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IN DURANCE VILE by William Marvel
In the years following the war, former prisoners from both sides
wrote voluminously about their experiences in captivity. Almost without
exception they exaggerated their suffering, though there was really no
need for such amplification, and most of them tried to implicate their
captors in schemes of deliberate attrition. North and South, though, the
majority of prison-keepers attempted to meet their obligations.
Early in the conflict, when many hoped for a short war, prisoners
could look forward to long incarcerations. Men captured at First Bull
Run were sent to warehouses and forts from Richmond to Charleston, and
some were transferred to the Deep South, where they spent as long as a
year awaiting release. As the war dragged on, however, authorities
sought a means of repatriating prisoners on a regular basis. Opposing
officers negotiated various proposals, but not until July 22, 1862, did
the two sides agree on a formula for prisoner exchange.
The Dix-Hill cartel, named for the Union and Confederate generals who
devised it, required that, within ten days after they were captured, all
prisoners would be paroledthat is, they would take an oath not to
fight again until they had been exchanged for an enemy soldier of equal
rank. The captors would then transport the prisoner to an agreed-upon
point of exchange and release him to his own officers. Sometimes the
exchange was made right at the steamboat landing where the prisoner was
delivered; if one side turned over more men than the other, the
unexchanged prisoners went free anyway, though they were still bound not
to fight until their government had exchanged an equivalent enemy
soldier.
This arrangement continued in force for about a year without serious
interruption. Whole regiments, divisions, and even armies were released
under its provisions, including the Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry
and the Confederate army captured at Vicksburg. Confederate and Union
exchange agents began to dispute their tallies in the summer of 1863,
particularly when Confederates announced the questionable exchange of
troops captured at Vicksburg, but late that year an even greater
impediment arose in the form of black Union soldiers. Confederates had
threatened to try U.S. Colored Troops and their officers for inciting a
slave revolt, which meant the noose, and they steadfastly refused to
exchange black prisoners suspected of having fled from bondage. That
proved unacceptable to the North, and by the end of 1863 prisoner
exchanges had all but ceased.
Prison populations grew quickly from there, particularly after the
campaigns of 1864 began. In January of that year Confederates began
building an open stockade pen in Sumter County, Georgia, that came to be
known as Andersonville and four months later Northern carpenters began
raising a board fence around some empty barracks at Elmira, New York.
Existing prisons from Chesapeake Bay to Texas began to swell with
inmates, and as the months passed the health of those prisoners grew
progressively worse.
Andersonville was the worst, by far. By August of 1864, 33,000
undernourished Yankee prisoners lay within its twenty-seven acres, and
before the war ended over 41,000 had been confined there at one time or
another: just under 13,000 of them lie buried in the prison cemetery,
and hundreds more died before they reached home. Nearly a quarter of the
12,000 Confederates held at Elmira also perished.
In the cold, damp climate of the North, respiratory ailments carried
away the greatest number of prisoners. In the South, dietary
deficiencies and dysentery accounted for the worst mortality. Perishable
produce could not be obtained in sufficient quantities to accommodate
imprisoned Federals, especially the masses at Andersonville, and scurvy
probably caused or contributed to more deaths than any other single
factor. The postwar complaints of former Union prisoners
notwithstanding, their prison rations did not fall so short in quantity
as they did in quality and variety. Scurvy also affected Confederate
soldiers, both those in the field and those in Union prisons.
Confederate authorities faced depleted provisions and an abysmal
transportation system in their quest feed not only their own troops but
their unwilling guests.
Confederate authorities faced depleted provisions and an abysmal
transportation system in their quest to feed not only their own troops
but their unwilling guests. Ironically, it was the better-supplied
government of the United States that deliberately withheld food from its
prisoners: after listening to bitter tales brought back by Union
soldiers who had escaped from places like Andersonville, Lincoln's
secretary of war ordered rations in Northern prisons reduced in
retaliation.
With the end of the war in sight, the Federal government agreed to
resume general exchanges in the first weeks of 1865. By spring the
trains and steamships had begun returning thousands of frail, filthy
survivors to receiving stations where attendants shook their heads in
pity. The last of nearly half a million wartime prisoners had come home
by the end of June, but decades of recriminations had only begun.
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STORMING FORT WAGNER, CHARGE OF THE 54TH MASSACHUSETTS. (LC)
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While the conflict chiefly offered the men in blue and gray an
opportunity to lose their lives in a host of ways, or else to spend the
rest of life as invalids, the war did actually broaden the horizons of
opportunity for others. Most notable, of course, were the several
million blacks in America, free and slave. A successful maintenance of
the Union meant for all slaves, after the war's end, freedom at last.
But for the blacks of the North, it meant something more immediate even
while the war raged. Almost from the outset abolitionists and others
raised a cry that black men should be allowed to become soldiers in
order that they, too, could fight for the Union. After the Emancipation
Proclamation, the cry became even more to the point when now these men
would also be fighting for the freedom of their brothers in bonds.
And blacks wanted to fight. It would be the first time they would be
recognized as almost the equals of whites, for even if they remained at
the bottom of the class ladder in civilian life, a soldier on the
battlefield carried the same weapon, wore the same uniform, fought under
the same flag, and shared the same risks, white or black. Although
efforts to enlist them began as early as 1861, Lincoln prudently waited
until after the Proclamation for fear that putting blacks in uniform
would stampede the slave states like Kentucky and Missouri that still
remained in the Union. In September 1862, however, the first tentative
recruiting began, and blacks showed themselves eager to enlist. By the
end of the war more than 175,000 wore the Union blue, and that did not
include thousands more who served as civilian teamsters, cooks, and
laborers. They formed at least 166 regiments of what were designated
United States Colored Troops, as well as in some of the state services,
and when they got the opportunity to go into battle, they acquitted
themselves as soldiers. In spite of an early reluctance to use them in
battle, their commanders found them reliable and valorous, especially
when they went into action knowing that Confederates had vowed no
quarter for captured ex-slaves. In fact, in a few engagements, chiefly
at Fort Pillow, Tennessee, and Saltville, Virginia, both in 1864,
Confederates did shoot down wounded and surrendered blacks after the
fighting had ceased, but especially at the latter the Richmond
government did not countenance such actions and instituted its own
investigation to punish perpetrators. Before the war's end, blacks won
the coveted Medal of Honor and saw the first of their number rise to
officer rank. Even the Confederacy considered enlisting blacks early in
the war, but of course could not without undermining its own foundation
on the inequality of the races. But by 1865 Davis and the Congress,
desperate for manpower, authorized the raising of black troops from
among slaves volunteered by their masters, with the conditional promise
of emancipation for their services after the war. In the end, of course,
all Confederate blacks got their freedom.
Women, too, came into a bit more of their own during the conflict. In
fact, some wanted as much as their husbands and brothers to share in the
excitement. Perhaps as many as 400 of them posed as men to enlist and
fight in the armies. Some did so to be close to their husbands. Others
simply sought adventure, and a few kept up the masquerade even after the
war ended. Jenny Hodgers served throughout the war as Private Albert
Cashier with no one ever suspecting her secret until decades later.
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CLARA BARTON (NA)
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Such women were the exception, of course. Tens of thousands
contributed in other ways. Most worked as volunteer nurses in the
hospitals, and in the Confederacy some were actually given military
rank. Others organized and ran soldiers' relief organizations. Clara
Barton established the forerunner of the Red Cross in her efforts to aid
the sick and wounded, while in Richmond Phoebe Pember acted as chief
matron of the massive Chimborazo Hospital, the largest of the war. And
with so many of the men gone to war, and especially in the Confederacy,
the women left behind ran the farms and managed the small businesses and
took over the schoolrooms abandoned by their husbands. Women ran
newspapers and factories, acted as spies and scouts, and performed every
other task that the men would allowor that they could take on
themselves. Never before in American society had women so boldly stepped
out from behind their aprons to participate in the life of the
nation.
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WOMEN WORKERS FILLING CARTRIDGES AT A FEDERAL ARSENAL. (LC)
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The war also saw the involvement of a number of others on the fringes
of traditional white American society. Indians fought on both sides in
the war, chiefly in the Trans-Mississippi. For some it was merely a
continuation of old intertribal rivalries, but others sensed that in
helping the white man they might help their own lot. Most were doomed to
disappointment, of course, yet one of them, the Cherokee Stand Watie,
rose to become a brigadier general in the Confederate army, while Ely S.
Parker, a Seneca, became Grant's military secretary and gained a
brevetor honorarypromotion to brigadier. Mexican-Americans
also served in a few units from Texas for the Confederates, and Colorado
for the Yankees, again chiefly in the Trans-Mississippi. Huge numbers of
Irish immigrants went into the Northern armies, constituting whole
regiments like the famous "Fighting 69th" New York. Germans from the
several Prussian states also gave their unwavering support to the Union,
especially when urged on by men like Sigel. In all, half a million
foreign-born men enlisted to constitute more than a fourth of the Union
army, leading Confederates derisively to call them mercenaries. In fact,
having fled the Old World with its chaos and autocracy, they embraced
wholeheartedly the ideals of the Union and fought for it
unreservedly.
Indeed, both sides fought without reservation, which is why the war
proved so costly. By the spring of 1865, after almost four years of it,
Americans North and South were exhausted, continuing the fight out of
grim determination. Inevitably it had to end, and perhaps it was
inevitable that it end as it did. Grant, who had been a Confederate
nemesis since Fort Donelson, precipitated the final collapse. He
continued his gradual encirclement of the Richmond and Petersburg
defenses until April 1, when at last he stood within striking distance
of the last railroad leading out of the Confederate capital. Lee and
Davis had no choice but to move their army and evacuate the city the
next day, or else be completely surrounded and cut off. On April 2 the
government burned what records and supplies it could not take with it
and began the sad march west.
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RICHMOND, THE FORMER CAPITAL OF THE CONFEDERACY, LIES IN RUINS. (LC)
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Lee's retreat was a daily tale of sorrow. Dogged at every step by
Grant, and especially by his relentless cavalry under Sheridan, the
Confederates staggered onward. On April 6, as they lay stretched out for
miles along the road, the column became badly divided and the Yankees
swooped in upon them. More than 8,000 Rebels fell captive, leaving Lee
with fewer than 30,000 soldiers. The next day Lee fought them at
Farmville and delayed Grant's pursuit for several hours. He crossed the
Appomattox River and pressed onward, hoping somehow to reach North
Carolina to join with the other Confederate army there. Unfortunately,
while he fought at Farmville, Lee gave Sheridan time to move on south
and west, poised to cut off his line of march. This same day Grant sent
Lee a message suggesting that now was the time to surrender. Lee
responded saying not yet, not yet, but he did ask what Grant's terms
would be.
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THE SURRENDER SCENE AT APPOMATTOX AS SKETCHED BY WALTON TABOR. (BL)
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The next day it happened. Sheridan's cavalry got ahead of Lee and
captured vital supplies that were awaiting him at Appomattox Station.
Infantry soon joined him, and by that evening, when Lee was near
Appomattox Court House, he learned that he had nowhere to go unless he
could attack Sheridan and push him aside. His senior commanders
suggested that it was time to surrender. Grant sent another note
offering the most generous of terms. Still Lee said not yet. The great
fighter could not yield until he felt convinced that he could fight no
more.
The next morning he launched an attack that startled but could not
budge the Yankees. Now at last Lee knew that he had fought his last.
Further fighting would be murder. He sent a message to Grant asking for
a meeting. Soon thereafter they both rode into Appomattox Court House, a
small village between the armies, to the home of Wilmer McLean.
Ironically, McLean's earlier home on Bull Run had been Beauregard's
headquarters during the first battle of the war, and now one of its last
acts was to take place in his parlor. The two commanding generals were
uncomfortable at first, Lee feeling humiliation in defeat and Grant
overwhelmed with sympathy for a gallant foe. They made brief small talk
of earlier days, and then Grant made good on his promised generosity.
Lee's army must surrender only its arms and give its parole to go home
and fight no more. He even allowed any Confederate claiming to own one
of its army's horses to take it with him, to use in his spring planting
when he got home. And Grant opened his commissaries to the hungry
Confederates. Lee accepted, and it was over. Within hours old friends in
blue and gray began to mingle in each other's camps to renew
acquaintances and bind their emotional wounds. Three days later the
formal surrender ceremony took place, and the Army of Northern Virginia
passed into history.
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THE MCLEAN HOUSE SHORTLY AFTER THE WAR. (LC)
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But the war was not over. President Davis and his cabinet had moved
to Danville, Virginia, but on learning of Lee's surrender, they had to
continue their flight south into North Carolina. The only other
remaining army in the East was there, a remnant of the once mighty Army
of Tennessee combined with other commands, and since February once more
commanded by Davis's old foe Joseph E. Johnston. Only Lee's specific
request persuaded the president to give the post to Johnston once more.
Meanwhile, on February 1 Sherman had begun his drive north from
Savannah. He moved behind Charleston, cutting it off and virtually
forcing its surrender without a fight, and moved on toward the South
Carolina capital at Columbia. Some 60,000 men marched with Sherman, and
facing them were only scratch forces totaling less than 25,000, though
more small commands joined the Confederates throughout the following
campaign.
As soon as he took command, Johnston concentrated all of these
scattered commands in the vicinity of Fayetteville, North Carolina,
knowing that his only hope of stopping Sherman was to use every man at
his disposal. But Johnston had to withdraw before he could accomplish
his objective and continued to retreat through North Carolina until he
turned and struck at Sherman at Averasborough on March 16. Still he had
to retreat once more, but three days later he turned at Bentonville and,
in an unusual act for Johnston, launched a concerted attack that
achieved some success until the weight of the Yankee numbers forced him
to withdraw. Johnston would not fight again. He took position not far
from the capital at Raleigh, where he hoped Lee would be able to join
him. But when he learned of Lee's surrender, he believed that his own
must follow. By April 12 Davis and his cabinet were in Greensborough,
and there Johnston told them he thought it was useless to continue.
Davis disagreed but allowed Johnston to meet with Sherman to discuss a
temporary armistice. Instead, five days later Johnston and Sherman
reached an agreement calling for the disbanding of all remaining
Confederate forces in the field, something Johnston had not the power to
order. A week later Washington rejected the terms because Sherman did
not have the authority to make such an agreement either. Johnston then
immediately surrendered his own army without seeking Davis's permission.
The war in the East was over.
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MAJOR GENERAL EDWARD CANBY (CWL)
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MAJOR GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN (CWL)
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It remained now to stop resistance in the West. On May 4 the last
remaining Rebel army east of the Mississippi surrendered to General E.
R. S. Canby at Citronelle, Alabama. Three weeks later Kirby Smith's
representatives met with Canby's officers in New Orleans and agreed on
the surrender of the Trans-Mississippi army. Now all of the armies had
laid down their arms, with only a few scattered Confederate commands
still either holding out or else simply going home without formal
surrender. A month later, on June 23, in faraway Doaksville in the
Indian Territory, Stand Watie made the last formal surrender of a
Confederate military command. It was all over, all, that is, except for
one ship. The CSS Shenandoah, a commerce raider plying the
Pacific, did not get word of the surrenders until August 2 and meanwhile
kept taking Yankee prizes. She finally steamed halfway around the world,
at last turning herself over to British authorities in Liverpool,
England, on November 6, seven months after Lee's surrender. The last
guns, at last, had been fired.
Even as the surrenders were taking place, one shot rang out that
would be heard throughout the ages. On April 14, flush with victory,
President Lincoln fell to an assassin's bullet at Ford's Theater in
Washington. The shock of the act stunned even the South. The Union went
into deep and lasting mourning. Confederates, who had nothing to do with
the lone act of the assassin, realized that Lincoln had been their best
hope for reconciliation without reprisal. Andrew Johnson succeeded
Lincoln in the White House and bravely tried to carry out Lincoln's
moderate policy, but he would come increasingly into conflict with the
radical element in the Republican Party who wanted to impose a more
punitive reconstruction on the South. The seeds for the acrimony and
excesses on both sides that would follow during the era of
Reconstruction had been sown.
Many blamed Davis, who had no knowledge of the assassination plot and
would not have countenanced it. After Johnston's surrender, he and his
cabinet continued their flight, but one by one his advisers left him,
and by early May he was almost on his own with a small escort. He still
hoped to reach the Trans-Mississippi, there to continue the fight, but
on May 10, near Irwinville, Georgia, Yankee cavalry finally caught up
with him. He would be sent to Fort Monroe and kept there as a prisoner
for two years before the government finally decided not to prosecute him
for treason.
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EXECUTION OF MAJOR HENRY WIRZ. (USAMHI)
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THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN AT FORD'S THEATRE ON THE NIGHT OF
APRIL 14, 1865. ILLUSTRATION FROM HARPER'S WEEKLY. (LC)
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Indeed, despite all the anger and hatred generated by the war, the
Union authorities showed incredible magnanimity. No one was tried for
treason. Davis and a few others were imprisoned for a time, but by 1867
all were released, and many eventually recovered their citizenship and
even held public office once more. Only one Confederate lost his life to
justice after the war, and that was Henry Wirz, commandant of the prison
camp at Andersonville. Even he probably did not deserve his fate, but
the emotionalism over Andersonville was so great that someone had to
pay, and the unlucky Wirz was the most visible object. Nevertheless,
after four years of war, after the loss of more than 600,000 lives, with
hundreds of thousands of others carrying the mental and physical scars
of their war, the empty sleeves and the broken lives, the speed with
which North embraced the South once more, and with which the veterans
tried to put their war behind them, stands perhaps unique in the annals
of history.
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PARADE IN WASHINGTON, DC CELEBRATING THE END OF THE WAR. (LC)
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CONFEDERATE AND UNION CIVIL WAR VETERANS AT THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. (LC)
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And as they went back to their fields, their schoolrooms, and their
clerks' desks, the men of North and South pondered what it had all been
about and what they had accomplished. Two questions they settled
irrevocably for all time. Slavery was at an end in America. The blacks
may have gotten nothing else from the war, but they got their freedom.
That counted for a lot, but it was all they got, and even as the day of
trial for whites came to an end, the century of black struggle was just
beginning. And the war also settled once and for all that the Union was
greater than its component parts, that it was eternal and indivisible.
Never again would state or section countenance or even talk of
secession.
Win or lose, living and dead, soldier and civilian, they had
participated in something that set America apart, that renewed a nation
and set it on the path to world power.
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Yet other questions remained. It all came at such a terrible price.
Would not slavery have come to a natural end in a few more decades
anyway, as the scorn of the rest of the Western world made it an
increasing embarrassment to the South? Would not the inevitable coming
of industrialization and mechanization have rendered slave labor too
expensive and therefore encouraged voluntary emancipation? And if
Southerners manumitted their slaves on their own at some future day,
what other issue could ever arise that could foment the kind of rancor
and division that led them to try to break away in 1861? No one could
know the answers. All they knew, North and South, were the answers the
war gave them, and each man had to decide for himself if the result
justified the sacrifice. Yet on one thing they could all unite. Win or
lose, living and dead, soldier and civilian, they had participated in
something that set America apart, that renewed a nation and set it on
the path to world power. In the process, they had spent their blood and
their youth and experienced the greatest adventure of their generation
and left their mark upon the defining moment of their century.
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Back cover: "Fourth Minnesota Regiment Entering Vicksburg,"
painting by Frances Millet, courtesy of Minnesota Historical Society.
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