GEORGE ROGERS CLARK Selected Papers From The 1991 And 1992 George Rogers Clark Trans-Appalachian Frontier History Conferences

During the 30-year period between the end of the French and Indian War in 1763 and the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, the trans-Appalachian frontier produced a new and distinctive American type: the frontiersman. Self-reliant, aggressive, and indomitable, with an insatiable hunger for land, an unruly contempt for authority, and an implacable hatred of the Indian, the frontiersman was the cutting edge with which the new American republic carved out a western empire. The exploits of Daniel Boone, Simon Kenton, George Rogers Clark, and others have been celebrated in story, song, and history. Daniel Sullivan also was a pioneer leader. Although a county in southwestern Indiana was named for him, his feats are not well-known. But throughout his life, Daniel Sullivan was considered a frontier leader. [1]

Daniel Sullivan was born about 1754 or 1755, probably in the Valley of Virginia. [2] As the family name indicates, the Sullivans presumably originated from Ulster in northern Ireland, part of the great migration of Scotch-Irish who, between 1717 and the American Revolution, sent a quarter of a million Ulstermen to settle in the colonies. For the newly arrived immigrants the only land cheap enough was located on the frontier. Beginning in the 1740s, the Valley of Virginia was settled by a heterogeneous mixture of Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, German Lutherans, and English dissenters, with lesser numbers of Huguenots and Welsh. Most came by way of the backcountry of Pennsylvania, crossing the Potomac River and settling along the Susquehanna River and the South Branch of the Potomac. The Valley was a 200-mile trough running north to south between the main Appalachian range on the west and the Blue Ridge Mountains on the east. The Great War Road between the Cherokee and the Iroquois ran through it and, after decades of warfare, it was unoccupied by Indians. The Blue Ridge Mountains shut off the Valley from Virginia and the people essentially were on their own. During the French and Indian War, raiding parties of Delaware and Shawnee infiltrated over the Allegheny Mountains and the people of the Valley learned to form themselves into militia units for their own defense. The Valley has been described by historian Dale Van Every as "a nearly perfect school for frontiersmen" in the art of self-reliance. [3] It was there, on the South Branch of the Potomac River, that Daniel Sullivan grew up, along with his older brother, James, and his sister, Sarah. [4]

During the summer of 1763, the Western Indians, under the leadership of Pontiac, attempted to drive the English from the trans-Appalachian region. Raiding parties of Delaware descended upon the Valley of Virginia. During one of these raids, nine-year-old Daniel Sullivan was taken prisoner, along with a boy named Cunningham. [5] The boys were taken to the land of the Delaware along the Muskingum River, about 140 miles away. After a day's rest, following the Indian custom with prisoners, the boys were made to run the gauntlet between two rows of young Indians armed with hickory switches. Amid loud howls and yells, the Cunningham boy set off running and received a hail of blows before he reached his goal. Sullivan, however, when he was hit by the first switch, turned upon his tormentor and, with a blow to the face, knocked him down and jumped upon him. The Indians appreciated this show of spunk and looked on admiringly while Sullivan fought his foe.

Sullivan and the Cunningham boy were adopted into the tribe. The usual ritual [6] consisted of pulling out all the hair except a topknot, piercing the ears and sometimes the nose for jewelry, and stripping off the white man's clothes. Often the adoptee would be scrubbed ritually in a stream to "wash away his white blood." Then dressed in Indian garments consisting of a breechcloth, moccasins, and a shirt, and suitably adorned and painted, he would be received into the tribe.

Indian life had its charms for young boys. Planting and hoeing were scorned as "squaw's work." A young man could go hunting or fishing, or, even, if he wished, could lie idle in camp without fear of scolding by any woman. For nine years Daniel Sullivan lived among the Delaware, learning their language and their ways.

Meanwhile at home, things were changing. In 1768, at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, the Iroquois ceded their claim to the lands south of the Ohio. A breach had been made in the Royal Proclamation Line of 1763, which had been intended to confine the colonists to the east of the Appalachians. Now, large numbers of settlers began crossing over the mountains. Many were from the Valley of Virginia: from the north end of the Valley it was 140 miles by Braddock's Road to Pittsburgh. [7] In 1769 Daniel Sullivan's brother, James, settled west of the Monongahela River near Pittsburgh. [8] About that time, Daniel's sister, Sarah, married Zadock Wright and settled approximately 10 miles downniver from Pittsburgh. [9]

It was to Pittsburgh that several Delaware came on a trading expedition in 1772. They were accompanied by the two boys — Sullivan and Cunningham. [10] Despite their Indian garb, the boys were recognized. Zadock Wright, Sullivan's brother-in-law, entered into negotiations to free them. Cunningham soon was released, but Sullivan was regarded highly by the tribe, and it took a horse, a packsaddle, a half-dozen hatchets, three red blankets, and a gallon of whiskey to win his freedom. But Sullivan, with a shake of his head, refused to leave his Indian family unless he had a beaver hat, such as the white men wore. Wright purchased a cheap wool hat, but Sullivan rejected it as not good enough, with the scornful comment, "ram beaver." It only was after Wright bought him the more expensive beaver hat that Sullivan at last agreed to become; a white man again.

Sullivan went back east to live with this family. But his Indian ways were ingrained too deeply and he didn't fit in with these people. He refused to work on the farm, calling those who did so "squaws," while he preferred to go hunting and fishing. After about a year of chafing under the restraints of civilization, one Sunday Sullivan appeared in church dressed in Indian costume, "bedecked with feathers and adorned with paint, thoroughly armed and equipped." [11] Before the congregation could recover from its amazement, Sullivan shrieked a deafening war whoop and ran into the woods.

Returning to Fort Pitt, Sullivan supported himself as a hunter. [12] However, the influx of settlers into the region around Fort Pitt generated friction with the Indians, friction which escalated and finally broke out into Lord Dunmore's War in 1774. Sullivan enlisted as a guide with Major John Connolly's company of Virginia militia. His brother-in-law, Zadock Wright, was a lieutenant in this company, as was Simon Girty, who later was to become a notorious renegade. Simon Kenton, hiding under the alias of Simon Butler, also was in the company. [13]

The 1774 victory of the Virginia militia at the Battle of Point Pleasant provided the frontier with a two-year respite from Indian warfare, but with the outbreak of the American Revolution, Sullivan again became a scout for Virginia. In November, 1776, Sullivan and another man were patrolling near Fort Randolph, at the mouth of the Kanawha River, when they encountered some hostile Indians who were not more than eight yards away. Sullivan was just jerking his gun to his shoulder when one of the Indians fired at him, hitting the patch box of his gun, exactly opposite his chest, and the fragments grazed his arm in two or three places. The two scouts returned fire, mortally wounding an Indian, who, it later was discovered, was the brother-in-law of Pluggy's Son, an important chief. [14]

A few months later, in February and again in April of 1777, Sullivan, dressed as an Indian, was sent from Fort Pitt in order to spy throughout the Indian country. [15] At Cuyahoga, near the site of modern-day Cleveland, he found the Delaware disposed for peace with the United States. There he hired himself out as a boatman to a Detroit-bound trader and on April 27, 1777, he arrived at Detroit, the headquarters of the British war effort in the West. After being questioned by Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton, Sullivan was allowed to stay with the governor's Indian interpreter, William Tucker, whose wife originally was from the Valley of Virginia and who had lived with Sullivan's sister. Mrs. Tucker informed Sullivan that "Governor Hamilton did all in his power to induce all Nations of Indians to massacre the Frontier Inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia and paid very high prices in Goods for the scalps the Indians brought in." [16] It was reports similar to this that won Hamilton the epithet, "the Hair Buyer," among frontiersmen. Unfortunately for Sullivan, it would be a year before he could report this intelligence. As he was strolling the next day about the fort and about the town, he was recognized by Pluggy's Son, the brother in-law of the Indian Sullivan had killed six months before. Pluggy's Son denounced Sullivan to Hamilton. As proof the Indian pointed out the wound Sullivan had received in his left arm from the shattered patch box. Governor Hamilton promptly clapped Sullivan in irons and sent him to Quebec. After spending several months in captivity, Sullivan was paroled at New York on December 22, 1777, and did not return to Fort Pitt to make his report until March 20, 1778.

Upon his return, Sullivan found the Indian Department at Fort Pitt in chaos. Since 1776, the Indian agent at Fort Pitt, George Morgan, had attempted to keep the powerful Shawnee and Delaware tribes friendly to the patriot cause — or at least to keep them neutral. [17] This was made difficult by Indian attacks on frontier settlements. The frontiersmen, who rarely distinguished between friendly and unfriendly Indians, demanded retaliation. Morgan's counsels of forbearance were interpreted as evidence of pacifism — or even as pro-British sympathies. During October, 1777, Morgan had been confined to his house pending a Congressional investigation. Although acquitted in March, 1778, that same month Morgan suffered yet another blow with the defection from Pittsburgh to Detroit of the influential Tory fur traders, Alexander McKee, Matthew Elliott, and Simon Girty, who promptly set about persuading the Shawnee to join the British cause. [18]

Morgan consoled himself with the thought that he still could depend upon the Delaware. But during Morgan's absence, three Delaware chiefs entered into a treaty on September 19, 1778, at Fort Pitt. This treaty not only permitted the Americans to build a fort in Delaware territory and to march across Delaware lands, but it even committed the Delaware to fight on the side of the Americans and against the other Indians. This was a reversal of Morgan's policy of keeping the Indians neutral and, when the Delaware discovered its implications, approximately 200 went to the English side. [19] In spite of his having signed this treaty, Delaware Chief White Eyes subsequently was murdered by frontier militia while accompanying them on an expedition. [20] Sullivan was put in charge of the chief's effects. [21] Upon Morgan's return to Fort Pitt, January 5, 1779, he sent Sullivan to the Delaware camp at Coshocton to console them on the loss of their chief and to denounce the treaty as the work of a "wicked, false interpreter." Morgan recommended Sullivan as an interpreter and invited the Delaware chiefs to visit with and to protest [22] to Congress at Philadelphia.

The Delaware were impressed with Sullivan as "a sober, honest man" and gave him an Indian name, Po-pe-may-toohan, or Popemetoughwe. [23] Because he urged the Delaware to repudiate the treaty, Sullivan angered Fort Pitt's military men who had negotiated the treaty. On April 7, 1779, Sullivan was arrested and was confined at Pittsburgh for "Obstructing The Commanding Officer... and endeavouring to make the Delaware Indians break the last treaty of peace...." [24] Sullivan somehow was freed and was sent to accompany the delegation of the principal chiefs on its visit to Congress and to General George Washington at Princeton, N.J.

The result was the Princeton Treaty of May 10, 1779, which reaffirmed the policy of keeping the Delaware neutral. [25] Soon afterwards, Morgan unfortunately was accused of land speculation and was forced to resign. It is true that Morgan seemed to have had one eye on Indian friendship and the other on Indian land, but it also is true that if his policy had been followed, the Delaware might have remained neutral for the duration of the war. [26]

In 1780, Sullivan and his brother, James, moved to the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville) and near there they established Sullivan's Station. The brothers were involved heavily in land speculation. Daniel eventually was to claim more than 11,000 acres. [27] Land speculation sometimes could be frantic. In March, 1782, Daniel Sullivan complained to the Jefferson County Court that Deputy Land Agent John Carr had bitten off the lower part of his (Sullivan's) right ear during a fight. [28] About this time Sullivan married Susan de la Fere. On February 6, 1782, was born their son, also named Daniel, who later would conduct some of the first land surveys in Indiana. [29]

During the summer of 1782, the Sullivan brothers built for General George Rogers Clark the first of what was intended to be a fleet of gunboats to patrol the Ohio against Indian attack. [30] The gunboat, "Miami," had ropes of pawpaw for lack of hemp, and had high gunwales to deflect gunfire. It was equipped with three small cannon and a crew of 110 marines and militia. It began patrolling in July, 1782. Although ineffective in stopping Indian raids because of its slowness, it sparked rumors of Clark's intention to invade the Indian country, thus tying up hostile warriors in defensive preparations, rather than in attacking settlements. [31]

Daniel Sullivan also was employed as an "express" in the dangerous occupation of carrying messages between military outposts. On September 9, 1782, Sullivan and Colonel John Floyd set out in a canoe from Fort Pitt to convey messages and a load of 50 three-pound cannonballs to General Clark at Louisville. [32] On their way down the Ohio at approximately sunset on September 11, they had the misfortune of passing by Wheeling, just as Fort Henry was attacked by a force of 40 British rangers and 250 Indians. [33] Floyd and Sullivan managed to scramble up the steep bank to the fort, but Sullivan was wounded in the heel. According to a pioneer story, which may be a legend, the Indians decided to use the captured cannonballs to knock down the fort's walls. [34] They took a hollow log to serve as a cannon, wrapped chains around it, loaded it with gunpowder and a ball, and applied a lit match. With a tremendous roar the log burst into slivers killing or wounding several of the attackers.

It was during this siege that a famous frontier incident occurred — although it also may be a legend. [35] The defense of the fort was being conducted by the Zane family, led by Ebenezer Zane. When the defenders were running low on gunpowder, young Elizabeth Zane volunteered to divest herself of her outer garments to run to a nearby cabin to get more powder. As she burst out of the fort gate, the startled Indians, amazed at her intrepidity, could only exclaim, "a squaw! a squaw!" On her return run, bullets whizzed about her, but missed. After making three unsuccessful assaults the first night and one the second night, on the third night the British and Indians withdrew. Sullivan was nursed back to health by Mrs. Zane and two months later again was carrying messages, this time alone. [36]

With the war ended, in 1785 Daniel Sullivan joined in a immigration of settlers to Vincennes, where it was believed that each settler could get 400 acres merely for the cost of filing. [37] The settlers originally established a station on the River Deshee, about three miles south of Vincennes, but soon the tense Indian situation forced them to take refuge on the prairie next to town. Daniel Sullivan in 1786 established a station and a sawmill on a small creek north of Vincennes at a place called La Chipaille.

Some Indians began ambushing boats coming up the Wabash River. [38] After one such ambush, the Vincennes militia under the leadership of Colonel John Small, Colonel Moses Henry, and Colonel Daniel Sullivan decided to retaliate. The result was the "Battle of the Embarras River" fought between the militia and a group of Piankashaw Indians The encounter occurred three miles east of town on April 15, 1786. The Americans had the worst of it with several killed and a few wounded. The Indians, angry and upset, left their village next to Vincennes and went upriver to their main village near the mouth of the Vermillion River for reinforcements. The Americans withdrew to their fort on the prairie near Vincennes. In July, approximately 400 Piankashaw warriors came to Vincennes determined to kill the Americans.

The French inhabitants met the Indians at "the little rock" (le Petit Rocher) three miles up the river from Vincennes and, with the generous use of gifts and rum, persuaded the warriors to give up the attack. Alarmed, the Americans wrote to Kentucky for help. In September George Rogers Clark led the Kentucky militia to Vincennes and then set off to attack the Indian villages on the upper Wabash River. But, before Clark could reach the Indian villages, part of the army mutinied and headed back to Kentucky. [39] With the remainder of his army, Clark occupied Vincennes, but his reputation as a leader was damaged seriously. The following year the U.S. Army established Fort Knox at Vincennes, thus stabilizing the situation. Sullivan again went back to carrying express messages — now from Vincennes to Louisville — which he combined with business, to which a 1789 contract bore witness. [40] In it, Sullivan took $1,100 from Pierre Le Ferre to purchase tobacco, flour, and pork at Louisville and to transport them to New Orleans. An unusual feature of the contract was the provision that if he "has the misfortune of being killed by the Indians," his heirs and executors would only be obliged to repay half the money. The provision was significant in light of the fact that for more than a year, raiding parties of Indians had been attacking settlers along the Ohio with increasing frequency.

What had been anticipated finally came to pass in April, 1790, along the Buffalo Trace about 67 miles from Vincennes. Daniel Sullivan and Jacob Tevebaugh, Jr., were attacked and were killed by Indians. The place where this battle occurred was known later as Sullivan's Spring. [41] Accounts of the battle vary, although all agree that Sullivan fought bravely. One old settler recalled that Sullivan was "shot to pieces." [42] Another claimed that Sullivan "becoming desperately wounded, and his entrails falling out and in his way, he tore them off, and continued to fight until he fell and expired. The Indians after this considered him something more than a man." [43] A third account said that the Indians tried to capture Sullivan alive, but he held them at bay by swinging the barrel of his broken rifle like a club until finally they shot him. [44]

After his death, the Indians cut out Sullivan's heart and ate it in order to partake of his courage. [45] According to one family history, they then carved a wooden heart, which was inserted into Sullivan's body. The wooden heart was kept in the family for a long time. Its last known owner died during 1920 in Florissant, Mo. What became of this curious artifact? Was it passed down to heirs? Was it sold at an auction of the estate? Does it now rest in a shoe box tucked away, unknown and unrecognized, in a closet? Or does it even yet hold a place of honor upon a mantelpiece where it may remain as a unique token of the desperate courage and indomitable enterprise of Daniel Sullivan?

NOTES

1. Besides Indiana, five other states have counties named Sullivan: Missouri, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania, and Tennessee. Most, if not all, of the other counties are named for General John Sullivan, who served during the American Revolution. Sullivan County, Ind., was established January 15, 1817. History of Greene and Sullivan Counties, State of Indiana (Chicago: Goodspeed Publishers, 1884), pp. 478-480. According to The Indiana Gazetteer of 1850, the county was "named in honor of Daniel Sullivan, who was killed by the Indians on the road from Vincennes to Louisville, while carrying an express, in the public service, between those places." Quoted in Audrey F. Cox, The Carlisle Indiana Sesquicentennial Historical Book and Souvenir Program (n. pub., 1965), p. 32.

2. Daniel Sullivan's birth date is deduced from two sources. In his deposition of March 20, 1778, given in Reuben Gold Thwaites and Louise Phelps Kellogg, eds., Frontier Defense on the Upper Ohio, 1777-1778, Draper Series III (Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1912), p. 231, Sullivan stated that he was taken prisoner by the Delaware "when young," and nine years later, "in 1772 or 3" he returned to live with his relatives in Virginia. This would make the date of his capture in 1763 or 1764. A near relative of Sullivan, Isaac Kuykendall, gives additional information in Samuel Kercheval, A History of the Valley of Virginia, originally published in 1833, revised edition 1850, reprinted as 4th ed. (Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah Publishing House, 1925), p. 96. "About the year 1756, Daniel Sullivan, at nine years of age, was taken prisoner by the Indians, with whom he remained nine years." Assuming that Kuykendall was wrong about the year, but right about Sullivan's age at the time of his capture, Sullivan was born about 1754 or 1755. Gibson Lamb Cranmer, History of Wheeling City and Ohio County, West Virginia (Chicago: Biographical Publishing Co., 1902), p. 129. Cranmer agrees that Sullivan was nine when he was captured, but says that Sullivan was born in 1758 at Pittsburgh. That site seems unlikely in view of the fact that it was a French outpost until November 25, 1758. See Charles Frederick Post, "Two Journals of Western Tours," in Early Western Travels 1748-1846, ed. by Reuben Gold Thwaites (New York: AMS Press, 1966), p. 259.

3. The best account of the settlement of the Valley of Virginia is Dale Van Every, Forth to the Wilderness: The First American Frontier 1754-1774 (New York: William Morrow, 1961), pp. 301-307. See also Wayland F. Dunaway, The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1981), pp. 103-106, and Boliver Christian, The Scotch-Irish in the Valley of Virginia (Richmond, 1860), p. 9.

4. According to a typewritten Sullivan family genealogy (in Vincennes University's Byron R. Lewis Historical Library Genealogical Collection, Box 11, Folder 15) by French Rayburn Deane, It Must Be Wonderful to Have Ancestors, (August, 1970), p. 1. Sullivan's father also was named Daniel Sullivan, of Jefferson County, Va. This was during 1743. There was a Daniel Sullivan at Suffolk in Nansemond County, Va., during 1744 according to Michael O. O'Brien, Irish Settlers in America, 2 vols. (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1979), II, 129. It is unclear what the relationship of the preceding Daniel Sullivan could have been with Daniel Sullivan who enrolled during July, 1757, in the 7th Company, Virginia Regiment, commanded by Captain Joshua Lewis. This Daniel Sullivan was age 27, stood five feet seven and one half inches tall, and was a seaman by trade from Ireland. He was described as having a swarthy complexion and sandy hair. Lloyd DeWitt Bockstruck, Virginia's Colonial Soldiers (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1988), p. 94. Besides Daniel, the subject of this paper, there were two other siblings, a brother, James, born in 1748, and a sister, Sarah.

5. The story of Sullivan's captivity and release is derived from a somewhat legendary account in Cranmer, pp. 129-131.

6. See, for example, John J. Barsotti, ed., Scoouwa: James Smith's Indian Captivity Narrative, originally published as An Account of the Remarkable Occurrences in the Life and Travels of Col. James Smith . . . by John Bradford of Lexington in 1799 (Columbus: Ohio Historical Society, 1978), pp. 28-30; Alexander Henry, Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories Between the Years 1760 and 1776 (New York: I. Riley, 1809, reprinted by Readex Microprint, 1966), p. 115.

7. Van Every, Forth to the Wilderness, p. 303.

8. O'Brien, II, 141.

9. Deane, pp. 2-3, gives the name of "Zodiac" Wright. A person named "Zeddick" Wright was on the south branch of the Potomac during 1755, and Zadock Wright was a sergeant in a Virginia ranging company during 1764 and was a lieutenant under the command of Lord Dunmore in 1774. Bockstruck, pp. 53, 148, and 265; Cranmer, p. 130.

10. Cranmer, p. 130.

11. Ibid., p. 131.

12. Sullivan, in Thwaites and Kellogg, eds., Frontier Defense, p. 231.

13. Bockstruck, pp. 148-149.

14. Reuben Gold Thwaites and Louise Phelps Kellogg, eds., The Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777, Draper Series II (Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1908), p. 211.

15. Sullivan, in Thwaites and Kellogg, eds., Frontier Defense, pp. 230-31.

16. Ibid., pp. 231-32.

17. Randolph C. Downes, Council Fires on the Upper Ohio: A Narrative of Indian Affairs in the Upper Ohio Valley until 1795 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1940), pp. 188-201.

18. Reginald Horsman, Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1964), pp. 18-20.

19. Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin, Indians of Ohio and Indiana Prior to 1795, 2 vols. (New York: Garland, 1974), II, 639; Downes, pp. 216-17. On the other hand, a much more positive interpretation of the treaty is given by Louise Phelps Kellogg, ed., "Historical Introduction," Frontier Advance on the Upper Ohio, 1778-1779, Wisconsin Historical Collections XXIII, Draper Series IV (Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1916), pp. 21-22.

20. Kellogg, ed., Frontier Advance, pp. 20-21; Downes, p. 217.

21. Kellogg, ed., Frontier Advance, pp. 168-9.

22. Ibid., pp. 193-194.

23. Ibid., pp. 202-203.

24. Ibid., p. 277.

25. Ibid., pp. 317-24.

26. Ibid., pp. 39-40; Downes, pp. 220-221; Thomas Perkins Abernathy, Western Lands and the American Revolution (New York: Russell & Russell, 1959), pp. 233-234.

27. James Sullivan claimed land at the Falls of the Ohio as early as May 1, 1780. Kathrine Wagner Seineke, The George Rogers Clark Adventure in the Illinois (New Orleans: Polyanthos, 1981), p. 431; Michael L. Cook and Bettie A. Cummings Cook, eds., Jefferson County Kentucky Records, Vol. I, Kentucky Records Series, Vol. 19 (Evansville, Ind.: Cook Publications, n.d.), p. 3; Willard Rouse Jillson, Old Kentucky Entries and Deeds, Filson Club Publications 34 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1969), p. 292; Willard Rouse Jillson, The Kentucky Land Grants, one volume in two parts, Pt I (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1971), p. 124.

28. Cook and Cook, eds., p. 14.

29. Deane, p. 3.

30. James Alton James, George Rogers Clark Papers, 1771-1781, Collections VIII, Virginia Series, Vol. III (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Library, 1912), pp. 555-556.

31. Dale Van Every, A Company of Heroes: The American Frontier, 1775-1783 (New York: William Morrow, 1962), p. 296.

32. Draper MSS., 52 J 43, 52 J 46.

33. Van Every, A Company of Heroes, p. 295.

34. Alexander Scott Withers, Chronicles of Border Warfare, original edition 1831, new edition by Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cincinnati: Robert Clark, 1895), reprint edition (New York: Arno Press, 1971), pp. 357-358.

35. Ibid., pp. 358-359.

36. Cranmer, p. 132.

37. Leonard C. Helderman, "Danger on the Wabash," Indiana Magazine of History, XXXIV (1938), 456-467.

38. Ibid.

39. Leonard Helderman, "The Northwest Expedition of George Rogers Clark, 1786," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXV (1938-1939), 324-327.

40. Files 89 and 193, Knox County Court Records, Knox County, Ind., Records Library, Vincennes, Ind.

41. George R. Wilson and Gayle Thornbrough, The Buffalo Trace, Indiana Historical Society Publications, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1946), pp. 183 and 225, fn 6.

42. John D. Shane interview with Joshua McQueen in 1842, Draper MSS., 13 CC 121.

43. Isaac Kuykendall in Kercheval, p. 96.

44. Cranmer, pp. 132-134.

45. Deane, pp. 1 and 9.