Canyon de Chelly Administrative History

Everett Bright, the new superintendent, arrived at Chinle toward the end of June 1950. He expressed gratitude for Guillet's careful preparations for the change in administration and was soon busy continuing improvements and maintenance and serving the visiting public. The major addition to monument facilities in July was a new half-ton pickup, increasing to three the number of vehicles available for work. [1]

David De Harport returned on July 3. [2] His first two seasons of work had been done on foot from Chinle, but this year he had an old army jeep and camped, [3] enabling him to extend his survey further up the canyon. In 20 miles of the main canyon he had a grand total of 342 sites by the end of the 1950 season on September 15. [4]

Charley Steen arrived on July 25 to resume his excavations at Tse Ta'a. [5] He again hired Navajo workers, and this season had Chauncey Neboyia on his crew. [6] He closed down the dig on September 22 [7] and spent another week preparing his collections for shipment to Santa Fe. [8] His was the first major published report to appear on the archaeology of the monument. [9]

Bright devoted considerable energy to physical improvements. In August he installed a grease rack for the maintenance of the vehicles and graded a parking area behind headquarters for Government vehicles. In September he hauled flagstone from the deposits near Ganado and used it in front of the headquarters building and in construction of a drinking fountain. [10] What was left over was used for a walkway around the living quarters. [11] While the picnic areas had been used for camping by visitors for some time, a campground with ten tables and ten fireplaces was now being planned. [12] Bright was unable to secure bids on the project and so began work on it himself. [13] The job progressed slowly because low temperatures hindered the concrete work. [14]

Cooperative work with the Bureau of Indian Affairs on watershed problems was also undertaken. In November Paul Balch visited the canyon to determine what was needed. [15] By the end of the year the Bureau had built 500 jetties to protect fields; of these, 200 were at Twin Trails in del Muerto and 300 not far above White House. The cooperative Bureau-Park Service project was awaiting the opening of bids. [16]

John M. Davis, now general superintendent of Southwestern Monuments, visited McSparron in June and apparently resolved some of the issues relating to the concession permit, for in July he sent a revised draft for signatures by McSparron and Bright. The only change mentioned appears to be minor-exclusion of a provision regarding saddle horses because Cozy merely acted as an agent for Navajos in the matter under the terms of the act of February 14, 1931. [17] Bright was able to return the signed copies a week later and reported that he was getting on quite well with Cozy. He also reported that representatives of the tribe had visited Cozy to inquire about purchasing Thunderbird Ranch. McSparron had quoted a price and thought the prospects for selling his business were good. [18]

This new proposal raised legal questions that the Bureau wanted answered. The Window Rock Area Office wrote the regional director of the Park Service asking whether Cozy paid the Park Service any fees and whether, if he did, Cozy might conclude that he was entitled to a refund of rent he had already paid the tribe. The possibility of excluding Thunderbird Ranch from the monument if purchased by the tribe was also suggested in order to avoid Park Service regulation of a tribal operation. The advisory committee of the council was asking why the tribe had only been granted concession rights to horse rentals in the first place. [19]

Personnel changes in the regional office delayed replying to these questions until October. The regional director's answer seems to have been based on the premise that the Park Service owned the lands within the monument boundaries. He wrote, in part,

I am not familiar with the details of the ordinance referred to by Mr. Fister as passed by the Navajo Tribe requiring traders occupying tribal lands to pay to the Navajos a percentage of gross sales in the form of rentals. However, it is obvious that the Thunderbird Ranch cannot be within Canyon de Chelly National Monument . . . and at the same time on tribal lands. Mr. McSparron is paying a fee for his concession permit No. I-33np-263, issued by the National Park Service, authorizing him to operate a "trading post and guest ranch, furnishing motor transportation services up the canyons del Muerto and de Chelly, and such other services necessary for the convenience of visitors. . ." Irrespective of what his concession fee for that permit might be, it seems that, during the same period, he should not have been required to pay to the Tribal Council a fee of any kind since he could not have been occupying tribal lands if he were occupying national monument lands."

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In Mr. Fister's letter of August 9 he refers to the possibility of relinquishing that portion of the monument on which Thunderbird Ranch and Trading Post are located.

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Without competent legal advice I could not . . . say whether in this case the lands on which Thunderbird Ranch and Trading Post are located could be eliminated from the monument without Congressional action.

Neither the Proclamation of April 1, 1931, nor that of March 3, 1933, makes any provisions as to the preferential rights to be granted to Navajo Indians. The provision to which you refer is, however, included in the basic act of February 14, 1931. I cannot answer your specific inquiry as to why that Act did not grant preferential concession rights as well to Navajo Indians, since our files do not contain a record of the background information leading to the passage of the Act. . . . [20]

Hagerman's fears of the ignoring of Navajo rights would seem to have been well founded. The effects of this communication on Park Service-Navajo relations were to be seen the following year, but the immediate result was Cozy's refusal to pay any further rental to the tribe. [21]

Local community relations continued to be good through the year. Guillet had started Bright out well with the Navajos apparently and when, in his first month as superintendent, Bright faced the problem created by a tourist's dog killing a Navajo sheep, the matter was settled by the visitor's payment of $25 as compensation. [22] The established policy of Park Service aid to Navajos in time of crisis was continued. Morris, acting superintendent while Bright was on leave, helped with the burial of an elderly Navajo man. [23]

By January 1951 the new concrete picnic tables were being installed, as were five of the ten fireplaces. [24] The following, month everything was in place. They were divided among three campgrounds: at headquarters, at White House Overlook, and at Spider Rock Overlook. The Spider Rock Trail was shortened from 900 yards to 100 yards when the road was extended to the new camp area. [25] With the setting up of trash disposal containers and new signs, the monument was ready for a record season of visitation and camping. [26] Other changes during the year included construction of a low stone retaining wall behind the headquarters/living quarters building and of a new display rack and case for publication sales, and removal of the fireplace in the office when an oil heater was installed. [27] David Gorman evidently continued as maintenance man, because there is mention of his breaking an ankle while moving the new concrete tables. [28]

De Harport was the only researcher to work in the canyons that year. He arrived on July 2 and before leaving on November 5 had extended his survey another 3-1/2 miles up the main canyon, adding 20 sites from that area and two from lower reaches of the area for a grand total of 364. He also excavated two small sites and salvaged a burial eroding at Standing Cow Ruin at the request of local Navajos and the Park Service. [29]

Locally Navajo relations seemed to be good. Monument employees joined local school personnel in sponsoring an Easter egg hunt in the headquarter's campground for 300 schoolchildren. [30] An Enemyway held in August near Antelope House was attended by many visitors. [31]

The exceptionally heavy visitation, which diverted so much time to interpretation and guide work that maintenance work fell behind, [32] filled the Thunderbird's guest accommodations to capacity and brought Cozy higher revenues than ever before. [33] This increasingly profitable business was duly noted by the Navajo Tribal Council. Cozy's adamant refusal to continue paying rent to the tribe and Tillotson's assertion of NPS ownership of the land at Canyon de Chelly, however, were doubtlessly the primary stimuli for strong council action. [34] On October 2 the advisory committee of that body passed a resolution stating:

1. It is the opinion of the Committee, that the Navajo Tribe, through the establishment of the Canyon de Chelly National Monument on Tribal lands within the Navajo Reservation, retained full ownership and control of the lands.

2. The action of the National Park Service in granting a concession for trading and hotel purposes is not proper or within the authority of the Park Service.

3. Should the National Park Service claim rights to grant concessions within the area, the Committee hereby requests the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the Secretary of the Interior to cause the boundaries of the monument to be changed to exclude that portion of the lands on which the Thunder Bird Ranch is located.

4. An understanding be worked out with the National Park Service and the Navajo Tribe relative to the use and control of the Tribal lands within the monument.

The resolution was approved by Walter O. Olson for Alan G. Harper, area director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. [35]

No follow-up correspondence on the matter has been found, and a routine boundary status report showed no Park Service concern with the tribal action. On November 8 Bright recommended "no change" in the monument boundaries with no qualifying comments. [36] The regional landscape architect and the regional engineer both suggested that the narrow wedges of land created by the sinuous boundaries be utilized in road building. [37] Tillotson, in forwarding the report to the Director, felt that there would be no difficulties involved in working out agreements with the Bureau when needed for road construction and maintenance and supported Bright's original recommendation, which had been agreed to by Guillet and Southwestern Monuments General Superintendent John M. Davis. [38]

In September a young Navajo man, Paul Anagal, committed suicide by jumping from a 700-foot cliff. [39]

The last event involving Navajos with which the Park Service had any concern that year was a minor international incident that lightened the somber mood with a touch of humor. As reported by Bright:

On December 6, a Mr. Anderson an experienced mountain climber from Norway, went down the White House Trail to do some hiking and return by coming out at the mouth of the canyon near our headquarters. About a mile and a half from his destination, for some unknown reason, he turned around and started in the other direction. On the 7th, the de Chelly staff tracked him until dark and returned for flashlights. In the mean time, Mr. Able Garcia, from the Canyon de Chelly Trading Post, was informed by a Navajo that the man was seen in upper del Muerto still going the other way, away from home. Just before we were ready to leave for a continued search Mr. Garcia came in with the lost party. Mr. Anderson admitted he was lost, but he thought there was just one canyon, de Chelly. He was very hungry and glad to be back with his wife and small child who were staying at the Catholic Mission. He had spent the night in a hogan where he had borrowed an overcoat and some extra shoes. When found he had forced his way into another hogan . . . Navajos do not live in the canyons in the winter . . . and was prepaired [sic] for the second night. The overcoat was badly burnt, evidently he had fallen asleep too near the fire. After some bickering the Navajo got a new overcoat from the Catholic Mission and a $5.00 bill from his overnight guest, so all parted company friends. Strange as it may seem, he had entered two hogans that belonged to the same family, they were four miles apart. [40]

The new year brought "rain, snow, sleet, hail, and blizzard," closing all roads except the one to Ganado, and even that was not passable part of the month. As a result, there were no visitors. Cold weather interfered with maintenance projects, but work was begun on a flood diversion wall west of the headquarters building. [41] The cold damp weather damaged the roads, which deteriorated rapidly under heavy use by the Navajos, who were hauling more firewood than usual. Because of light tourist visitation, most of February was devoted to maintenance of roads and other facilities. [42] In March the increased soil moisture helped precipitate slides blocking White House Trail in three places. [43] The damage turned out to be quite extensive, and work on the trail continued throughout the year. [44] A special horse-drawn cart was employed to transport materials along the narrow access. [45] Road maintenance continued despite the wet weather, which lasted all year, and seems to have been accomplished through a pragmatic division of responsibility among the Park Service, Bureau, and perhaps the county. [46] Work began in the fall on a paved road from Window Rock to Ganado. [47]

Concern for a formal agreement, particularly if major road building should be authorized, was still felt, however. In March, National Park Service Director Conrad L. Wirth again raised this matter in relation to the monument boundary in a memorandum to the regional director:

I would agree that ordinarily it is desirable and important that our boundaries fall outside of whatever developments are necessary for a park or monument. Canyon de Chelly seems unique, however, in that there would be no Monument at all if the Indians had not been willing to agree to let us administer a portion of their lands for monument purposes. In view of the past involvements, surveys and approvals required to establish the present jurisdictional boundary, I am inclined to agree that we might well complicate rather than gain from any attempt to convert the Indians to a boundary extension at this time, especially when the need for it appears to be more technical than real. Of course, this does not preclude the possibility that the boundary might eventually be adjusted.

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I am requesting the Chief Counsel, by copy of this memorandum, to seek appropriate provision in the next point of order legislation to cover any necessary Monument road construction, maintenance or improvement on lands situated outside the present Monument Boundary. Please advise whether you concur in this or whether you can work out some alternative arrangement with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. . . . [48]

The matter, however, seems to have remained unresolved at this time.

Erosion control was especially important as a result of the heavy precipitation. In March 150 "native" Russian olive and Chinese elm trees were planted around the headquarters area. [49] Dale S. King, then acting general superintendent of Southwestern Monuments, suggested that the use of truly native species, such as cottonwood, would be preferable, but conceded that the canyons already harbored many exotic plant and animal species. [50] About this time Bright took delivery of 3,000 pounds of assorted grass seed for use in the watershed project. [51] No information exists as to what species were introduced at this time, but it seems quite probable that new exotics were included.

Work on the construction of masonry water control drops along the south rim of the main canyon began on May 19. [52] As this progressed, the grass seeding was also done, and the Navajos were reportedly pleased with the results. [53] In August further building of jetties was done in both del Muerto and de Chelly. By September 26 some 300 out of a planned total of 350 were completed. [54]

In the spring and summer, new record levels of visitation were again set. A great deal of time was therefore devoted to interpretive work and cleaning the campgrounds. [55] A new wayside exhibit telling the legend of Spider Rock was erected at that overlook and an exhibit was planned for the White House Overlook also. [56] Due to the increased demand for such items, new slides and postcards were exhibited in a new display, and sold rapidly. [57] In June the area got its first 4-wheel-drive vehicle, a new jeep, which greatly facilitated patrolling the canyons and accomplishing other work in sections difficult to reach. [58]

Relations with the Navajos fluctuated. In March the Bureau stationed two Navajo police officers at Chinle because of increased drinking in the area. This move was greeted with approval by Bright. In the same month Bright was elected president of the Chinle group of the National Federation of Federal Employees, most of whose members were Bureau workers. [59] About 250 turned out in April when the area staff again helped sponsor an Easter egg hunt for local schoolchildren. [60] An Enemyway held at the foot of White House Trail in August was witnessed by many visitors. [61]

Thunderbird Ranch had enjoyed another very busy season and Bright thought that they should expand the facilities. [62] Because the mild fall weather kept visitation at a high level the ranch agreed to keep its guest accommodations open beyond the regular closing date of October 15. [63] Tribal interest in the operation had not diminished. In November Bright went to Window Rock to arrange for a meeting with tribal and Bureau officials, [64] but it was not held until 3 months later. [65]

Toward the end of November Morris was transferred; the ranger position was not to be refilled and perhaps would be allowed to lapse. [66] Bright, with record visitations each year, would have to manage with long-term seasonal assistance. Because of Chinle's remoteness, however, winter visitation was very low and other matters could be handled at this time. In January 1953 Bright was able to complete a diversion wall to protect a section of the road to the White House Overlook that had frequently suffered damage in the past. [67] Various maintenance jobs could be easily tackled. [68] By April, however, nearly half of Bright's time was required for interpretive services and even more was devoted to these activities in May. [69] Two new wayside exhibits were installed at the White House Overlook and a self-guiding trail to the ruin was planned to relieve the pressure on the personnel. [70] By the end of the year work on the self-guiding booklet was well underway at Southwestern Monuments headquarters. [71] Seasonal Ranger John T. McConville reported for duty June 8 and was very much needed, for visitation more than doubled and time spent with tourists almost doubled. [72] Bright was transferred to Craters of the Moon National Monument and left September 1; McConville was acting superintendent until relieved by John A. Aubuchon on November 19. McConville was terminated on December 3. [73] It seems likely that under these circumstances much of the knowledge of the unique problems of the area gained by Guillet and passed on to Bright was lost.

However, Aubuchon remembers his relations with the Navajos as being generally cordial, as the records of his administration indicate. He joined the local Presbyterian church, his admission being approved by an all-Navajo, non-English-speaking board. He recalls numerous occasions when transportation was supplied to individual canyon residents in times of need. His memories of the place and of his stay there seem to be generally pleasant ones. [74]

Little in the way of permanent improvements was accomplished by the local staff. In addition to the diversion wall to protect the road, the only significant change was the conversion of a toolroom into public restrooms by Eugene Mott. [75] Erosion control was continued under the joint Bureau-Park Service project with the planting of another 2,500 pounds of grass seeds and of willow cuttings taken from the flourishing stands at White House and Antelope House, [76] the willows having been used at the jetties built in 1952.

Bright continued his efforts at improving community relations with the annual Easter egg hunt, but there is generally little mention of Navajo or community affairs in the monthly reports for the year. [77]

Consideration of the road and boundary problem moved with extreme slowness. Not until February 12 did P. P. Patrow, acting regional director, reply to Tillotson's memorandum of March 29, 1952, giving regional concurrence to the suggestion that special legislative authority be sought to permit road building outside the monument's boundaries. [78]

A report by Bright in July on utilities shows the interrelatedness of the Park Service, the concessioner, and local Navajos. Cozy supplied electricity from a private generator for both his own use and for the Park Service. His rates, while considered high, were lower than the cost would have been if the Service were required to generate its own power. A 5,000-gallon water reservoir constructed by the Service provided water for the Thunderbird, the Park Service, and local Navajos, both for domestic use and for watering livestock. This was not adequate for the demand, especially in view of the need to maintain a reserve for fire fighting. In 1936 the Park Service had put in a gas engine to pump the water and a meter so that Cozy could be charged for water supplied to the Thunderbird. Mechanical problems with the meter and the small capacity of the pump caused so much trouble that about 1947 or 1948 Cozy installed an electric pump. Since that time he had pumped the water at his own expense in the daytime and the Park Service took over at night. This was the only method possible to meet the demands created by the increased visitation and by the growing needs of the Navajos. [79]

Perhaps the major accomplishment of the Government, in its effect on both monument operation and the local Navajos, was work done by the Bureau of Indian Affairs some distance away. In October the paving of the road from Window Rock to Ganado was completed. [80] This cut the distance from Chinle to a paved road by 30 miles, making access to goods and services not locally available easier for all residents and facilitating tourist access to the monument.

With the prospects of ever-increasing visitation, official tribal interest in the concession continued to grow. A meeting was held at Window Rock on February 12 and was attended by Bureau and tribal officials; Bright; Davis of Southwestern Monuments; Koehler, representing the region; and Cozy, to discuss "the future status of the McSparron concession contract in relation to the ownership of the land and buildings. . . ." [81] No new decisions seem to have resulted from this effort and in June it was reported that the tribe would erect its own motel and restaurant near the monument. [82] That the report was at the very least premature could not have been known, and both Cozy and the Service were doubtlessly concerned.

Aubuchon began the year of 1954 at Canyon de Chelly experiencing low visitation, a trend that lasted through March and gave him a good opportunity to become acquainted with his new area. [83] Much of the time seems to have been spent in routine work preparing for the tourist season, which began suddenly in April. Visitation jumped from 104 in March to 1,125 the following month. [84] Work on the self-guiding booklet for the White House Trail progressed slowly and guided tours were continued to the ruin until late in July when the booklet was available and put into use, although it was not fully completed until early August. [85] The trail was considered a success and in November work was begun on another booklet to be used with the Thunderbird tours. [86]

A new sewer line was completed in May, [87] and in June a stile was erected over the stone jetty in front of White House to give visitors better access to the ruin. [88] July brought the delivery of a new trailer house. [89] By late summer, storms and vandalism had damaged both White House Trail and the interpretive markers along it, requiring considerable repair work. [90] Increased road maintenance by the Bureau helped keep roads in better condition. [91]

Much that happened involved the Navajos. The major event was the sale of Thunderbird Ranch. Cozy's continuing efforts to dispose of his business finally bore fruit, but he became seriously ill just at the time the sale was being consummated. [92] His prospective purchasers were John Nelson, A. B. Nelson, and Ida Mae Borum. Transfer of the lease required tribal approval, and, because of the complications involved in the three-way administration of the area, the tribal attorney, Norman M. Littell, felt that it should be acted upon by the full council. He had a resolution prepared for that purpose and presented it to the council on February 11. Howard Gorman, the councilman from Ganado was curious as to the identity of the purchasers, who were not present at the council session. Dick Clark, trading supervisor, identified A. B. Nelson as vice-president of Babbitt Brothers of Flagstaff and John Nelson as his father and also a Babbitt employee. Mrs. Borum was former owner of the Leupp Trading Post. Clark thought that the Babbitts would have no direct interest in the Thunderbird, but thought that the business would do most of its wholesale trade with them. At that point a short recess was taken, and when the council reconvened Littell apologized for not knowing of the Babbit involvement. It was decided to redraft the resolution and action was postponed until the following day. [93]

The new resolution merely provided that

The officers of the Tribe be and they hereby are authorized and empowered to approve on behalf of the Tribe a lease submitted by the National Park Service, to L. H. McSparron or to any purchasers approved by the Advisory committee, the said lease to be subject to such changes, alterations, terms and conditions as the Advisory Committee in its discretion deems advisable and in the best interests of the Navajo Tribe.

The resolution was duly moved, seconded, and passed without opposing votes. In the discussion preceding the vote, however, Annie D. Wauneka stated at some length her views regarding the monument, which are worth quoting because they seem to reflect fairly well the feeling on the tribal level at this time:

Over a period of time we have heard complaints against the operators of the Monument around Canyon De Chelly. There are many Navajo lands involved. These Navajos have been using lands on the floor of the canyon, on the mesas above the canyon for a long time. We have heard these complaints and while we have not made an immediate study or surveys, but we have heard complaints that these Monument authorities have taken it upon themselves to tell how these Navajos should live in the Canyon or on top of the mesas of the Canyon. I do not know how many of you have heard it, but I am sure that you all have been aware of the situation and over a period of time you can go over there and see and investigate and see how the Monument authorities are operating and how to reconcile the Navajo livelihood in that area. In the withdrawal of these Monument lands there were certain provisions made which we have never heard of or know very little about. It is possible that we can revise the provisions of that withdrawal order so that we can satisfy the Navajos who are living in that area. In the first place, we have to have the interest of the Navajo in the acquisition of lands on how much rental we can receive from any concession in that area. We have to look after the livelihood of the Navajo first.

George Hubbard, a councilman from the area, challenged her statements, claiming that he had not heard any complaint from the people. A thorough discussion of the matter did not ensue, however. [94]

Somehow the council's objections to the Nelsons were overcome and the following month the advisory committee voted approval of the sale to all three prospective purchasers. [95] On April 20 Cozy McSparron left Chinle after 41 years, the manager for the new owners, Miles Hedrick, having arrived the day before. [96] Absentee landlords at the guest ranch caused some inconvenience in administration. In November Luis A. Gastellum of the Southwestern Monuments office had to visit Winslow in order to discuss business matters with A. B. Nelson. [97]

As suggested by Hubbard's speech to the tribal council, local Navajo interests were not entirely coincident with those of the tribe, but relations within the area seem to have continued smoothly in most respects throughout the year. Aubuchon reported the construction of a fence to keep sheep out of White House Ruin in January. [98] The next month CBS was taking photographs in the canyons for a television show, Navajos being included and no problems reported. [99] A survey was made of use of electricity in order to determine whether the monument and the Thunderbird should obtain their power from the Bureau. [100] Planning for a new campground entailed getting local permission for use of the land. Aubuchon had canvassed all but one of the local leaders when a visiting Bureau official suggested going over their heads and getting authorization from the advisory committee if he should encounter opposition, a suggestion that Aubuchon did not reject. He was able, however, to contact the remaining man, Joe Carrol, and found him receptive to the idea, especially when told that the old tables would be moved to "the pump house site for Navajo use." [101]

Of interest in regard to Navajo affairs is Aubuchon's report on a visit to Massacre Cave in search of bones for study by physical anthropologists. Perhaps fortunately for his continued good rapport with the Navajos he failed to find any suitable for this purpose. An enigmatic mention is made of shellacked bones supposedly returned to the cave previously and his failure to find them on this visit. [102]

The planting program with the Bureau of Indian Affairs resumed for 2 weeks in November with removal of more cuttings from White House and Antelope House, where the abundant growth threatened to invade the ruins. Navajo interest was so high that they did all the labor free. [103] By the end of the year Aubuchon felt so close to his Navajo neighbors that he was gathering material on their legends and trying to authenticate the Spider Rock story. [104] This was probably an outgrowth of his continuing work to expand the self-guiding interpretive program by the use of easel displays at Junction and Spider Rock overlooks and on the White House Trail [105] and to develop a booklet for use on the Thunderbird tours. [106]

The normal low visitation of the winter season was even less than usual due to severe weather. [107] Two visitors were stuck on the Sawmill Road and had to hike 18 miles through snow over 2 feet deep to reach headquarters. A white man employed by the trader at Nazlini and several Navajos were frozen during the cold weather. [108] Work at the monument consisted largely of what could be accomplished indoors. Work on the guidebook for the canyon progressed considerably and a rough draft was submitted in March. [109] It is interesting to note that monument personnel finally learned that Canyon del Muerto had been named by Stevenson rather than after the Massacre Cave incident. This was 3 years after Park Service archaeologist Albert H Schroeder had uncovered the fact in an old Bureau of American Ethnology report. [110] Published in cooperation with the concessioner, the guidebook was edited and sent to the printer in April. [111] The initial edition of 500 copies was successfully utilized and the supply exhausted before the end of the season. [112] In spite of the increased use of self-guided trails and wayside exhibits, guided tours were still given, but at a rate of only once a week on the average. [113]

The yearly increase in visitation had put a strain on the facilities of most Park Service areas. By 1955 funding was beginning to catch up with needs and Mission 66 was inaugurated to stimulate this trend. [114] The first major project for Canyon de Chelly was the new campground. Work began as early as February with the removal of trees and fencing. [115] In March the roads were staked and materials hauled. Equipment rented from the Bureau helped cut costs and Eugene Mott, supervisor of construction and maintenance, was sent to oversee the work. [116] Although the area was not complete, visitor use of the campground seems to have begun in June. [117] Ants in the new area were so bothersome, however, that three parties of tourists were forced to abandon their campsites after nightfall. [118] Dr. Massey of the Forest Insect and Disease Laboratory in Albuquerque came to look over the situation and recommended spraying with chlordane, which proved to be an effective solution. [119] The completion of the campground on September 3 put the monument in good shape for future years. It was already being used and Aubuchon enthusiastically reported that on one night he had counted five trailers there. [120]

August brought heavy rains and floods in the canyons. Several hogans and an orchard were destroyed by the high runoff, and many of the oak jetties built in the canyons were also washed out. On August 10 Seasonal Ranger Delmar A. Dyerson got the Park Service jeep stuck in quicksand in the main canyon. The Thunderbird's canyon car came to the rescue and both were hit by a wall of water before the jeep could be pulled out. It was necessary to leave the vehicles overnight, and they were found half-buried the next day. The jeep was considered a total loss by the Government, but the concessioners decided to dismantle their vehicle completely and attempt to clean it. [121]

Relations with the Navajos were variable, but they were quite good with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Early in the year Aubuchon recommended no changes in the boundaries, believing that any road matters could be easily worked out with the Bureau. [122] In June a three-way, 20-year contract between the new concessioners, the Park Service, and the Navajo tribe was signed. [123] Details of the negotiations leading to this contract have not been uncovered.

David Gorman was still on the staff at de Chelly and he and Aubuchon joined a new volunteer fire department organized in Chinle in June, attending monthly fire drills. [124] Probably this organization was primarily the work of white residents of Chinle and Navajo participation was limited to a few of the more educated tribal members in the area, many of whom were likely not members of the local chapter.

Vandalism had become a problem after the installation of interpretive devices away from the headquarters area. While some of the damage may well have been done by white visitors, Aubuchon was inclined to blame most of it on Navajo activities. Whether any of this resulted from local resentment of Park Service operations is difficult to determine. In June it was necessary to replace seven of the stakes marking stations on the self-guiding trail to White House. Aubuchon commented, "If our neighbors use their feet to break the new stakes it is my belief and fondest hope that a toe bone or two will also suffer." [125] The problem did not occur again until October, when six markers were replaced with heavier ones. In the same month the drain plug chains were stolen from the campground comfort stations and only locks prevented the theft of two garbage cans. [126] In December Aubuchon decided that replacement of all the White House Trail markers with larger and stronger ones was needed. He blamed the repeated loss on "young Navajo vandals." [127]

His relations with Navajo adults seemed unmarred by these incidents. In August he received Navajo assistance during a survey of Navajo place-names and trails in the canyons. [128] In the same month Hugh M. Miller, regional director, asked him to assist in Park Service efforts to work out "a plan for the development of the recreation resources of Monument Valley." A proposal had been made in October 1954 to the Advisory Committee of the Navajo Tribal Council, which was reportedly well received. Council action was awaited, but in the meantime the tribe had set up an Office of Land Use and Surveys, and until this action was approved by the Bureau and subsequently funded by the tribe nothing could be done. Richard F. Van Valkenburgh was to be head of the new office and Miller wanted to know whether he was on duty in this capacity yet. Miller felt that he had received his information under confidential circumstances and he hoped that Aubuchon could give him an official report without disturbing the good relations that existed with the tribe. [129] Aubuchon contacted Robert W. Young, assistant to the superintendent at Window Rock, and learned that Van Valkenburgh would probably not be placed in the new position until the end of September after approval of the budget. He did confirm the fact that Van Valkenburgh would be the man to deal with regarding developments at Monument Valley. [130]

In November Luis A. Gastellum, assistant general superintendent of Southwestern Monuments, Thomas R. Jones, architect, and Aubuchon met in Gallup with various Bureau officials including C. Warren Spaulding, general superintendent of the Navajo Agency, to discuss the details of obtaining electric power and water from the Bureau at Chinle. [131] The Park Service representatives explained their needs: current consumption of water reached a peak of 166,000 gallons in the summer months, and increased use was expected as visitation grew; electricity was used at a rate of fifteen kilowatts, with a similar increase anticipated. The Bureau thought that they could meet this demand. The Park Service was to pay for these services at cost or at rates comparable to those in some nearby community, but they wanted to compare this proposed agreement with a similar one already in effect between the Bureau and the Atomic Energy Commission. [132] The Bureau also reserved the right to discontinue service at any time should the Bureau's facilities require extra power, but Spaulding thought this event unlikely, especially if the Park Service would help fund the development of additional generating capacities. [133] Aubuchon judged the meeting successful, but felt that final agreement and actual delivery of utility services were still a few years in the future. [134]

The year ended with the monument under Navajo management for the first time when Aubuchon took a vacation and left David Gorman in charge. [135] Gorman took care of the visitors by himself during this period, and because the tourists had little knowledge of and great curiosity about the Navajo way of life, he was so successful that he was inspired to recommend expansion of this aspect of the interpretive program by constructing a hogan to show "just how they live." He aroused the interest of other Navajos, who offered to assist in its construction. [136]

Aubuchon was receptive to the idea and planned to submit a construction proposal, but nothing more seems to have been done. [137]

Work on improvements in the interpretive program continued, however, and several changes in display arrangements were made at the visitor contact station at monument headquarters. [138] The most significant innovation was the development of a program of slide talks for evening programs. Albert G. Henson, who replaced Aubuchon as superintendent in May, and his seasonal ranger, Norman Thomas, began to collect slides for this use in June and July. [139] Two such programs were presented in August and seem to have been well received. Apparently they had to use their own equipment for the presentations, because the projector and screen ordered from Globe were late in arriving. [140] Three more of the evening talks were given in September and a few each month into the fall, reflecting the limited time the two men could devote to this activity. [141] One of the slides, combining the Park Service emblem with a statement of the purpose of the Service, brought Henson a $20 incentive award. [142] Personally conducted tours were still being given, but again their number depended on the amount of time that could be programmed away from other activities. [143]

Expansion of the self-guiding concept helped compensate for the required absence of personnel. A dispenser for the White House Trail booklet was erected at the head of the trail along with an easel display, [144] and toward the end of the year stands were built for three new wayside exhibits. [145]

Visitation again reached record highs and the new campground was sometimes filled to capacity. Patrolling of the rim and the canyons was possible only on the days when both Henson and Thomas were on duty. [146]

Negotiations with the Bureau for water and power dragged on throughout the year. One bottleneck was the lack of sufficient generating capacity at Chinle, and once this had been solved a slowdown occurred during the administrative processes. [147] Final permission and allocation of funds came in December. [148]

Work on a new master plan for the area included a visit to the monument on September 27-30 by General Superintendent Davis, Landscape Architects Jerome C. Miller, Paul Thomas, and Glenn Hendrix, Architect Harold A. March, Archeologist Albert H. Schroeder, and Naturalist Earl Jackson. The party covered the area by air, car, jeep, and on foot, and felt that they had solved their problems as a result. [149]

There was some soil and moisture work in the spring. Again the lush vegetation at White House needed thinning and provided stock for planting elsewhere in the canyons. Surplus poles and supplies were given to local Navajos who wanted to do protective work of their own. [150]

In November Gordon Vivian, with Richert as his assistant, brought Navajo stabilization crews from Chaco Canyon to do work on Antelope House and White House, the projects lasting about 2 weeks. [151] Richert prepared a report on the White House work in December and January. [152]

Tribal relations were again rather variable. Early in the year it was necessary to replace sixteen markers along the White House Trail, and Aubuchon hoped that the new dispenser for the trail booklets would not be molested. [153] Van Valkenburgh had assumed his duties with the tribe and began a program designed to improve enforcement of the Antiquities Act on tribal lands, but his work also included research within the monument area for the tribal land claims case. [154] Monument personnel put up warning signs based on the Antiquities Act, perhaps supplied by the tribe. [155]

Aubuchon's administration ended with an act that was undoubtedly offensive to many Navajos, although he probably had no intimation of its complications because no protests were noted at the time. In March three members of the Sierra Club, Mark Powell, Jerry Gallawas, and Don M. Wilson, arrived to attempt an ascent of Spider Rock. The climb required 3 days, March 27-30, one night being spent on a ledge about halfway up the spire. [156] Aubuchon gave them full Park Service cooperation in this undertaking and issued them a "certificate of accomplishment" attesting to the success of their venture and commending their "splendid cooperation . . . in regard to National Park Service rules and regulations." [157] The long-range effect of this climb on Navajo attitudes would not become apparent for some time.

In May the tribal council passed a resolution making it "unlawful and a trespass" for anyone other than a Navajo to guide visitors for compensation within the reservation without paying for a license and giving 10 percent of the receipts to the tribe. [158] Whether this new regulation was applied to the Thunderbird tour operation is not known from available documentation.

A joint investigation of an accidental death resulting from a fall over the canyon rim was made by the Park Service, the Bureau, the Navajo Tribal Police, and the Public Health Service in August. [159]

An event that did not apply directly to Canyon de Chelly did, nonetheless, reveal a developing current of thought in the tribal council that had to be given consideration in all Park Service areas in Navajo country. Congress was considering legislation to establish roadless areas. There was the possibility that this legislation would permanently establish as roadless those areas on the Navajo Reservation designated by the Secretary of the Interior in 1937, apparently as an aspect of Collier's opposition to road building. The council was well aware of the importance of roads in bringing services to their people and in facilitating economic development, and unanimously opposed any limitations on road building. The third section of the resolution, however, was directed toward the park program and deserves quotation in full:

3. The Navajo Tribal Council approves in principle the establishment and maintenance of National Parks in various areas of the United States where all American citizens, including Navajo(s) may go on vacations to enjoy scenic grandeur untouched by development for economic purposes. However, the Navajo Tribal Council feels that such public parks should be established only on publicly owned land and under conditions that will not deprive the customary users of such land for their livelihood. The Navajo Tribal Council points out that the Navajo Indian Reservation is the private property of the Navajo people upon which they are dependent for their sustenance and that consequently it is not available and should not be taken for national park purposes or similar public recreational purposes. [160]

The burgeoning growth of the tribal government, fueled by oil money, rising educational attainments and expectations, and increasing tribal nationalism, was beginning to make itself felt in ways that more and more frequently did not coincide with Federal policies. Expectations that the Bureau could manipulate tribal support for all of its plans were no longer valid, and the diversity of opinion within the tribe, and at times between tribal and local chapter and district council levels, were more likely to indicate strengths than weaknesses as the Navajos asserted a new spirit of independence.

Henson was to be the last superintendent to escape the necessity of devoting a sizeable portion of his time to Navajo relations. The shortness of his incumbency may well have been a factor in this, for much of the groundwork laid by Guillet had been lost through turnovers in personnel. He had the advantage of a somewhat larger number of Navajo employees than many of his predecessors, but his was still the only permanent position. David Gorman was still the maintenance man, with two laborers, Guy Tso and Francis Tayah, working under him. [161] Visitation continued to grow, reaching a new record again in 1957. [162]

The work load was as much as the small staff could handle and perhaps more. Early in August Henson received a request from Anthony-Worldwide Productions to do some filming for the movie The Big Country in Canyon de Chelly. The proposed work was not to involve a major portion of the production, but the firm wanted the proper permission in time for filming in October. [163] Henson found that he had to settle "certain jurisdictional aspects of the issuance of such a permit" before he could reply. His answer, sent almost a month later, stated his determination of current policy for such matters:

To obtain the permit it will be necessary to submit an application, following the form of the sample enclosed, to Mr. G. Warren Spaulding, General Superintendent, Navajo Agency, Bureau of Indian Affairs, U.S. Department of The Interior, Window Rock, Arizona, and to Mr. Paul Jones, Chairman, Navajo Tribal Council. One application should be made out to the above individuals jointly and provision for their separate approval should be made at the close of the application.

.   .   .    .   .

If a set will be required or if the prehistoric ruins of this Monument will be involved, other than simply photographing them, please include information in detail concerning this phase on an addendum sheet. . . .

.   .   .    .   .

Nothing which would endanger or damage the ruins in any way will be permitted.

All rules and regulations of The National Park Service, . . . will be in force and must be adhered to. [164]

The weather interfered with interpretive activities that summer and on several occasions the evening slide program was rained out. Henson was advised to keep a record of these occurrences in order to justify an assembly room in the future visitor center. [165]

Norman Thomas was back as seasonal ranger. He also found "the pressures of routine and special activities" a hindrance to getting everything done and found it necessary to apologize for late submission of a publicity article to the Gallup Independent for their special ceremonial edition. [166] That the pressures were increasing is further evidenced by the receipt of a visitor complaint against Thomas toward the end of the season—the first such complaint registered against him in 5 years of work as a seasonal ranger. [167]

Cooperation with the Bureau continued to be close. The construction of a power line to the headquarters area from the Bureau's power plant in Chinle was reported in June, with the Park Service being allowed to deduct the cost of quarters furnished the workers from their share of the expenses billed them by the Bureau. [168] The soil and moisture program being carried out by the two agencies was also working satisfactorily. [169]

A major problem raised by the Mission 66 and new master planning proposals was the old issue of boundaries. The new utility area was mapped in the southwest quarter of Section 22, a location outside the boundary description agreed upon by the Bureau and Park Service in 1942. Henson went to the files in hopes of finding a solution to the problem. He found the correspondence that suggested "point of order legislation" to permit the expenditure of Park Service funds on roads outside the monument but could not determine whether the matter had been carried to completion or, if so, just what effect it might have. [170] No evidence that the legislation had been achieved could be found and it was suggested that the Washington office initiate such legislation when the new boundary status report had been received. A field study was also recommended to determine a satisfactory new boundary. [171] Henson, apparently still unsure of the legal requirements of a boundary change or the nature of point of order legislation, included the following in his report that was submitted shortly after receipt of Ratcliff's memorandum:

A master plan study made on the ground in September, 1957, determined that the most logical and suitable location for the headquarters development will require a boundary extension to include the SW1/4 Section 22, T5N, R10W, Navajo Meridian.

The boundary, outside of the above mentioned township, follows the rim of the canyon in all its meanderings. This results in a very long and tortuous boundary which is almost impossible to accurately locate and mark on the ground. It also results in narrow wedges of non-monument land between tributary canyons. These wedges effectively block logical and economical road alignments.

In order to determine a satisfactory boundary which can easily be defined and marked and which will include all land needed for the proper and necessary developments, a field study should be made. [172]

Thus Henson, poorly informed on trends among the Navajos and ignorant of the implications of his recommendations, was setting a course for his successor that would collide with developing tribal policy. Two rapidly growing organizations—the Navajo tribe, seeking self-determination, and the National Park Service, under Mission 66—were gradually but inevitably approaching a confrontation.