestry Association petitioned for the entire crest of the Rocky Mountains, for a distance of six miles on each side of the summit, to be reserved. The Colorado Forestry Association petition is found in Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1895 (Washington, 1895), CXX. The other petitions are found in the Land Office files at the National Archives. Some information on them appears in Rakestraw, "Uncle Sam's Forest Reserves."

32. Homer Cummings and Carl McFarland, Federal Justice (New York, 1937), p. 385. The grievances of the sheep men in the northwest will be dealt with in detail in a future chapter.

33. W. G. Steel to Bernhard Edouard Fernow, January 23, 1894, N.A., D.A., F.S., Gen. Corr., 1886-1908, dr. 29.

34. Fernow's side of the discussion is found in Rodgers, op. cit., pp. 206-20; Pinchot's in Gifford Pinchot, Breaking New Ground (New York, 1947), pp. 86-93. The petitions and instructions to the members are printed in Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1896, XII-XVI.

35. Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, pp. 91-92, has a good discussion of the persons and personalities involved.

36. Report of the Committee Appointed by the National Academy of Sciences . . . (Washington, 1897), p. 5.

37. Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, pp. 105-07; Rodgers, Fernow, pp. 221-23; Linnie March Wolfe, Son of the Wilderness (New York, 1945), pp. 270-72.

38. The services of John Muir in drawing up this portion of the report are obvious.

39. Report of the commission, pp. 16-20, 37-47.

40. Interestingly enough, Minto's wrath was directed against the wrong person. He attacked the American Forestry Association, whose leader, Fernow, had fought the appointment of the committee. Fernow protested this misapplied wrath in The Forester, IV:2 (February, 1898), pp. 29-30.

41. Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 105-09.

42. The Forester IV:5 (May, 1898), p. 96.

43. Memorial of the Chamber of Commerce . . . Relative to the Forest Reserves in the State of Washington (Seattle, 1897).

44. Congressional Record, 55th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 1568-69.

45. Robbins, op. cit., pp. 316-20, gives a good sampling of these editorials. The newspaper hostility in the Puget Sound area had no counterpart in Oregon. News items and newspaper editorials in that state indicated a favorable attitude toward the reserves. Oregonian, March 20, March 24, and April 14, 1897.

46. L. K. Hedges (ed.), Mining in the Pacific Northwest (Seattle, 1897); Muriel Sibell Wolfe, The Bonanza Trail (Bloomington, 1953), pp. 286-92; "The Monte Cristo District," The Mountaineer XI (1918), pp. 26-27.

1. Cameron, op. cit., pp. 208-09. Binger Hermann, as Land Commissioner, held in 1898 that the Forest Lieu was intended to apply only to actual settlers of agricultural land in the reserves. In 1899, however, Hitchcock, the Secretary of the Interior, said it applied to any tract, including railroad lands. 1 se., op. cit., p. 182.

2. Rodgers, op. cit., p. 224, citing Fernow's account.

3. E. T. Allen, "The Application and Possibilities of the Federal Forest Reserve Policy," Proc. of Soc. of Am. Foresters, I:1 (May, 1905), pp. 41-52.

4. Ibid.

5. The Forester, V:7 (July, 1899), p. 163; and V:9 (Sept., 1899), p. 199.

6. Office memorandum of E. A. Sherman, January 17, 1913, National Archives, Department of Agriculture Forest Service (abbreviated as N.A., D.A., F.S.), Land, Timber Fraud Claims, dr. 40, has information on some of these cases. The Roosevelt correspondence, v. 3-6, has much information on Roosevelt's battle with Fulton to get honest men in these offices in Oregon. This situation was by no means limited to the northwest; in Idaho, for example, Borah's indictment for connection with land frauds practiced by the Barber Lumber Company came about through his connection with William Balderston, Register of the Boise Land Office.

7. Cameron, op. cit., p. 210. Pinchot has given Fernow much less than his due in his autobiography, Breaking New Ground (New York, 1947).

8. Oregonian, Sept. 4, 1907.

9. Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 122-30.

10. Gifford Pinchot to E. T. Allen, June 17, 1899, N.A., D.A., F.S., Letterbook A-Q.

11. George Cecil to Gifford Pinchot, March 25, 1901, ibid., Misc. Corr., Chief's Office, 1898-1906, Ca-Ce.

12. T. T. Munger to the writer, December 19, 1953.

13. Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 132-212, 235, 262, gives a colorful and accurate account of their work. A typical agreement was that of the Weyerhauser interests with the Bureau, reached in 1903, involving 1,300,000 acres in Washington. The text of the agreement read that the Bureau would study and propose plans of harvesting and reproducing forest on the Weyerhauser land, to promote the value and usefulness of the land and to perpetuate the forest on it. Costs of the investigation would be divided; the Bureau would pay its own employees, and also pay for the preliminary trip of inspection; the actual travel and subsistence expenses, estimated at $5,000, would be paid by Weyerhauser. The Weyerhauser Corporation would also provide assistants to the departmental representative without charge. The Department was permitted to publish the plans for the benefit of lumbermen and other interested people. A similar agreement was also reached with the Northern Pacific. Forestry and Irrigation X:4 (April, 1904), pp. 154-55.

14. No studies have been made on the heads or the Interior departments and the Land Office. Such studies are badly needed, for an intelligent study of public land policy. On Hitchcock, Pinchot has expressed his opinion in Breaking New Ground, pp. 172-73; and Elting Morison has given a brief evaluation in The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge, 1951-54), V, pp. 445-46. John Ise has scattered references to Hermann in his book, and makes probably the best judgments: his conclusion is that Hermann was honest. (The trial of Hermann was not for complicity in land frauds, but for alleged burning of official correspondence before leaving office.) Pinchot in his autobiography is generally hostile to Hermann, but in one instance (p. 203) gives him credit for an enlightened viewpoint. My own opinion is that the searchlight thrown on his activities by the press in his home state helped keep him on the straight and narrow.

15. Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 250-54, gives a good account of this work.

16. John D. Guthrie, "William Henry Boole Kent," Journal of Forestry, 44:8 (August, 1946), pp. 44-48. Kent left the Forest Service in 1910, due to his drastic deflation of a high-up official who was something of a stuffed shirt. He went to the Philippines, where again a flock of legends surrounded him; raised, and became an authority on fighting cocks in Connecticut; and served in World War I, where again many legends surrounded him. He later took to writing western stories, which are of fair quality; though not the equal of those by Earnest Haycox, they are fully equal to those of Luke Short. He now lives in Glendora, California.

17. I am indebted to T. T. Munger for information on both Kent and Langille. Two books have material on the Langille family: Fred McNeil, Wy'East, The Mountain (Portland, 1937), and Mount Hood: A Guide Compiled by the Works Project Administration (New York, 1940). The quotation is from an inspection report on the Alexander Archipeligo Forest Reserve by F. E. Olmsted, N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., Dist. 6, Afognac-Bull Runn, dr. 907773.

18. Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 172-81, 196-97, 255-62.

19. State activity was also important, but it can be been dealt with in a separate chapter.

20. The classification used in this section is that found in Luther Halsey Gulick, American Forest Policy (New York, 1951), pp. 40-45.

21. Ralph S. Hosmer, "The Society of American Foresters, An Historical Summary," Journal of Forestry, 35:11 (November, 1940), pp. 837-54.

22. The role of the industry will be elaborated on in a later chapter.

23. Edward Norris Wentworth, America's Sheep Trails (Ames, 1948), gives a good account of the woolgrowers' associations, and something of their influence. There is no comparable study for the cattle industry.

24. Ibid., pp. 501-09.

25. Two other groups which might be mentioned, and which were important in some sections of the country, were irrigators and miners. These groups, however, were not particularly important in the Pacific Northwest.

1. Gifford Pinchot, "How Conservation Began in the United States," Agricultural History, XI:4 (October, 1937), p. 264.

2. John Muir, The Mountains of California (Boston, 1916), i, p. 222; ii, pp. 89-97, 121; Linne Marsh Wolfe (ed.), John of the Mountains (Boston, 1938), pp. 173-74, 348-251; Wolfe, Son of the Wilderness, pp. 191, 246, 259.

3. Minto has written his own biography in Rhymes of Early Life in Oregon and Historical and Biographical Facts (Salem, 1915).

4. The standard biography of Muir is that of Wolfe, op. cit.

5. Oregonian, April 4, 1897.

6. The question as to grazing in the reserves was not limited to the Cascade Range. It was also a vital question in Arizona, Wyoming, and California. There is need for regional studies of this aspect of forest use.

7. Commissioner of the Land Office to Secretary of the Interior, February, 1896, N.A., D.I., N.F., Willamette, box 174.

8. Petition of the Sheep Owners of Wasco County, June 16, 1896, ibid.

9. Oregonian, March 23, 1897.

10. Journal of the Senate . . . of the State of Oregon, 1897 (Salem, 1898), p. 41. The Oregon delegation in Congress made the same proposal to the Secretary of the Interior.

11. A balance sheet on these matters would show Minto more than holding his own with the Academicians. On foreign and out-of-state ownership of sheep, the Academy statement held true for much of the west; however, it was not true of the Cascade Mountain area. Minto's statements on floods was perfectly correct, so far as it referred to the Pacific Northwest. His statement as to snow lying longer under the trees was upheld by the bible of the conservationists, G. P. Marsh's The Earth as Modified by Human Action (New York, 1898), pp. 67-8. Recent experiments on the Rocky Mountain state watersheds indicate that a judicious cutting may increase year round flow.

12. John Minto's ideas are best summarized in A Paper on Forestry Interests (Salem, 1898). Most of the ideas there found were written in piecemeal form before that time. Many of the criticisms of the conservationists' main tenets are found in E. A. Carman, H. A. Heath and John Minto, Special Report on the History and Present Condition of the Industry of the United States (Washington, 1892), pp. 961-83. Here he also praises the Australian manner of handling the grazing lands. He was a frequent contributor of letters to the editor, and wrote quite a number on grazing matters between 1893 and 1897 to the Oregonian.

The Australian system of grazing land use allowed sheep owners to go out in advance of settlement and graze their herds. They were allowed to take up a relatively small tract as a freehold; and to lease other large tracts, amounting to thousands of acres, for terms varying from three to fourteen years. During this time they were permitted to buy their lease. James G. Leyburn, Frontier Folkways (New Haven, 1935), pp. 134-50.

13. Fredrick V. Coville, Forest Growth and Sheep Grazing in the Cascade Mountains of Oregon (Washington, 1898). Coville also supported the Academicians on the question of snow remaining longer in the timber than in the open.

14. Oregonian, March 29, March 31, April 2, April 4, April 8 and April 12, 1898.

15. Oregonian, March 29, 1898.

16. The Forester, V:1 (January, 1899), p. 20.

17. Oregonian, March 2, 1898.

18. Oregonian, April 30, 1898.

19. Petition of Oregon Wool Grower's Association to Binger Hermann, Commissioner, June 15, 1898, N.A., D.I., N.F., Willamette, box 175.

20. S. B. Ormsby, Forest Superintendent, to Binger Hermann, December 13, 1898, ibid.

21. The Forester, V:1 (January, 1899), p. 15; and V:2 (February, 1899), p. 33.

22. Oregonian, May 29, 1899. In his journal Muir wrote: "Met Judge George. Had a long talk on forest protection, found him lukewarm. Mr. Steel uncertain on the same subject. Told him forest protection was the right side and he had better get on that side as soon as possible. He promised to do what he could against sheep pasture in the Rainier Park and also in the Cascade Reservation. Met Hawkins, fat and easy, who said he did not like to fight like Quixote on the sheep question or any other . . ." Wolfe, John of the Mountains, p. 380.

23. Oregonian, August 24, 1899.

24. Just how Wilson managed to impress his ideas on the Department of the Interior is not evident. However, Secretary Wilson had been in office longer than the Secretary of the Interior, Ethan Allen Hitchcock, and was a stronger man; Pinchot described Hitchcock as "rattling around in his job like a nail in a milk can." Wilson probably overrode any objections that Hitchcock had. The action was almost certainly opposed by Fredrick V. Coville and other career men in the Department of Agriculture, and by Binger Hermann, Commissioner of the Land Office.

25. Oregonian, September 3 and 6, 1899. Similar action was taken in regard to the Bighorn reserve in Wyoming, where grazing was permitted in 1899 for the first time.

26. Oregonian, September 5, 1899.

27. Oregonian, September 16 and October 7, 1899. Steel, of course, was the "bell-wether."

28. Oregonian, September 22, 1899.

29. Oregonian, October 11 and 12, 1899.

30. Oregonian, October 14, 1899.

31. Oregonian, October 19, 1899.

32. Oregonian, October 17, 1899.

33. Oregonian, October 27, 1899. The letters cited are but a few typical ones of many received during the controversy.

34. The forces which made Secretary Bliss change his mind are not evident. It was probably occasioned by the fact that the scientific staff of his Department and the Department of Agriculture were against him—Pinchot, Coville, Bowers, and Hermann—and probably also due to the rumpus kicked up in the Oregonian, which he undoubtedly read.

35. The situation in Arizona, in the Black Mesa and San Francisco forest reserves, was as complex as that of Oregon. Here the irrigation group in the Salt River Valley opposed grazing flocks on the headwaters of streams from which they got their water. Their attitude was supplemented by interests that desired to exchange their checkerboard railroad lands inside the new reserves for more valuable lieu land outside. To gain time for the transaction, they stated that sheep would destroy the cover and thereby make the watershed worthless, and that the area should be owned en bloc by the federal government. They also got support from some cattlemen. Sheep were excluded about the time the reserve was created; pressure from stockmen forced Hitchcock to rescind his order, and in the meantime a study was made by Pinchot, Coville and a sheepman, Albert Potter. They reported that grazing under regulation was not injurious to forests in this, as in the humid areas. However, Hitchcock again rescinded his order; once more stockmen went east and protested, and Pinchot succeeded in persuading Secretary Hitchcock to rescind his order. Grazing privileges were assumed on most of the forest reserves thereafter. The best account of this episode is found in Wentworth, op. cit., pp. 502-03.

36. Charles McKinley, Uncle Sam in the Pacific Northwest (Berkeley, 1952), p. 266.

37. Muir's biographer states that in 1897 Muir, while in Seattle, read a statement by Pinchot, then in the city, stating that sheep grazing on the reserves did little harm. Muir met Pinchot, found that he was quoted correctly, and angrily stated that they were through with each other. (Wolfe, Son of the Wilderness, pp. 275-76) The specific incident related is not based on primary evidence, and there are some reasons for doubting that the incident was as dramatic, or the break as complete, as is indicated; that point may be cleared up when the complete journals of Pinchot and Muir are open to the public. However, the incident did mark the beginning of the break between the two groups.

38. John Minto, "Sheep Husbandry in Oregon," Oregon Historical Quarterly, III:3 (September, 1902), pp. 219-47.

39. Oregonian, February 10, 1904.

1. "Olympic Forest Reserve, Washington," Twenty-First Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey (Washington, 1900), 153-56; Gifford Pinchot, Surveys of the Forest Reserves (Washington, 1898), pp. 87-91.

2. Edwin T. Coman and Helen M. Gibbs, Time, Tide and Timber: A Century of Pope and Talbot (Stanford 1949), pp. 1112-13.

3. R. LeBar to the Secretary of the Interior (n.d.), N.A., D.I., N.F., Okanogan to Olympic, part II.

4. Statement of Henry Gannett, February 11, 1899, and Gifford Pinchot, March 13, 1899, ibid.

5. Cloes' inspection report, May 11, 1899, ibid. Cloes probably did not leave his dental office.

6. These petitions, remonstrances, prayers and supplications are found in ibid.

7. Charles D. Walcott to Binger Hermann, September 26, 1899. ibid.

8. Both Pinchot and E. T. Allen valued Sheller as a source of inside information on Land Office politics. Allen in 1906 hired him as supervisor of the Blue Mountain National Forest, where his ability to win friends and influence people helped him make friends for the forests in that area. He was transferred to the Wenatchee National Forest in 1907, where he was conspicuously less successful; he took to drink and was fired the next year.

9. Report of D. B. Sheller (n.d., 1899), ibid.

10. Report of Rixon and Dodwell to Henry Gannett, November 22, 1899, ibid. The reports of both Sheller and the Geological Survey field men were correct in regard to the number of settlers, and to the fact that a good number were bona fide settlers rather than speculators. Their opinion of the worthlessness of hemlock was a common opinion at that time. Gannett was perfectly correct, however, in regarding the land as timber land rather than agricultural land.

11. Henry Gannett to the Secretary of the Interior, December 13, 1899, and March 15, 1900, ibid.

12. "Olympic Reserve," Twenty-First Annual Report of the Geological Survey, p. 152; Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1900 (Washington, 1900), pp. 87-91.

13. George W. Woodruff, Federal and State Forest Laws (Washington, 1904: U.S.D.A., Bulletin 57), pp. 247-49. Some 41,947,310 acres were restored to the forest between 1901 and 1907.

14. The following table is suggestive:

Original alienations of the area eliminated from the Olympic National Forest

Ownership, 1912, of area eliminated from Olympic National Forest

N.A., D.A., F.S., Timber claim frauds, dr. 40.

15. Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1901 (Washington, 1901).

16. A description of the Washington reserve is contained in H. B. Ayres, "The Washington Forest Reserve," Nineteenth Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey, 1897-98 (Washington, 1899), pp. 283-313. Other descriptions are found in the unpublished reports of the Bureau of Forestry as follows: "Washington Forest Reserves: Description of the Valleys," by H. B. Ayres, 1897; "A Favorable Report on the Proposed Addition to the Washington Forest Reserve, Washington," by M. G. Gowsell, 1903; and "Report on the Proposed Addition to the Washington Forest Reserve, Washington," by W. T. Cox. These reports are in N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 137. The petitions, letters, protests, and remonstrances are in N.A., D.I., N.F., Mt. Baker, boxes 105 and 106.

17. E. T. Allen, "The Applications and Possibilities of the Federal Reserve Policy," Proceedings of the Society of American Foresters I, 2 (Nov., 1905), p. 52.

18. E. T. Allen to Gifford Pinchot, February 23, 1907; Pinchot to Allen, March 2, 1907, N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., District 6, 1906-08, dr. 94/777. Pinchot to Allen, March 7, 1907, ibid., Insp. Corr., Allen. E. T., 1907, dr. 27.

19. Some information on the road is found in The Columbia River and Oregon Timberman, I:7 (May, 1900), p. 19. See Map 2.

20. The documents cited are in N.A., D.I., N.F., Gifford Pinchot, box 55.

21. Ibid.

22. J. W. Cloes to Commissioner of Land Office, November 7, 1898; D. B. Sheller to Commissioner, December 30, 1899, ibid.

23. Oregonian, September 21, 1899.

24. Oregonian, July 3 and 27, 1901.

25. U. S. Bureau of Corporations, The Lumber Industry (Washington, 1913-14), II, pp. 39, 44.

26. N.A., D.I., N.F., Gifford Pinchot, box 55.

27. Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1901 (Washington, 1901), pp. 108-09.

28. "The Proposed Snoqualmie Forest Reserve in Washington," by R. B. Wilson, July, 1904, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Mt. Hood-Umpqua, Dr. 138. The following tables of land status are of interest.

29. "Ashford Addition to the Mt. Rainier Reserve," by John Leibig, 1905; "Proposed Addition to the Eastern Boundary of the Washington National Forest," by E. T. Allen, 1905; "A Favorable Report on the Proposed Additions to the National Forest in Chelan and Okanogan Counties," by Lee A. Harris, 1906; "Proposed Colville National Forest," (n.d.), N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 137 and 138.

1. Puter and Stevens, op. cit., pp. 347-50, is the standard study. A more valuable study, so far unexploited, is the series of articles by Harry Brown in the Oregonian, October and November, 1903. Brown had access to Land Office material, and used it well. There is, however, still much work to be done, in studying the lieu land frauds from both the disposal and conservation points of view.

2. Report of the Secretary of the Interior 1904, p. 387.

3. The Oregon Central Military Wagon Road grant extended from Eugene to the eastern border of the state, and covered odd sections for three miles in width on each side of the road, with indemnity limits to six miles on each side of the road. The government brought suit against the road in 1889, alleging failure to construct the road, but were unsuccessful. Bureau of Corporation, The Lumber Industry, III, pp. 57-8 and 78.

4. Ibid., map 2 facing p. 80; also map 3 of this thesis.

MAP 3
PROPOSED PENGRA ELIMINATION

5. G. G. Allardt, The Commissioner of the General Land Office, October 2, 1899, N.A., D.I., N.F., Willamette, part II, box 175.

6. S. B. Ormsby to Binger Hermann, October 25 and 26, 1899, ibid. Steel brought both the weight of the Oregon Forestry Association, a branch of the American Forestry Association, which he had just organized, and the Mazamas against the project.

7. John B. Waldo to S. B. Ormsby, October 16, 1899, ibid. Steel forwarded a copy to Thomas Ryan, Acting Secretary of the Interior. The quotation from Geike is from Geological Sketches at Home and Abroad (New York, 1892), pp. 305-06. Geike was of the erosionist school of geologists, believing that most of the features of the earth are due to the action of air, rain, frost, rivers, and other areas of subaerial erosion, as opposed to the convulsionists, such as Clarence King, who believed subterranean movements were the main causes of physical features. He traveled in this country in 1879, on a trip arranged by the American geologist Hayden, going through Wyoming, Montana and Idaho, and finding there confirmation of his ideas. He was also the first to observe the effects of fissure flows of lava, as opposed to crater flows, on his trip through the lava fields of the Snake River country, and the first to study similar fissure flows in Iceland, northwestern Europe and the Deccan. Waldo's citation of Geike is another example of the wide familiarity of westerners with the scientific literature of the time.

8. Letter of transmittal to Binger Hermann, October 9, 1899, by M. J. Anderson and other stockmen. George Sorenson to Senator John H. Mitchell, March 6, 1901. H. J. Dufur to John H. Mitchell, n.d., 1901. Malcolm Moody to Binger Hermann, March 9, 1901, N.A., D.I., N.F., Willamette Part II, box 175. Sorenson, the timber broker, along with Ormsby, the Forest Superintendent, were hand in glove with the speculators; the others were honest in their intent.

9. The correspondent was wrong in suspecting that the area was in the O. & C. grant; but he was probably right in thinking someone would profit by the withdrawal. Ownership maps in The Lumber Industry III, p. 80, show extensive holdings by the Southern Pacific, Hill and Weyerhauser, and the C. A. Smith interests. Of these the C. A. Smith interests were those who customarily manipulated the land laws, and it was likely Ormsby was working for this group.

10. T. Leonard Charman, Secretary of the Board of Water Commissioners, to John H. Mitchell. February 18, 1902.

Similar letters were sent to the other delegates to Congress. N.A., D.I., N. F., Willamette, part II, box 175.

11. "Proposed Santiam Addition to the Cascade Range Reserve," L A. Braniff, 1904; "Proposed Roseburg Addition to the Cascade Range Reserve," W. H. B. Kent, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Wenatchee-Willamette dr. 139.

12. The official reports on the reserve are in N.A., D.I., N.F., Siskiyou, Part I and II, box 145. Harry Brown, the Oregonian's Washington correspondent, utilized the documents in one of a series of articles on "The Forest Reserves in Oregon," of which the issue of the Oregonian for October 13, 1903, is significant.

13. The remonstrances were on the usual grounds that the reserve had agricultural lands locked up in it; that it was unnecessary, since the Cascade Range existed; that brush land in the reserve was a fire hazard; that the reserve was not needed for watershed protection; and that many settlers were waiting to prove up their claims.

14. H. D. Langille and W. T. Cox, "A Report on the proposed Siskiyou Forest Reserve, Oregon," N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 138.

15. "Report on the Proposed Blue Mountain Reserve, 1906," R. D. Langille, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 139, gives a good picture of the region. The Oregonian carried numerous stories of the range wars; for example, the issues of September 19, 1902, and October 31, 1903. Wentworth, op. cit., pp. 260-65, gives a good account of the migratory herds in Oregon. He finds exact statistics on the number of sheep hard to arrive at.

Figures on the number of sheep grazed in the area (from the Oregonian, September 19, 1902) are:

16. Oregonian July 31, 1901; Citizens of Baker City to Moody, September 27, 1901, and L. Gabrill to Gifford Pinchot, December 7, 1901, N.A., D.I., N.F., Blue Mountains, box 17.

17. Puter, op. cit., pp. 347-50.

18. Ibid. The rank and file members of the Wool Grower's Association were probably sincere in their desire to have a reserve to stop range wars. However, J. N. Williamson, one of their members, had more dishonest motives, as he was in league with the Puter group.

19. The Journal played an important part, as well as the Oregonian, in breaking the story of the land frauds. Like the Oregonian, once it was aware that frauds were involved, it attacked the land looters; in addition, as a Democratic paper, it attacked the officials involved even more severely than did the Oregonian. The Oregonian however, because of its wider circulation, its Washington correspondent, and its influence both in the region and in the nation, played a more important part in the national movement. The Journal however, did play a significant role in the state, by its support of Governor Chamberlain for the governorship. An evaluation of the role of the Journal is found in Marshall N. Dana, The First Fifty Years of the Oregon Journal (Portland, 1951), pp. 79-82, 86-88.

20. The presumption is that the Association had already obtained title to the areas around waterholes and springs, and by their control of private land in the reserve could control the grazing.

21. The pertinent papers are in N.A., D.I., N.F., Blue Mountains, box 17. Harry Brown's story, based on the Land Office files are in the Oregonian October 5 and 7. Brown's evaluations are sound, though he is somewhat harsh in his evaluation of Langille.

22. Report of the Secretary of the Interior. 1904, pp. 21-4; Report of the Commissioner of the Land Office, 1908, pp. 25-27.

23. Elting Mormon (ed.), The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge, 1950-53), III, p. 477.

24. See Map 4.

MAP 4
TEMPORARY WITHDRAWALS IN OREGON, 1903
(From The Oregonian, Sept. 7, 1903)
Legend for Map 4

25. The articles were severe in their criticism of public officials as well as the land sharks, but probably their value in exciting the public against the land looters was thought to outweigh this. H. D. Langille, who came in for some harsh criticism from Brown, prepared an article for the Oregonian in his own defense, and submitted it to the Bureau of Forestry for clearance. As he said, "They are roasting me pretty hard in the state, and I would like to get back at them but of course will not do so at the sacrifice of the Bureau's interests." (H. D. Langille to O. W. Price, October 22, 1903, N.A., D.A., F. S., Chief's Corr.). The article was not published.

26. No more permanent reserves were created until the repeal of the lieu provision in 1905. The Oregonian took credit for this policy, which left the land looters holding the bag; but more likely, the Land Office and Bureau of Forestry arrived at it independently.

27. Morrison, op. cit., III, pp. 572-73, 594-5; IV, pp. 1176-77, 1302; Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York, 1913), pp. 359-60; Oswald West, "Remniscences and Anecdotes," Oregon Historical Quarterly, LI:2 (June, 1950), pp. 107-110.

28, "Report on the Proposed Blue Mountain Reserve," by H. D. Langille, 1906, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 139; interview with T. T. Munger.

29. Ibid.; "Supplemental Report on the Blue Mountain Reserve, Oregon," H. D. Langille, 1904, N.A., D.I., N.F., Blue Mountains, Box 17.

30. H. D. Langille to Secretary of Agriculture Wilson, N.A., D.I., N.F., Blue Mountains, box 17; Oregonian, October 6, 1903. The Grande Ronde Lumber Company was a Chippawa Falls, Wisconsin, firm. E. W. Bartlett, the dishonest Register at La Grande that Roosevelt removed, was a stockholder, and probably aided the company in getting land. The firm had close ties with the Booth-Kelly Company, and may have been a subsidiary. The Columbia River and Oregon Timberman, I:4 (February, 1900) has some information on their logging operations.

31. Of this company, Langille wrote, "It is common knowledge that their employees have been supplied with funds to purchase land under the Timber and Stone Act, and it is a matter of record that their claims have been transferred to the company on the same day following receipt of patent." "Report on the Proposed Blue Mountain Reserve," H. D. Langille, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 139.

32. Oregonian, September 19, 1902.

33. "The Proposed Heppner Forest Reserve, Oregon," H. D. Langille, 1903, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 135.

34. H. D. Langille to Land Office Commissioner, April 20, 1902, N.A., D.I., N.F., Blue Mountains, box 17.

35. "Report of an Examination of the Proposed Maury Mountain Forest Reserve," Edward A. Braniff, 1903, N.A., D.A., N.F., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 137.

36. "The Wallowa Reserve," A. Gaskill, 1903; "The Proposed Wallowa Forest Reserve," Frank A. Clarke and H. D. Langille, 1904; "The Proposed Chesnimmus Forest Reserve, Oregon," H. D. Langille, 1904, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 135.

37. Oregonian October 8, 1903.

38 The petitions and letters mentioned are in N.A., D.I., N.F., Umatilla to Umpqua, box 164.

39 "The Proposed Walla Walla Forest Reserve, Washington and Oregon," W. H. B. Kent, Survey and Recommendation, Bureau of Forestry, ibid.; "The Proposed Wenaha Forest Reserve," W. H. B. Kent, 1904, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 139.

40. Oregonian October 8, 1903.

41. "The Proposed Fremont Forest Reserve and Addition to the Cascade Range Reserve in Oregon," W. H. B. Kent, 1904, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, dr. 137. Interview with K. C. Langfield, a forest ranger who knew personally the stockmen who circulated the petition.

42. Columbia River and Oregon Timberman, I:12 (October, 1900), p. 9; Oregonian, August 2, October 13, 14, and 23, 1902. The chief lumber interests that profited were the Booth-Kelly Company, the C. A. Smith interests, and the Weyerhauser subsidiaries. The Booth-Kelly Company acquired the nucleus of its holding through the Oregon Central Military Road Grant; but most of the holdings were acquired by using dummy entrymen. The Lumber Industry, III, pp. 57-59, map 80.

43. "The Proposed Sprague River Addition to the Goose Lake Forest Reserve," by Franklin W. Redd, 1904, N.A., D.A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, Region VI, Deschutes-Mt. Baker, dr. 137.

44. Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, p. 300; Robbins, op. cit., pp. 348-49; Cameron, op. cit., pp. 244-45; Roosevelt, Autobiography, pp. 459-60.

45. Robbins, op. cit., has quoted at length from such attacks.

46. Ibid.

47. Oregonian March 6, 1907.

48. E. T. Allen to Gifford Pinchot, February 25, 1907, N. A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T., 1907, dr. 710/27.

49. Congressional Record, 59th Cong. 2nd Session, pp. 3507-08; 60th Cong., 1st Session, p. 167.

50. E. T. Allen to Gifford Pinchot, February 23, 1907, N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., E. T. Allen, dr. 710/27.

51. Congressional Record, 59th Cong., 2nd Session, pp. 3506-07. The State Legislature asked that grazing fees be given to the school funds in lieu of tax money lost by creation of the reserves, and asked for a law to administer the O. & C. lands.

1. Cameron, op. cit., 255, n. l.

2. A brief biographical sketch of Allen appears in Shirley W. Allen, "E. T. Allen, Journal of Forestry. 43:3 (March, 1945), 222-3.

3. Pinchot to Allen, December 10, 1898, in N.A., D.A.. , F.S., Gen. Corr., A-L Letterbook.

4. Foster's speech is in The Forester, VII:3 (March, 1901), 88-91. Allen's letters and reports are in N.A., D.A., F.S., Gen. Corr., E. T. Allen, and Allen, E. T., Miss.. Corr., dr. 58/420.

5. Allen's reports and correspondence are in N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T. 1906-07, dr. 26/209, and Insp. Corr., Dist. 6, 1907, dr. 23/706. He wrote a brief account of his work in "California's Forest Policy," Forest and Irrigation, XI:7 (July, 1905), 370-371. The First Biennial Report of the State Forester of California (Sacremento, 1906), has some information on Allen's work. The Los Angeles Times, June 28, 1906, has information on Luken's remonstrance.

6. Practically speaking, Allen's work was concentrated in Washington and Oregon. Alaska was pretty well left to local supervisors and rangers.

7. Memorandum April 25 1908, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., 1908, Dist. 6, dr. 211/70.

8. Gifford Pinchot to Fred Ames, in ibid., Insp. Corr., Ames, F. E., Feb. 18, 1907.

9. E. T. Allen to James Adams in ibid., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T., 1906-07, dr 26/709.

10. Described by John Kirkpatrick, a ranger who worked under him for many years, as "an eccentric man, but an amiable, kindly disposed gentleman, absolutely honest and loyal to those whom he felt were honest and deserving" (The Six-Twenty-Six, VIII:1 November, 1924).

11. E. T. Allen to the Forester, September 14, 1907, in N.A., D.A., N.F., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T., 1906-07, dr. 26/709. Fred Ames in his inspection report praises Anderson's work, (ibid., Insp. Corr., District 6, Cascade-Whitman, 1908); and T. T. Munger has confirmed these statements in an interview.

12. W. T. Cox, Insp. Report, Olympic, March, 1906, in N.A., D.A., N.F., District 6, Olympic-Washington, 1905-1908, dr. 93/776. The Ranger, VII:1 (April, 1932), 6.

13. The Ranger, II:1 (April, 1926).

14. The Ranger VII:1 (April, 1932).

15. E. T. Allen to the Forester, November 15, 1907, in N.A., D.A., N.F., Insp. Corr., Allen E. T., 1906-07, dr. 26/709.

16. Ibid., Allen Corr., 1908, dr. 25.

17. Although Pinchot in his autobiography takes credit for the idea, the real originator of the plan was apparently F. E. Olmsted. Allen traveled with Secretary of Agriculture James E. Wilson on his tour of the West in 1907. Writing to Assistant Forester Overton Price, be said, "In short, his [Wilson's] own idea seemed, as I said before, without my suggestion, almost exactly the district forester scheme proposed by Olmsted long ago. He says it is unreasonable to pay me $2700 and then have important matters go to Washington, where since the Forester is too busy to go into detail, they are controlled by men paid less and therefore not so competent. If they are more competent than the Chief Inspector he says they ought to be out here in our places. He says it is absurd to have us here at all if we cannot give direct orders to the supervisors when orders are needed." Gifford Pinchot papers, Pers. Subj., Forest Service, 01-07, box 1920, Library of Congress.

18. N.A., D.A., F.S., Allen Corr., 1908, dr. 25.

19. Reprinted in The Ranger, VI:3 (April, 1929).

20. The Ranger, VII:3 (April 1929). The Office of Information an Education, Region 6 (Portland, Oregon) has a file of biographical information on most of the men. Scattered references are also found in the regional newsletters, The Ranger and The Six-Twenty-Six.

21. Ibid.

22. One example of such ingenuity, shown by a ranger in the Cascade forest, deserves special mention. It has to do with whiskey.

"Your expense account Certificate 112 is returned. Item 1, quart of whiskey, is rather unusual, and your explanation is noted. Please submit on a separate expense account the items potassium permanganate and 1 quart of whiskey, together with the explanation given in the returned voucher. I would also support this account containing the above items by letter stating that the whiskey will be kept in the Supervisor's office for future medicinal use with fire fighters or temporary laborers. I desire these items to be submitted separately so that the account may be forwarded the Washington Office for advice. The purchase of whiskey as medicine establishes a precedent which the Washington office must rule on before payment. The remainder of the items may be submitted in some future account."

Now for the reason:

"There was a fire in a rattle-snake-infested part of the district. Word was brought to me about 12:00 p.m. I needed a few men and the only ones in evidence in the village were the few still with their feet on the rail and their elbows on the bar. They steadfastly and profanely refused to help me with my fire unless I carried along a supply of snake bite medicine. I think I could have gotten by with the account but for one thing—after the fire, there was no whiskey to be "kept in the Supervisor's office for future medicinal" or any ether use. (It was good stuff, and only cost $1.50 per quart.) Nobody was snake bit. We got the fire out." (P. A. Thimpson, Cascade.)

23. E. T. Allen, "Ranger Young Wild On the Fire Line, or Lariat Laura's Fatal Form," in American Forestry XX:7 (July, 1914), 496-8.

24. E. T. Allen to the Forester, November 15, 1909, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Chief's Corr.

25. The case on which Allen spent most of his attention is mentioned in a letter of Lee Harris to Allen, in ibid., Correspondence, E. T. Allen, dr. 25. On at least two occasions Pinchot issued letters reprimanding technical foresters in the district who had been undiplomatic in their relations with field men.

26. There is much correspondence on the subject in Ibid., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T. 1906-07, dr. 26/709 and Insp. Corr., Dist. 6, dr. 23/70.

27. No information has been found on the background of the action. Pinchot did have permission of the legal division of the Department of Agriculture, though the action was of doubtful legality.

28. E. T. Allen to the Forester, (n.d.) 1908, in N.A., D.A., F.S. Allen, 1908 Corr., dr. 25.

29. Francis G. Miller, "How the College of Forestry was established at the University of Washington," in University of Washington Forest Club Quarterly, IV:3 ( November, 1925), 27-33.

30. Similar short courses were started in Montana, Colorado, and other Western states.

31. Allen to the Forester, October 16 and 29, 1908; Allen to F. G. Miller, October 29, 1908; A. H. Potter to Allen, November 4, 1908, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., District 6, 1908, dr. 24/70.

32. Memorandum, (n.d.) 1908, in ibid., Insp. Corr., dr. 25.

33. C. S. Chapman to District Forester, December 10, 1910, in ibid., Silviculture-Supervision, R. 6, 1908-16, dr. 3/291.

34. Francis G. Miller, op. cit., 29; Pinchot, op. cit., 458.

35. Thomas Kane to Secretary Wilson, January 5, 1911; E. T. Allen to Wilson, January 7, 1911; Wilson to Kane, January 27, 1911, in N.A., D. A., F.S., Silviculture-Cooperation, 1908-16, dr. 3/291.

36. A. Potter to District Forester, November 10, 1911, in ibid.

37. W. T. Andrews, "Introduction of the Practical Teaching of Logging, Engineering, and Lumber Manufacture at the University of Washington, in University of Washington Forest Club Quarterly, IV:3 (Nov., 1925), 34-7.

38. Iso., op. cit., 169, 172-4; Cameron, op. cit., 332-5; Pinchot, op. cit., 268-73.

39. The situation is still true. Charles McKinley wrote in 1952, "Interestingly enough the state associations are not always in full harmony with the actions of the national conventions and their officials. Yet the voice heard in Congress concerning the fee and the subsequent appropriation controversy was the voice of the two big national groups." He goes on to remark on the opposition to giving federal range land to the states by stockmen in the Pacific Northwest. Charles McKinley, Uncle Sam in the Pacific Northwest (New York, 1952), 264, 266.

40. Report of M. L. Erickson, 1906, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., Dist. 6, Cascade (W)—Imnaha, dr. 92/775.

41. Ulrich E. Fries, From Copenhagen to Okanagan (Caldwell, 1949), 391.

42. Report of Howard O'Brien, 1907, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Grazing Allowances, Reg. 6., 1908-12, dr. 2/106.

43. Ibid., Grazing Corr., Region 6, 1907-12, 1/149.

44. M. L. Erickson to Cornelius Finacune, March, 1907; C. W. Fulton to Gifford Pinchot, August 17, 1907, in bid., Insp. Corr., Allen, 1907, dr. 27.

45. H. A. Sylvester, Report, in ibid., Grazing Allowances, Region 6, 1908-12, dr. 5/109.

46. Fred Ames to the Forester, March 29, 1912; Albert Potter to Ames, April 8, 1912, in ibid., Reg. G-15.

47. Guy Ingram, "Grazing Report" 1908, in ibid., Grazing Allowances, Region 6, 1908-12, dr. 2/106; M. L. Erickson, "Grazing Report," in ibid., Insp. Corr., 1908, dr. 778/95.

48. Cy Bingham, "Annual Grazing Report, 1909, Malheur," in ibid., Grazing Allowances, D6, 1908-12, dr. 3/107.

49. George Cecil to the Forester, August 15, 1912, in ibid., Grazing-Supervision, Region 6, 1908-12, dr. 1/238.

50. Fred Ames to the Forester, November 3, 1911; L. F. Kneipp to Ames, November 9, 1911, in ibid. There are many examples of such requests scattered through the grazing correspondence.

51. E. T. Allen to the Forester, January 30, 1908, in ibid., Allen Corr., dr, 25.

52. Rodgers, op. cit., 408.

53. Oregonian, January 4 and 5, 1911.

54. Oregonian, January 6, 7, 8 and 9, 1911. C. S. Chapman to the Forester, January 11, 1911; Henry Graves to C. S. Chapman, January 17, 1911 in N.A., D.A., F.S., Grazing Supervision, Region 6, dr. 1/238.

55. Washington Hatchet, I:4 April, 1912.

56. Minutes of Dist. Committee Meeting, April 2, 1912, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Operations File, Region 6, dr. 183.

57. The Six-Twenty-Six, VI:1 (November, 1922).

58. The Crater Ranger, April, 1911; The Deschutes Ranger, I:4 (August, 1914).

59. N.A., D.A., F.S., Operations File, District 6, dr. 183/172.

60. Diary of John Kirkpatrick, in ibid., Ranger's Diaries.

61. N A., D.A., F.S., Fire Control Correspondence, 1909-35; F—Cooperation; Acc, 1124, dr 35. The agreements with Railroads, to judge from inspection reports, were well kept.

62. The Six-Twenty-Six, III:10 (August, 1917); American Forestry, XX:7 (July, 1914), 498.

63. N.A., D A., F.S., Fire Control Corr., 1909-17; Co-operation, Reg. 5-6, Acc1124, dr. 41.

64. Ibid., E. T. Allen, Box 25.

65. Ibid., F. S. Timber Sales 1908-30, Gen., R. 6.

66. Ibid.

67. "The Conduct of Timber Sales," by F. E. Ames, in ibid., Research Compilation Files, National Forests, Reg. 5 and 6, dr. 135,

68. Ibid.

69. N.A., D.A., F.S., I—Information, Hist. Info., box 44.

70. Overton Price to E. T. Allen, Aug. 18, 1908, in ibid., E. T. Allen Corr., dr. 25; interview with T. T. Munger.

71. Rodgers, op. cit., 471.

72. N.A., D.A F.S., Res. Compilation Files, dr. 378.

73. T. T. Munger, "Report on the Proposed Wind River Experiment Station, March 4, 1912," in ibid.

74. Munger interviev.

75. Cameron, op. cit., 249.

76. John B. Waldo to Gifford Pinchot, May 26, 1906, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Pinchot Records, Agri. Lands-Conservation Charges.

77. John B. Waldo to Gifford Pinchot, March 27, 1906, in ibid.; Oregonian, March 25, 1906.

78. Darrel H. Smith, The Forest Service: Its History, Activities and Organization, (Washington, 1930), 40.

79. N.A., D.A., F.S., Insp. Corr., Allen E. T., 1907, dr. 27/710.

80. N.A., D A., F.S., Research Compilation Files, National Forests, Reg. 5 and 6, dr 135.

81. Report of E. T. Allen, February 14, 1907, in ibid., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T., Olympic-Washington, 1905-08, dr. 93; Allen to the Forester, June 15 and August 14, 1907, and Report of George Milham, November 5, 1907, in ibid., Insp. Corr., Allen, E. T., 1907, dr. 27/710.

82. R. E. Benedict to Overton Price, Sept. 9, 1909, in ibid., Chief's Corr., 14-W-3, Row 7, dr. 121.

83. Ibid., Operations File, District 6, Supervision, 1912-13, ace, 766, dr. 330/419.

84. Cameron, op. cit., 282. By the 1906 ruling the rvisor was generally accepted.

85. Solicitor's memorandum to the Secretary of Agriculture, in N.A., D.A., F.S., Lands, Timber Fraud Claims, dr. 40.

86. Ibid.

87. There were a large number of other claims protested in this area, and invalidated during this time. Some of the examiners had exciting experiences; one, for example, was invited to dinner by a timber locator, and had "Rough-On-Rats" given him in his coffee. See Alford L. Thayer, "The Fraudulent Homesteader," in Forestry and Irrigation, XIV:11 (November, 1908), 579-84.

88. Henry Graves, "Timber Frauds in the National Forests," in N.A., D.A., F.S., Timber Fraud Claims, dr. 40. In the same collection Public Land Papers, dr 42 and 44, and Homestead Claims, dr. 27, contain much material, including a collection of extremely convincing photographs of homestead claim taken up for timber.

89. Interview with T. T. Munger.

1. Fredrick Jackson Turner, The Significance of Sections in American History (New York, 1950), 254.

2. A good example or this type of company history is Donald H. Clark, 18 Men and a Horse (Seattle, 1949), dealing with the Bloedel-Donovan opera does everything but put a halo on the brow of its hero.

3. George Mowry's The California Progressives (Berkely, 1951) mentions the conservation issue only briefly, though it was a live issue in the state, and some of the chief attacks on federal forest policy came from California lumbermen in the period 1910-20. Keith Murray's thesis on Republican party politics in Washington talks only in general terms of railroad and lumber interests control. Helen Wilson's thesis on Poindexter has little to say on his conservation stand.

4. No thorough study of Roosevelt's work as a conservationist has been made. His own account of his work, in the Autobiography, is a good one, especially in respect to his relations with the western Senators. Volumes 3-6 of his Letters contain many references to the forests and may be read with profit. Pinchot's Breaking New Ground is also of value.

5. Pinchot, op. cit., 295. Roosevelt's use of the tariff as a political lever to pry other concessions out of the party is dealt with in John Plum, The Republican Roosevelt (Cambridge, 1954), 72-105. Pinchot's stand is less well understood. His early favoring of a tariff on lumber in 1903 is recorded in John H. Cox, Organization of the Lumber Industry in the Pacific Northwest, 1889-1914 (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, 1937), 174-8; and both Cox and Robbins (op. cit., 341), indicate that this meant Pinchot favored big corporations, and compromised his principles to some extent, by taking such a stand. What seems likely, however, is that Pinchot, like Roosevelt, was not much interested in the tariff except as a political weapon. At an Irrigation Congress in 1907 he spoke in favor of free lumber imports, saying that he had not taken a stand on the matter before for fear of antagonizing the lumber interests; but now that they were on his side, he could speak out (Oregonian, September 4, 1907). At the time the Conservation Commission was formed in the state of Washington, the Pacific Coast Lumber Manufacturers Association put great pressure on Governor Meade, to get his aid in making Pinchot commit himself definitely in favor of a tariff. (Robert B. Allen to Governor Meade, December 2, 1908; Victor H. Beckman to Meade, December 23, 1908, in Washington State Archives (hereafter abbreviated as W.S.A.), Natural Resources File, Governor Meade.

6. Pinchot, op. cit., 388-9.

7. Cameron, op. cit., 303-4; Ise, op. cit., 287-8; E. Louise Peffer, The Closing of the Public Domain (Stanford, 1951), 66-9.

8. Alpheus Mason, Bureaucracy Convicts Itself (New York, 1941), 38-9.

9. Puter, op. cit., 376-85.

10. Mason, op. cit., 182-5.

11. There was no uniformity in state and county taxes on timber land. It varied from two to three dollars on cut over land; in some counties a lump valuation of twenty to twenty-four dollars for timber lands; in others a valuation of two to five dollars per acre, plus fifty cents to a dollar extra for timber, however, the timber could not be held and managed at these rates of taxation.

One thing which operated in favor of the lumbermen, was the fact that cruises for the purpose of taxation by county and state cruisers usually very much underestimated the volume of timber for the purposes of taxation, Sometimes there were two to three times as much timber on the acreage as the cruisers estimated. The Lumber Industry, iii, 184-5.

11a. The best study of the industry and its structure is E. T. Allen, "The Situation of the Forest Industry from the Viewpoint of Permanent Forest Management, as reported by the Western Forestry and Conservation Association " in N.A., D.A F.S.., Research Compilation File, dr. 408. This was prepared for an examination by the Federal Trade Commission of the lumber industry.

12. The situation was far different in California, where Forest Service and private standards of fire protection were very much at odds, due to the Californian's addiction to "light-burning."

13. Some statement of the aims and purposes of the group is contained in a letter of Steel to Pinchot, December 16, 1898, N.A., D.A., F.S., Pub. Rel. Corr., July 1, 1898 - May 15, 1899. dr. 47. Of the group, Waldo has already been mentioned. Hawkins was a rotund, Falstaffian individual, who apparently introduced the tropical pith helmet to the northwest. An ardent cyclist, he engineered a bicycle path from Portland to Mt. Hood. He also was the father of the city park system in Portland. A. J. Johnson was a nurseryman, who provided the Oregon forest exhibits for the Chicago World Fair. He also assisted the Geological Survey in its boundary work.

14. Meany, while attending the Chicago World Fair in 1893, heard Fernow talk about forestry and decided to introduce it at the University. He was aided in this project by the fact that the President, Mark Harrington, had at one time worked with Fernow in Washington. Meany entered into correspondence with Fernow, and in 1894 began instruction, modeling his course on Fernow's Amherst lectures. There is a large amount of correspondence between Meany and Fernow in the Fernow Correspondence, of the National Archives. See also Rodgers, op. cit., 217-218.

15. Pinchot, op. cit., 158, has paid tribute to Burke.

16. William T. Cox, "Recent Forest Fires in Oregon and Washington," Forest and Irrigation, VIII:11 (November, 1902), 462-70. Holbrook, op. cit., has told the story of the fire in his usual vivid fashion, 108-21.

17. Federal and State Forest Laws (Washington, 1904; U. S. D. A. Bull. 57), 109, 138-9, 194-6.

18. Report of the State Forester of Washington (Olympia, 1906).

19. Report of the State Forester of Washington, 1905 (Olympia, 1906).

20. Report of the Oregon Conservation Commission (Salem, 1912), 19-20.

21. Ibid., 21.

22. Another organization dealing with a problem closely related to forest conservation which came into being about this time was the Logged-Off Lands League, a group made up of those holding cut-over land. They became a significant group in the 20's; but at the present time, the main concern was with fire. Conservation has always been a matter of "first things first."

23. First Biennial Report of the State Board of Forestry for the year 1907-08 (Salem, 1908).

24. Keith Murray, Republican Party Politics in Washington During the Progressive Era (Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington. An analysis of the nature of some of the chief party members is found, pp. 10-13.

25. Ibid., pp. 50-52.

26. Seattle Times, November 5, 1908; E. T. Allen to The Forester, June 8, 1909, N.A., D.A., F.S., Silviculture-Supervision, R6, 1908-151;16, dr. 2/290. Several things may be recognized in regard to the school lands of Washington, it was legally permissible, under the law of 1893, for the state to exchange school or other land in the reserve for federal land outside; and Ross' protests were ostensibly on this ground. There is no doubt that the Interior Department, in this and in other states, was slow in its land work, and there were just grounds for criticism. However, Ross desired exchange of land in blocks, rather than in isolated sections, which action would take Congressional legislation. Moreover, there is no doubt that both the Forest Service and the Department of the Interior were aware that frauds were being practiced in the sales of timber covered school lands, and may purposely have delayed action to avoid such practices. Ross undoubtedly had some legitimate grievances, but, he magnified them out of all proportion. For Ross' views on school lands, see his Eleventh Annual Report of the Commissioner of Public Lands (Olympia, 1911), pp. 53-57.

27. Oregonian, June 5, 1907.

28. Oswald West, "Reminiscences and Anecdotes—Mostly About Politics," Oregon Historical Quarterly LI:2 (June, 1950), pp. 109-10.

29. Oregonian, June 18, 19, 20, and 21, 1907; Cameron, op. cit., p. 242; Robbins, op. cit., pp. 351-52. There is need for some scholarly analyses of the various public land conferences which were held in the western states from 1907 to 1914. They are valuable in showing regional differences between parts of the west, on the public land questions. Taken as indicating a "Western" view toward these problems, however, they are apt to be misleading, in most cases there were attempts to "pack" the meetings, so the minority views as well as the majority resolutions should be carefully analyzed.

30. Robbins, op. cit., pp. 354-62, has a good evaluation.

31. Report of the Oregon Conservation Commission to the Governor, 1908 (Salem, 1908). The first efforts of the Commission were to get a new water bill, which they succeeded in getting by 1909, with the aid of the State Grange. They then turned their attention to the forests.

32. Seattle Times, May 16, 1908.

33. Murray, op. cit., pp. 86-89.

34. Seattle Times, November 5, 1908.

35. The Brewster Flat sales involved the sale of state college lands just below the junction of the Okanogan and the Columbia River. The Land Office appraised the land at $10 per acre; but E. A. Bryan, president of the Washington State College, protested that this valuation was grossly lower than its true value, and the Spokesman-Review characterized it as a land grab. Due to publicity by Bryan and the Spokesman-Review the tract eventually sold at an average of $30 per acre (Spokane Spokesman-Review, May 7, 9, and 14, and June 9, 1908).

36. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, November 21, 1908.

37. Ibid., November 22, 1908.

38. W. S. A., Natural Resource File, Mead, has much correspondence relative to choosing members of the Commission.

39. Addresses and Proceedings of the First National Congress held at Seattle, Washington, August 26-28, 1909. Published by the Executive Committee of the National Conservation Congress (Seattle, 1909).

40. Mason, op. cit., p. 30.

41. Mason has given the best account of the affair. The detailed background is given best in Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 391-490.

42. E. A. Sherman, "The Supreme Court of the United States and Conservation Policies," Journal of Forestry, XIX:8 (December, 1921), pp. 928-30.

43. Murray, op. cit., pp. 80, 84.

44. Clarence Bagley, History of Seattle from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time (Chicago, 1916), II, pp. 773-78, has an uncritical sketch of Hanford, which does mention his soft policy in interpreting the Timber and Stone Act. Hanford was impeached in 1912, but resigned before the hearings were completed. Witnesses indicated that Hanford was a member of a state land ring, which included among its members Ross and possibly Senator Turner. Report in the Matter of the Impeachment of Cornelius H. Hanford (Washington, 1912, 62nd Cong., 2nd Session, H.R. 1152), pp. 1260-61, 1265-67.

45. A. P. Sawyer wrote to Brainerd, March 13, 1901, "The President is very anxious to have the P-I uphold Ballinger and spoke to me twice about it. I think it would be a political mistake not to be gracious in this matter," Erastus Brainerd Papers, University of Washington Library. Ballinger's political alliances and friendships with Washingtonians are discussed in two articles by C. P. Connoly in Colliers: "Ballinger-Shyster," April 2, 1910, and "Who is Behind Ballinger?," April 9, 1910. I have no intention of going into the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute in detail, but the reader should recall it as the background to the scenes of these years.

46. Miles Poindexter to John L. Wilson Senatorial Club, December 31, 1901, Poindexter Papers, Ser. 1, File 23 (Microfilm, University of Washington).

47. Pinchot, op. cit., pp. 422, 457. Harriet Ann Crawford, The Washington State Grange: a Romance of Democracy (Portland, 1940), p. 155.

48. E. T. Allen to The Forester, June 8, 1909, N.A., D.A., F.S., Silviculture-Supervsion, R. 6, pp. 8-16, dr. 2/290.

49. Washington State Land Policy, ibid., Public Land Papers, dr. 44. In other than timber land, the Land Office followed the expedient of a minimum appraisal, and advertisement of the sale in an out-of-the-way newspaper. which only those on the "inside" would be likely to read. Hanford Impeachment Proceedings, p. 1260. Scandal, laxness, and "the atmosphere of county court house politics" still surround state land sales in Washington. An analysis is found in Charles McKinley, "The Impact of American Federalism on the Management of Land Resources," Arthur W. MacMahon (ed.), Federalism: Real and Emergent (New York, 1955). pp. 309-10, 325.

50. Spokane Spokesman-Review, April 12, 13, 16, 25, 27, and 29, 1910; Ralph Dyar, News For an Empire (Caldwell, 1952), pp. 267-68.

51. Morison, op. cit., VII, pp. 95, 115.

52. The meeting was regarded by the Conservation forces as an attempt to pack the meeting by the railroad interests. Poindexter compared it to the Southern secession proclamation at the outbreak of the Civil War (Oregonian, August 4, 1910).

53. Oregonian, September 8, 1910.

54. Addresses and Proceedings of the Second Conservation Congress, Held in St. Paul, Minnesota September 5-8, 1910 (Washington, 1911), p. 64.

55. Ibid., pp. 120-21.

56. Ibid., p. 320. The water power question had become another burning issue in conservation. H. K. Smith of the Bureau of Corporations had printed a report showing control of the water power production in the country by a handful of companies. Men in the government like Smith, Henry L. Stimson, Pinchot, and Henry Graves believed that there should be government control of water power, with the right of the government to recapture water rights; power companies, however, desired rights in perpetuity. On the national scene, Roosevelt had adopted the Pinchot views and fought the power interests. In the Northwest, in Oregon, J. N. Teal and Oswald West, aided by the Grange, passed a good water bill; in Washington, as is indicated, the Grange had become alarmed over alleged power grabs, notably that of the Hanford Irrigation and Power Company, on the Columbia, and other power grabs near Port Townsend, Jerome G. Kerwin, Federal Water Power Legislation (New York, 1926: Columbia University Studies in History, Politics, and Public Law., n. 274), pp. 105-70, describes the battle during this period.

57. Ibid., pp. 320-24.

58. J. J. Donovan to Senator Jones, September 15, 1910, containing undated clipping of about same date in Jones Papers University of Washington Library. Later that year, at the Pacific Logging Congress, Donovan again raised the question of withholding the resources from the people. In Congress. at the same time, Abraham Lafferty, Congressman from Oregon, introduced a bill to turn over federal forests to the states in which they were located. On an urgent and forceful plea from Roosevelt, however, he dropped the bill, which died in committee. Morison, op. cit., pp. 187-89.

59. Murray, op. cit., analyzes the election as due to a split party.

60. Sherman, op. cit.

61. Report of the State Commission on Forest Legislation (Olympia, 1910).

62. Ibid.

63. N.A., D.A., F.S., Timber Fraud Claims, dr. 40. Both memorials were palpable fakes, and the Skamania County one at least was a hardy biennial. The Skamania County area included about 1-1/4 billion feet of timber, running from the summit of the Cascade Range, at Red Mountain, to Wind River. Eighty-nine per cent of the area was over 2,000 feet in elevation, 95 per cent over 1,500; and of that below 2,000 feet, half was precipitus. Agricultural land in the area is generally considered as that below 2,000 feet elevation. Lewis County had been the native habitat of Ross, and he may well have been behind the other petition.

64. 63rd Congress, 1st Sess., 88, pp. 1862-68.

65. C. J. Buck to E. T. Allen, February 20, 1913; George Cecil to The Forester January 3, 1913, N.A., D.A., F.S., Lands-Homestead Claims, dr. 37.

66. Charles Flory to the Forester January 7, 1913, ibid., Timber Land Frauds, dr. 40.

67. Gifford Pinchot to Henry Graves, February 19, 1913, ibid., Lands, Homestead Claims, dr. 37.

68. T. T. Munger, "Statement of Reasons for Preferring National to State Control of the Present National Forests," ibid., Information, Hist. Mat., dr. 44. Munger's statement, so far as I know, was unpublished, but there are some evidences that it was used as the basis for other defenses of this policy.

69. The danger of a reversal of policy was probably overemphasized. Leadership in forest conservation passed from the executive branch to Congress at this time; but members of Congress in favor of the federal program were in the majority during Wilson's administration. In the Northwest, Poindexter, Chamberlain, and Rep. J. W. Bryan and William LaFollette were strong conservationists.

70. Conference of the Western Governors, 1913 (Denver, 1914).

71. Cong. Rec., 63rd Cong., 1st Session, pp. 2055-70.

72. E. T. Allen to the Forester, June 8, 1909, N.A., D.A., F.S., Silviculture-Supervision, R 6, 1908-16, dr. 2/290. To keep the record straight, it may be well to list the organizations.

1. State official bodies:
Oregon State Board of Forestry

2. State Conservation Commissions, formed on suggestion of T. R.:
Oregon Conservation Commission
Washington Conservation Commission

3. Voluntary Associations:
Oregon Forestry Association (recreational group, started by W. G. Steel—not important at this time)
Oregon Forestry Association (protective association of timber owners—headed by J. N. Teal)
Oregon Conservation Association (public spirited citizens interested in all phases of conservation)
Logged-off Land League (lumbermen, interested in settling and reforestation of logged-off land)
Washington Forestry Association (lumbermen and conservationists)
Washington Forest Fire Association (league of protective lumbermen's organizations)

73. H. D. Langille has given a possibly fanciful account of the origins of this idea. "Our good friend Allen, whose baptismal name you should know is Evergreen Timber, conceived the question down on the Island of Tahiti, among the primitive natives with whom he sojourns from time to time. The form of the query came to him with the seductive fragrance of carminative vanilla." Proceedings of the Forest Industry Conference of the Western Forestry and Conservation Association, San Francisco, 1915 (Portland, 1915), p. 20.

74. Proceedings of the Pacific Northwest Forest Protection and Conservation Association, Spokane, January 4-5, and April 5, 1909 (Portland, 1909.

75. Article IV of the constitution reads, "Any Association for the purpose of organized effort in the protection of the forests from fire and conservation of the forest resources of the states represented shall be eligible for this membership. . ."

76. Proceedings . . . of the Western Forestry and Conservation Association, Seattle, December 2 and 3, 1912 (Portland, 1912), p. 17.

77. Smith C. Bartrum, "Fire Protection on the National Forests," paper read at Supervisors Meeting, Portland, March, 1910, N.A., D.A., F.S., Resc. Cop. Files, District 6, dr. 317; Report of Oregon State Conservation Commission, 1910 (Salem, 1910).

78. The 1910 fires, and their effect on public opinion, is described in Stewart Holbrook, Burning an Empire (New York, 1943), pp. 121-33. The quotation is from an editorial note in E. T. Allen, "What the Protective Associations Did," American Forestry, XVI:11 (November, 1910), p. 641. In the same issue, C. S. Chapman, "Forest Fire Work in Washington and Oregon," pp. 644-47, describes the general situation in those states, and C. J. Buck, "How Telephone Lines Saved Lives," pp. 648-51, discusses the value of the permanent improvements in the Crater fire near Ashland. George Cecil evaluates at length the changed public opinion toward the Forest Service in the Annual Report, Region 6, 1910, N.A., D.A., F.S., Operations File, D 6, Supervision Acc 236, dr. 183/172.

79. Ise, op. cit., pp. 212-18, describes, and analyzes the vote on the bill. Most of the lumber associations in the country lobbied for it, and the western Senators gave an almost solid vote for it.

80. Chapman kept his close ties with the Forest Service, as his office in the Beck Building was next door to the Forest Service offices.

81. First Annual Report of the State Forester to the Governor, 1911 (Salem, 1911); Report of the Oregon Conservation Commission to the Governor, 1912 (Salem, 1912).

82. First Annual Report of the State Forester to the Governor, 1911 (Salem, 1911); Report of the State Forester and Fire Wardens, 1911 and 1912 (Olympic, 1912); Proceedings of the Forest Fire Conference of the Western and Conservation Association, 1911 (Portland, 191), pp. 5-9.

83. Second Annual Report of the State Forester to the Governor (Salem, 1912); Proceedings of the Forest Fire Conference, Western Proceedings of Conservation Association, 1912 (Portland, 1912), pp. 6-15.

84. Third Annual Report of the State Forester to the Governor, 1913 (Salem, 1914); Western Forestry and Conservation Conference, 1913 (Portland, 1913).

85. Cameron, op. cit., pp. 386-91, describes E. T. Allen's part in this debate.

86. Ibid., pp. 314-15.

87. E. T. Allen, "Method of Forest Cooperation," American Forestry XVIII:10 (October, 1912), pp. 635-43.

88. J. N. Teal, "Federal Forest Policy," Report of the Forestry Committee of the Fifth National Conservation Congress, 1913 (Washington, 1913), pp. 323-56.