PART IV: THE GREAT DEPRESSION Introduction By the fall of 1930, Custodian Leonard Heaton's monthly reports to headquarters referenced problems of area unemployment. In November he wrote, "There have been only a few people here this last month and they have been hunting work and something to eat." [830] In August 1932 he reported, "The people of this section received 10,800 pounds of flour from the Red Cross which will be a great help to some, but if work is not furnished to some they will go hungry or will have to be kept by some charity organization this winter." [831] During the fall of 1932, Mohave County offered roadwork to help alleviate the problem. Heaton reported, "Road work on Highway 89 is underway allowing married men 30 hours of work each week at .50 per hour. The work has been so arranged that about six or seven men from each settlement will be at work all the time." [832] Yet the problem of unemployment was far too acute and widespread to be solved by local, county, or even state measures. The mobilization of federal forces was required to address the worst financial crisis of the 20th century, known as the Great Depression. The federal programs implemented during the 1930s would considerably impact Pipe Spring National Monument. The First New Deal The economic crisis sparked by the stock market crash of late 1929 only deepened during the early 1930s. Before Franklin D. Roosevelt took office in early March 1933, a total of 5,504 banks had closed. Nearly all the remaining banks had been placed under restriction by state proclamations. That month, President Roosevelt took immediate steps to strengthen the banking system while initiating his nationally radio-broadcasted "fireside chats" in an attempt to calm the fears of the nation. Congress then held a 100-day session to address unemployment and farm relief. The resulting legislation was aimed primarily at relief and recovery. Known as the "First New Deal," it lasted roughly from 1933 to 1935. By an act of March 31, 1933, the agency known as Emergency Conservation Work (ECW) was created to provide work for the unemployed. The law authorized the federal government to provide work for 250,000 jobless male citizens between the ages of 18 and 25. Their duties were to be reforestation, road construction, prevention of soil erosion, and national park and flood control projects. Roosevelt's Executive Order 6101 of April 5, 1933, authorized the commencement of the program. Robert Fechner was named director of the ECW, later more commonly referred to as the Civilian Conservation Corps, or CCC. [833] He served in that position from fiscal years 1933 through 1939. Four government departments (War, Interior, Agriculture, and Labor) cooperated in carrying out the program. At its peak the CCC had as many as 500,000 on its rolls; over two million were enrolled over the course of the program by the end of 1941. [834] Placed under the direction of Army officers, CCC work camps were established with youths receiving $30 per month, $25 of which went to their families. The government provided room, board, clothing, and tools. The enrollee was expected to work a 40-hour week and adhere to camp rules. Initially, enrollment for conservation work was limited to single men between the ages of 18 and 25. New categories were opened during the months of April and May 1933. On April 14 enrollment was opened to American Indians, who were generally allowed to go to their work projects on a daily basis and return home at night. On April 22 enrollment was opened to locally employed men (known as LEMs). The marriage and age stipulations did not apply to these men, most of whom were in their 30s or 40s. While a limited number of skilled local men were employed, the bulk of the CCC work force came from the unemployed in large urban areas. On May 11 enrollment was opened to men in their 30s and 40s who were veterans of World War I. These enrollees were given special camps, operated with more leniency than the regular camps, and selection was determined by the Veterans Administration rather than the Labor Department. [835] Except for a few installations in Northern states, the camps were racially segregated into white, Negro, and Indian camps. The program was to be started in the East and extended to the rest of the country as soon as possible. Roosevelt's goal was to have 250,000 youths at work in national parks and forests by July 1, 1933. Various agencies of the Department of the Interior directed the work of the CCC camps: the Office of Indian Affairs, the Bureau of Reclamation, the General Land Office, the Grazing Service (also referred to as the Division of Grazing), the Fish and Wildlife Service, and the National Park Service. In the state of Arizona, the National Park Service directed camps in Grand Canyon National Park and the following national monuments: Petrified Forest (NP-8), Chiricahua (NP-9), Saguaro (NP-10), and Wupatki (NP-11). In addition, Mt. Elden Camp (NP-12), located at Walnut Canyon, performed work there, at Wupatki, and at Sunset Crater National Monuments. [836] In the case of Pipe Spring National Monument, however, the Grazing Service oversaw the camp. Designated Camp DG-44, its work activities concentrated on the public domain. [837] By contrast, for its first two years CCC camps administered under the Park Service were forbidden from working outside park boundaries. On March 16, 1933, the NPS Washington office issued a memorandum to parks and monuments requesting a report of the number of unemployed in the area, projects on which they could be put to work, and available housing. Heaton reported that 25 men were unemployed in the area of the monument, 18 were supporters of families, and seven were single. All came under the class of common laborer. Unemployed Indians, he reported, were not included in this count as the local Indian Agency was caring them for. Heaton stated that he could house 40 or more men at the monument. (Presumably he was considering the fort and two cabins for housing.) No plans had been formally prepared for the monument, but Heaton suggested a number of possible work projects. [838] The Office of Indian Affairs participated in the CCC program, and more than 88,000 Indian men enrolled nation wide. The work performed under this program was generally carried out on Indian reservations. CCC regulations were changed according to the realities of reservation life. The War Department was not involved in camp administration on reservations. [839] In September 1933 Heaton reported to Southwestern National Monuments Superintendent Frank Pinkley, "Nine of our Indians have got work in one of the CCC camps for the winter and a large percent of our unemployed are in these camps. There are five of them within 150 [miles] of here." [840] It would be two more years, however, before a CCC camp would be located at Pipe Spring National Monument. Of earlier importance than the CCC at Pipe Spring National Monument was the Civil Works Administration (CWA), established on November 8, 1933, as an emergency unemployment relief program for the purpose of putting four million jobless persons to work on federal, state, and local make-work projects. Funds were allocated from Federal Emergency Relief Act (FERA) and Public Works Administration (PWA) appropriations supplemented by local governments. [841] The CWA was created in part to cushion the economic distress over the winter of 1933-1934. It was terminated in March 1934 and its functions transferred to FERA. On the date of the CWA's establishment, Director Arno B. Cammerer issued Circular No. 1, "The Civil Works Program," which was distributed to parks and monuments. Data was requested from the parks and monuments to enable the Washington office to compile a comprehensive outline of possible Civil Works Projects with an estimate of the number of men who could be employed. On November 8, 1933, Chief Engineer F. A. Kittredge telegramed Heaton to inquire how many men and women he had working on Civil Works Projects. Heaton telegramed back that he had not yet been authorized to commence work, that he would only be employing men, and that men were available and ready for work. On November 15 Kittredge informed Leonard Heaton that his office had wired Washington, D.C., requesting 15 men for work at Pipe Spring National Monument, at a cost of $3,510 for the three-month program. The men were to live at home while working. The projects listed for the men to work on were described as "repairs to one-fourth mile road, general clean-up, shifting outhouses, etc.; repairing and rebuilding fences, grading, and planting." [842] On December 3, 1933, Southwestern Monuments headquarters notified Heaton that funding for work at Pipe Spring had been approved by the Washington office under the Civil Works Program. The monument was allotted $3,167 for labor and $405 for other expenditures. Workers authorized included 13 unskilled men, 1 semi-skilled man, 1 skilled man, and 1 foreman. The next day, Heaton wrote to Pinkley about his plans to use the men:
Heaton estimated that three or four teams of horses would be needed to keep the men at work on the projects and that they could be accomplished in the 12-week period allowed. On December 14, 1933, Heaton received the go-ahead from Pinkley to put the men to work. He went to Short Creek to request 16 men from the local Civil Works Administrator. Clifford K. Heaton was hired as foreman at $30 per week. Unskilled men on the work teams were paid 30 cents per hour. The men were to work five days a week, six hours per day. [844] Leonard Heaton purchased materials in Kanab the next day. Park Engineer Arthur E. Cowell arrived from Zion National Park on December 16, as did eight workmen. Cowell, Heaton, and two of the men surveyed the road from the west to east boundary in preparation for its relocation. Five more men arrived two days later, joined by another three on December 23. Heaton had the men work on the monument road and on cleaning up the meadow and the tunnel. The men were to relocate the road that passed between the ponds and the fort to a location just south of the ponds. An archeological discovery of old watering troughs was made during the first week of roadwork, as Heaton describes below:
In addition to the roadwork, Superintendent Pinkley directed Heaton to have the entrance to tunnel spring cleaned out, to put in "some sort of rock box for the water," to install cattle guards, and to rebuild monument boundary fences. At the end of a busy December, Pinkley lauded Heaton in the Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report for his careful attention to the "pages and pages of instructions" that were sent out related to reporting requirements for the Civil Works Projects. Headquarters reported that Heaton "turned in the best papers that have come out of the field." [846] Meanwhile, the Park Service's Branch of Plans and Design in San Francisco completed the monument's first "General Development Plan." [847] Chief Engineer Kittredge forwarded the plan to Cowell at Zion National Park at the end of December 1933 with the request that he proceed to Pipe Spring as soon as possible to stake out the various developments. The plans called for the construction of a campground and comfort station, to be located east of the fort ponds and north of the monument road; a parking area south of the fort ponds and monument road; and two residences, an equipment shed and garage, just below the parking area. [848] All development was sited in close proximity to the fort. Director Cammerer approved these plans in February 1934. As Heaton and the workers cleaned out the tunnel, they discovered that the original bottom was 2.5 feet lower than previously thought. Heaton speculated, "If we rock up the sides of the tunnel as we had planned, it will mean that the upper meadow pool will be lowered about two feet. I will therefore wait until some Landscape man comes in before I rock it up." [849] On January 5, 1934, Heaton reported on the progress made cleaning out the tunnel. With the help of some boy scouts, he took measurements to send to Pinkley. The first part of the tunnel was six feet high and four feet wide. The tunnel went 88 feet (including four feet of timber at the mouth of the tunnel) until it reached "the hill." At that point, tunneling through sandstone, it proceeded another 50 feet. Within the rock, its dimensions were four feet wide at the top and two feet wide at the bottom. Heaton made several surprising discoveries as he explored the tunnel. The first was that most of the water was encountered between 60 and 90 feet into the tunnel, and practically none at the terminus. The other surprise was at the end of the tunnel a horse's skeleton was found. Heaton stated the horse once belonged to O. F. Colvin who lived at Pipe Spring "from about 1908 to 1914." "He never knew what became of his horse," reported Heaton. [850] Heaton included a rough sketch map with his letter (see figure 66).
Cleaning out the tunnel had created a new problem however. Heaton wrote,
Chief Engineer Kittredge approved of Cowell's plan to pipe water out of tunnel spring. He wrote, "I see no reason why you should not construct within the tunnel the desired catch basin at each spring, and conduct the assembled flow of water from them to outside the tunnel." [852] Kittredge advised Cowell to construct the collection boxes "in a very permanent manner, preferably out of concrete." Kittredge assured Cowell that the meadow pond would not be lost if he kept the pipe at the same elevation water had flowed through the tunnel in the past. Ultimately, 75 feet of two-inch pipe was placed in the tunnel to carry water to the upper meadow pond. The mouth of the tunnel and pipeline were covered up and a man-hole was left for inspection and cleaning purposes. [853] Civil works projects continued into early 1934. Harry Langley made several trips to Pipe Spring during this period, one on January 31 and the other on February 6. He reported to Chief Architect Thomas C. Vint that the CWA crew had been cleaning out tunnel spring, grading the campground area, constructing a road through the monument on a new location, planting the campground area, and constructing a diversion ditch to protect the campground from flooding. [854] Langley recommended that the Heatons' store be removed at once to allow completion of the parking area grading (it was situated right in the center of the proposed parking area). He also opined, "The condition of the fort will always be a disgrace to the Office of National Parks, Buildings and Reservations until such time as all living quarters are excluded from it." [855] Vint forwarded Langley's report to Director Cammerer, emphasizing the importance of providing the custodian with a residence. Cammerer replied that Langley's recommendation for development "seems to be to be just about what is desired for Pipe Spring National Monument." [856] Descriptions and estimated costs of the proposed projects, Cammerer wrote, would need to be included by Pinkley when he sent in his request for future Public Works Administration projects. At Superintendent Pinkley's request, Heaton developed a list of additional projects to undertake if CWA work continued. Proposed projects included work on the east and west approach roads; construction of a water system for the campground and residences; irrigation of trees and meadow; planting of lawns and trees; quarrying of stone for the proposed comfort station, residence, and garage; and completion of filling the wash. Heaton recommended that the irrigation project be done as soon as possible for, once the water was divided three ways, he asserted, "there will be not enough water to irrigate the meadow and trees by the ditch method and to plant trees and lawns as being planned." [857] He also suggested that a trail be constructed "to the top of the hill beginning at the fort going west along the old road where the rock was hauled in for the fort then on top at the monument boundary, from where a good view of the surrounding country and mountains [can be seen] and then coming back down the hill east where the cactus and other plant life can be seen." [858] (Heaton's idea for a nature trail would be around for many decades before it was implemented.) The irrigation system was "first and most important," wrote Heaton. Vegetation was then being irrigated by the ditch and flood system and Heaton felt the Park Service should convert to a piped system and use of sprinklers. A water system would be required if the new residences and comfort station were to be built as planned. Only a few of these projects would ultimately be constructed during the 1930s. On February 15, 1934, the 30-hour-work week for CWA crews was cut to 15 hours and Heaton was required to lay off some men. Work continued on irrigation ditches and more trees were planted. Cedar and pine trees were set out on the south side of the monument on land that had been farmed. On March 15 Heaton reported to Pinkley that construction on the road and cattle guards was still incomplete. Langley returned to Pipe Spring on March 16 to inspect work projects, to discuss landscaping plans for the monument with Heaton, and to do some fishing in the fort ponds. After six hours of work, Langley spent one hour fishing. Heaton reported he caught five good-sized trout and that Langley asked him to "get some more fish so that he can get to fish every time he comes in." [859] (Heaton made numerous efforts to obtain more fish over the next few years to no avail.) In addition to visits by Langley, Park Engineer Cowell visited Pipe Spring about every other week to oversee CWA work while it was ongoing. The work program was terminated at the monument on March 22, 1934, leaving Heaton to finish up projects as best he could. Heaton reported that due to the early layoffs, "I was not able to complete a single project." He asked to retain surplus materials associated with the CWA work so that he could complete the projects. The leftover cement was needed to make headwalls for culverts and a rock wall to divert flood waters around the campgrounds. ("If this wall is not completed the first flood that comes will undo all the filling in for the new road, also damage the campground considerable," Heaton explained. [860] ) Wire and staples were also needed to complete the boundary fence to keep out cattle and horses (there was about 250 yards still to be fenced). The surplus galvanized pipe was needed to irrigate trees on the south side of the monument; gates were needed on the monument road to keep loose stock from entering the monument area. In April Heaton sent in a final report on the projects completed under the CWA program from December 16, 1933, to March 22, 1934. The projects included relocation of the monument road, flood diversion in the area of the new campground, removal of old fences, trimming of deadwood from trees, work on tunnel spring, removal of old reservoir dikes and grading the campground area, survey of boundary lines and installation of new fencing (cedar posts and barbed wire), and preparation of a contour map of the monument by Zion National Park engineers. The work to construct an irrigation system to water monument vegetation had been started but not completed. Heaton reported a number of archeological finds were made during the relocation of the road and grading of the campground, all historic period materials. He estimated that the projects were 80 percent complete by the time work was stopped. The weather had been "ideal," Heaton stated. No work days were lost due to bad weather. Park Engineer Cowell also filed a formal report on Civil Works Projects at Pipe Spring. (The Pipe Spring work was designated CWA Work Project F68, U.S. No. 8.) In addition to the projects listed by Heaton, Cowell's report noted that boundary survey markers had been placed and location surveys made of the road, campground parking loop, and other planned developments. Topographic surveys were completed for the entire area. Only 80 percent of the grading for the relocated road had been completed; parking area grading was only 40 percent completed. Culvert pipes for drainage had been installed but headwalls still needed to be constructed. Cattle guards had been sited at the monument's east and west boundaries, but not constructed. Boundary fences were about 75 percent completed. Flood drainage rockwork was "about 20 percent" complete. In describing work on tunnel spring, Cowell stated that the outer four feet of tunnel (which was timber) and 14 feet of the tunnel were cleaned out and stoned up and provided with a manhole. A six-inch intake was set in a concrete wall at the lower end of this stone-lined section from which water was carried 185 feet through a two-inch pipe to the upper meadow pool, supplying water to stock. The cut had been backfilled and landscaped. Pipe had also been installed to carry water from the fort ponds to the campground and utility area to irrigate trees. A pipe supplying water from the main spring to roadside was installed to accommodate the public. No work was done to any of the buildings. The total cost of all projects was $2,207.50 in labor and $138.15 in "other," or a total of $2,345.65. [861]
Development planning for the monument continued, with Cowell working under the direction of Chief Architect William G. Carnes, Branch of Plans and Design. In late April 1934, Cowell reported the state of developments at Pipe Spring. He recommended that the irrigation system be extended to cover more of the proposed utility area and the comfort station site. A sewage system was needed, along with completion of all other projects begun under the CWA program. His cost estimates for completing all work (water and sewer systems, roads, fencing, grading, cleanup, drainage, and engineering) was $4,639. [862] As mentioned, development plans called for the removal of the Heatons' store from its location south of the fort ponds as this area was to be used for visitor parking. In June Heaton informed Assistant Superintendent Hugh M. Miller at Southwestern National Monuments that he wished to move the store and gas pump "to a point just opposite from the road that leads to the campground site." [863] The Heatons planned to enlarge the store at its new site and Grant Heaton sought renewal of his permit. In mid-July, however, Superintendent Pinkley turned down the application to operate the store and gas station due to insufficient traffic at the monument for the previous two years and undemonstrated visitor need. [864] The exact date of the store's removal is unknown, but by April 1935, Heaton reported it had been removed. [865] In a recent interview, Grant Heaton confirmed that the store was torn down and not moved. [866] Completing the Division of Water After months of frenzied CWA program activity, things began to settle back to normal at Pipe Spring. Heaton reported to Superintendent Pinkley in April, "I could not resist the call of the garden this spring, so I have plowed up a plot of ground and planted me a garden just south of the meadow. Talking about gardens brings up the question of the water. I have been wondering if anything is going to be done about it this year." [867] In fact, Dr. Farrow, Kaibab Indian Reservation superintendent, had not been idle on the issue. In mid-November 1933, Farrow spoke with Heber Meeks of Kanab. Meeks had assured Farrow that if the Indian Service purchased the pipe, the cattlemen would lay the pipeline from tunnel spring. The Indian Service then proceeded to obtain the materials. On February 2, 1934, bids were opened by the Office of Indian Affairs on 15,600 feet of four-inch, 16-gauge steel pipe for the construction of the cattlemen's pipeline from tunnel spring to the border of the reservation. The total cost of supplies needed for the pipeline was estimated at $4,600. Before the contract was awarded, Supervising Engineer L. M. Holt informed Office of Indian Affairs Commissioner John Collier that, "we know little regarding the stockmen, whether or not they will be ready to do the work of trenching and laying the pipe when the same is delivered, and line located on the ground." [868] Holt recommended that Farrow be allotted the funds for the work and be put in charge of making arrangements with the stockmen for laying the pipe. Farrow then attempted to recontact Meeks, only to discover he had since died. He wrote to Lee Esplin to find out who had succeeded Meeks as head of the stockmen's committee. [869] While CWA projects were still underway at Pipe Spring, Langley, Cowell, and Heaton had decided the division box should be placed on the west end of the fort ponds. Heaton informed Superintendent Pinkley in his April report that Dr. Farrow had said the Indian Service was buying three miles of four-inch pipe, that it would be delivered May 15, and that their engineer would be installing the division weir. (The weir was being designed by Cowell.) Heaton doubted that he could sufficiently water the meadow without the flood method, but said with resignation, "I will do the best I can." On a more upbeat note, a proud father announced, "On April 9 a nine lb. boy arrived here to help with the monument work. Mrs. Heaton and baby are getting along just fine." [870] This was the couple's fifth child and fourth son, named Lowell. On May 3, 1934, Park Engineer Cowell, N. A. Hall (Indian Service Engineer), and Dr. Farrow met with Heaton at the monument in preparation for measuring the flow of the springs and installing a division weir. [871] The Indian Service approved the division weir design suggested to Cowell by Chief Engineer Kittredge with the exception of the weir plate. The Indian Service had a design for a weir plate that Cowell agreed to send to Chief Engineer Kittredge for approval and fabrication; consequently, it was not installed until almost one year later. Hall and Cowell measured the flow by the weir method on May 7 with Charles C. Heaton present, representing the cattlemen's interests. The flow for the main spring (referred to as the "historic spring") was 34.03 gallons per minute; for tunnel spring, 8.12 gallons per minute. The combined flow was 42.15 gallons per minute. A division into thirds provided 14.05 gallons per minute to each party. It was decided that the elevation of tunnel spring could not serve the needs of the Park Service or Indian Service, but met all the requirements of the stockmen. It was agreed that the stockmen would receive all the water from tunnel spring along with 5.93 gallons per minute from the main spring. Three discharge lines were to be installed at the division box, one for the Tribe's pipeline, one connecting to the monument's water system, and one that discharged into the tunnel spring. [872] From May 8-10, 1934, Indian Service Engineer Hall supervised three Indian CCC workers as they installed the division structure. The concrete box measured 42 x 42 x 42 inches on the inside and had six-inch walls. It contained three compartments, 12 x 18 x 42 inches in size, and a two-inch outlet pipe located three inches from the bottom of the box. The weir was to be placed about 12 inches below the top of the box. The top of the division box was level with the water of the ponds. On May 16 the Indian Service re-laid a two-inch pipeline to carry water from the division structure to a point outside the eastern boundary of the monument. On the same date, the Park Service connected a two-inch cast iron pipe from the structure to the monument's water system. The system directed water to the south side of the monument where the corrals and chicken houses were located and east to the campground. When Heaton tested the system about a week later, he found the campground was getting insufficient water through the line, but that other points were receiving enough water. [873] "It looks to me as if some other method must be found to get the water to the trees on the north side of the campground or the campground will have to be moved to a lower level if trees are to be grown on it," Heaton reported to Superintendent Pinkley. [874] The alternatives, Heaton suggested, were to hand-carry water to the trees, purchase and install a pump, or construct an open ditch to irrigate the trees. None of these alternatives was practical, however, and the following spring officials decided to relocate the campground south of the road where it could be gravity fed with water. The division of the water was held up further awaiting the construction of the brass weir plate at the Branch of Plans and Design. [875] The stockmen's pipeline also had yet to be constructed. In late May the pipe for the stockmen's pipeline finally arrived. Farrow had it delivered to the monument on May 28 and informed Heaton that the stockmen could begin immediately to lay the pipe. The stockmen refused to lay the pipe, complaining that the 16-gauge sheet iron pipe purchased by the Indian Service would not last more than three to five years in the mineral soil and that they'd been told the pipe would be galvanized. [876] Heaton reported the Indian Service pipe was "tarred" and that its value was decreasing the longer it sat in the hot sun, tar melting, awaiting installation. So the Indian Service had no choice but to trench and lay the pipeline themselves. The pipeline was 2.25 miles long and terminated about 250 yards outside the reservation on land leased by Charles C. Heaton. [877] That wasn't the only problem, however. Heaton dreaded losing the meadow pond that had been filled by tunnel spring. "A lot of swimmers come there to cool off," Heaton told Pinkley. [878] Of course, the pond had always furnished irrigation water for Heaton's family garden and it was often stocked with fish, so there was more at stake than visitor recreation. The stockmen feared they would be getting less than their one-third share if the meadow pond remained, due to evaporation and seepage. Heaton assured them they had never needed the full one-third in the past. He asked Pinkley if he could rock up or cement the bottom and sides of the pond if the stockmen would let it remain. Pinkley responded that if the cattlemen insisted, the monument would have to do away with the pond, but he agreed with Heaton that their cattle would never need their full one-third share of water. He suggested running a ditch around the pond to allow bypassing the pond when the cattlemen needed more water. No funds were available to cement or rock-line the ponds, Pinkley told Heaton. [879] Heaton then brought up another problem. As the horses "have not learned to drink out of a faucet," he asked if he could construct a concrete watering trough for them and place it "somewhere near the head of the meadow." [880] Apparently, this was a need that had never occurred to Park Service planners and designers back in San Francisco! Pinkley approved his request, but asked Heaton to have Langley draw up the plans and choose the site for the trough. On August 3, 1934, a crew of 15 Indians began digging a 2.5-foot deep trench to lay the stockmen's pipeline. Farrow informed Heaton that they would not turn the water on until the stockmen constructed cement or wooden troughs outside the reservation boundary for the water to run into. The cattlemen protested they didn't know how they were going to finance such construction as cattle sales had been so bad, which was indeed true. Heaton was incensed that Farrow had once again issued an ultimatum. Tensions escalated again over water. Heaton went to Kanab to meet with the stockmen where,
Leonard Heaton was caught in the middle. Superintendent Pinkley advised him "to remain neutral in any controversy between the Indian Service and the Cattlemen." [882] The details of how this particular impasse was resolved are undocumented. The pipeline was completed and all tunnel spring water turned into it on September 4. By September 18 several leaks were repaired and the pipe was covered. By the time Heaton filed his monthly report on the 24th, the meadow pond was nearly dry. In August 1934 an allotment of $900 was given to Pipe Spring under the Public Works Administration program for completion of the monument road. Park Engineer Cowell and his wife spent several hours on September 21 at the monument so that Cowell could gather data related to the roadwork. During this visit, Cowell also delivered the long-awaited weir plate for the division box (it would still be more than six months before it was installed). Meanwhile, plans for the monument road were being completed in the Park Service's San Francisco office. In October Pinkley informed Heaton that the funds for the road were not sufficient to complete the road, parking area, and cattle guards. Pinkley wanted the cattle guards to be built first and then the parking area finished. That way, Pinkley explained, Heaton could begin the landscaping around the parking area. [883] Heaton was already in a planting mode. In early October 1934, he reported that he was getting "more ground ready to set out more trees this fall around the campgrounds, and my sheds to the south." [884] Heaton later wrote to Pinkley of his plans to plant cedars and pines "to help take away the bareness of the land that has been farmed on [the] east side" and to gather and plant some cacti to "help nature to bring back the plant life on the monument..." [885] A dispute erupted over water between Heaton and Reservation Agent Parven E. Church in November when Church learned Heaton was using pond water to irrigate campground trees. [886] Heaton reported the incident to Pinkley, expressing annoyance that the "the Indian Service has made no attempt whatsoever this summer to use the water that has been running into their pipe, which for the most part of the summer has been about half of the water from the ponds by the fort." [887] Also in October, the Mohave County Board of Supervisors wrote Superintendent Pinkley to request that a new road between Fredonia and Pipe Spring be built as "in wet weather the road is practically impassible." [888] As 19 of the 20 miles passed through Indian reservation and since tourists were the primary users of the road, the letter argued, couldn't a new road be constructed using 100 percent federal aid? [889] Believing the road might qualify as an approach road, Pinkley forwarded the letter to Cammerer and asked that a preliminary survey and estimate be directed to see if the road could be requested under emergency construction or other emergency funds. In December Park Engineer Cowell was instructed to prepare a map that showed the location of the proposed road. The map was prepared and sent to Pinkley at the end of December. [890] At least 90 percent had to cross government-owned land for it to qualify as an approach road. Cowell informed Pinkley that lands adjacent to the road were government owned, and with the exception of the monument, were all part of the Kaibab Indian Reservation. A more formal road survey for the Fredonia-Toroweap approach road was completed in 1937 and will be described later in this chapter. The Second New Deal In his annual message to Congress on January 4, 1935, President Roosevelt outlined a program of social reform that signaled the beginning of the second New Deal. The chief beneficiaries of this phase of the New Deal were labor and small farmers. Most of the projects were geared to the employment of manual labor. Congressional passage of the Emergency Relief Appropriation Act of 1935 on April 8, 1935, extended the ECW until March 31, 1937. The current size of the work force was 300,000. Roosevelt issued a directive on April 10 to double enrollment to 600,000. To achieve this increase, the maximum age limit was raised to 28 and the minimum lowered to 17. By the fall of 1935, however, Roosevelt instructed Fechner to reduce the ECW back to 300,000 men by June 1, 1936. Roosevelt's sudden reversal on the size of the CCC workforce was linked to his efforts to make the ECW a permanent government agency. While his New Deal social and economic programs were attacked by a coalition of Republican adversaries, Roosevelt was overwhelmingly re-elected for a second term in the 1936 elections. Democrats vastly outnumbered Republicans in both the House and Senate. In his annual budget message to Congress for January 5, 1937, Roosevelt lauded the ECW's accomplishments and asked Congress to pass legislation establishing the force as a permanent federal agency. The new agency was to be called the Civilian Conservation Corps. Congress passed legislation on June 28, 1937, formally establishing the CCC, but it did not make it a permanent agency; it only extended its operations for three more years. Roosevelt signed the bill into law. The reduction of CCC camps continued throughout 1937 and 1938. In 1939 another attempt was made to make the CCC a permanent agency and failed. No large-scale reductions in camps took place in 1939, but some camps were phased out or relocated to other areas. On December 31, 1939, Robert Fechner died from complications following a heart attack. His successor was James L. McEntee, formerly Fechner's assistant director. With the beginning of World War II in Europe during the spring of 1940, Roosevelt turned his attention to defense planning. The trend in 1940 was to reduce the number of supervisory positions in the camps, with regional offices assuming some of the supervisory duties. Many of the camp supervisors were reserve military officers who were withdrawn for active military duty. Two resolutions were introduced in the House of Representatives to require eight hours per week of military tactics and drill to CCC enrollees. Opposition prevented them from being passed. Director McEntee, however, revamped CCC training and education programs to meet some of the needs of national defense, such as shop, mathematics, blueprint reading, basic engineering, and other skills considered vital to national defense. By 1941 the national defense program with its higher paying jobs was competing with the CCC program and it became harder to attract recruits. Beginning in April, further camp reductions were made. A program adopted in January allowed CCC youths to be excused from work five hours per week if they would volunteer an additional 10 hours per week in national defense training. In August rules were adopted to drill all CCC enrollees in simple military formations, but no guns were issued. Twenty hours a week or more were to be devoted to general defense training, eight of which could be done during regular work hours. In September the number of camps was reduced further. The establishment of new camps in areas with national defense projects took precedent over camps in park areas. The country's entry into World War II on December 8, 1941, led to the termination of all CCC projects that did not directly relate to the war effort. On December 24 the Joint Appropriations Committee of Congress recommended terminating the CCC no later than July 1, 1942. Roosevelt argued it should be maintained as it performed needed conservation work and served as a training program for pre-draft-age youth. Meanwhile, McEntee ordered the closing of all camps unless they were either engaged in war work construction or in protection of war-related natural resources, to take effect at the end of May 1942. Congress refused to appropriate funding to continue the CCC program during the summer of 1942. Instead they voted sufficient funds to terminate the program. Termination was completed by June 30, 1943. Pipe Spring National Monument was one of many Park Service sites that served as a site for a CCC camp. While many national park units had Emergency Conservation Work camps in them performing unprecedented levels of development, this was not to be case at Pipe Spring. Because the Park Service did not administer it, its usefulness, in terms of monument development, was limited. Work assignments for the vast majority of CCC enrollees residing at Pipe Spring would be mostly outside the monument rather than in it. Pipe Spring would experience all the pitfalls of being occupied by an army of adolescent boys and very few of the benefits. While the camp was constructed in July and August of 1935, the main contingent of boys would not arrive until November 1935. Meanwhile, there was much to keep Custodian Heaton and planning officials fully occupied. The following section describes monument activities that immediately preceded the establishment of the CCC camp at Pipe Spring. Planning Continues at Pipe Spring During the spring and summer of 1935, Heaton did what he could to complete projects begun by CWA crews. In March the monument road was graded and cattle guards were installed. [891] (This one-quarter mile road section was part of State Highway 40.) Then, with Superintendent Pinkley's blessings, Heaton left Grant Heaton in charge of Pipe Spring operations from April 6 through April 14 to make a tour with his wife Edna of southwestern national monuments. Their tour included Wupatki, Petrified Forest, Tonto, Montezuma Castle, and Walnut Canyon national monuments, as well as headquarters in Coolidge. His trip filled him with renewed appreciation for the "jolly high class of men and women willing to serve" in the Park Service, he later wrote Pinkley. [892] Upon their return, he and Edna started planning a second trip for the following year to visit the other 18 monuments in the Southwestern National Monuments system. Monument development planning continued in order to take full advantage of any Public Works Administration funds or labor that might become available. During April 1935 the monument received a number of visits by high officials. Assistant Director Hillory A. Tolson visited, as well as Chief Landscape Architect Thomas C. Vint, Chief Engineer Frank Kittredge, Harry Langley, and A. E. Cowell. On April 4 Cowell and two assistants finally installed the weir ensuring the three-way division of the monument's water. [893] The following day Kittredge paid Heaton a surprise one-hour visit to inspect developments on his way to Zion National Park. On April 22 Tolson, Vint, and Langley spent two hours at Pipe Spring. While they were there the decision was made to relocate the campground and pit toilets south of the road, and to keep everything north of the monument road undeveloped to preserve a more natural and undisturbed setting for the fort. Everyone reiterated the need for a custodian's residence. Preliminary drawings for a custodian's residence were prepared by the Branch of Plans and Design and forwarded to Pinkley in mid-April. [894] The proposed stone residence was to be a public works project. Pinkley reviewed the plans and requested a few minor modifications. During his visit, Harry Langley also reiterated the need for Heaton to restock the ponds with trout. He suggested Heaton contact officials in Salt Lake City to acquire more fish. Heaton did so, explaining to the official there that he had stocked the ponds in August 1927 with 5,000 fingerlings from the federal government. At the end of eight years, "I have only about 15 fish left," he wrote. [895] He inquired if he could get more fish to restock the ponds and estimated the ponds "would support 3,000 or 4,000 fish as the water is almost as full of water bugs as it can get and still be fresh." [896] Nothing came of the letter. Heaton pursued the matter again in September with Russell K. Grater, Assistant Wildlife Technician at Grand Canyon National Park, during his visit to Pipe Spring. Grater in turn, asked Pinkley for ideas but no restocking occurred that year. In April 1935 Heaton wrote Superintendent Pinkley seeking permission to use spring water for his family garden. He asked, "Will there be any objections to the use of the water if I do not let the monument trees and meadow suffer, but just use that part of the water that is not needed for monument purposes?" [897] Pinkley had no objections and granted permission. At the same time, Heaton raised the question about his employment status - was he classified as Civil Service? Pinkley wrote to Director Cammerer about the matter. Hillory Tolson replied that Heaton could not obtain Civil Service status without passing an examination given by the Civil Service Commission. His appointment had been issued outside of the labor regulations, wrote Tolson. [898] Park Engineer Cowell submitted cost estimates to Chief Engineer Kittredge for proposed public works projects for the monument on May 4, 1935. Eighteen projects were listed, including road work; construction of a parking area, campground loop road, service roads, and graveled walks (300 linear feet); placement of field stone barriers along roads and parking areas (2000 linear feet); clay surfacing camp sites; filling of wash at building sites; installation of a water and sewer system; construction of storm water drainage ditch; completion of boundary fences; improvement of grounds, fine grading, landscaping and planting; and restoration of the fort. The total cost for these projects was estimated at $11,135. [899] Heaton reported to Pinkley in May 1935 that a meeting was held in which Grazing Service officials asked stockmen and citizens of the Arizona Strip how they would feel about the establishment of one or two CCC camps in the area. The question of sites came up and Pipe Spring was suggested as a possible site. Heaton later reported,
The Establishment of DG-44 On June 10, 1935, Director Cammerer received the following radiogram message:
The request was approved and plans proceeded for the Grazing Service to locate the CCC camp at Pipe Spring. A brief description of the camp's purpose is provided below, prior to a description of their operations. The Taylor Grazing Act was passed on June 28, 1934. This was the first law ever passed by Congress to regulate grazing on the public domain. [902] The Grazing Service was established on July 17, 1934, to administer the Taylor Grazing Act. [903] Its objectives were conservation of natural resources by prevention of overgrazing, range rehabilitation by development of necessary facilities for efficient range utilization, stabilization of the livestock industry through cooperation with local stockmen, orderly use of the range, enforcement of trespass regulations, and enforcement of local rules on range practices. The establishment of the CCC provided the primary means by which the agency carried out its range improvements. Seven camps were allotted the Grazing Service in April 1935. By the end of fiscal year (FY) 1936, the agency administered 45 camps. Camps were established in 58 grazing districts in 10 western states. [904] Projects initiated and carried out from these camps were suggested and approved by the local advisory boards of the grazing districts who knew the most urgent needs of the districts. Projects included water hole construction, reseeding of burned over range, fence building, surveying and map making, construction of stock bridge and trails, erosion control, flood control, eradication of poisonous weeds and plants, and cricket and rodent control. [905] Much of Arizona's 10,685,000 acres of public land was suitable only for grazing. By 1936, grazing districts comprised 7,000,000 acres of the state of Arizona. [906] The establishment of a CCC camp at Pipe Spring National Monument in July 1935 and its four years of operations there had considerable impact both on the monument's development and on its landscape. On July 20 Landscape Architect Alfred C. ("Al") Kuehl, Southwest Region, visited the monument with Park Engineer Cowell and the decision to relocate the monument's campground to the southeast part of the monument was confirmed. This required the Grazing Service to modify its plans and to site the CCC camp operations in the monument's southwest quadrant. Heaton was notified that officers and 10 CCC enrollees were being sent to establish the camp in mid-June. On July 4, 1935, U.S. Army and Grazing Service officials came to Pipe Spring to decide on a site for the camp. At 1:00 a.m. on July 12, 10 trucks arrived with 24 more enrollees and two officers. These were advance men for Co. 3298, DG-45 and Co. 3287, DG-44. The boys from Co. 3298 remained at Pipe Spring until July 22, when they returned to Black Canyon, Arizona. The 12 remaining boys soon returned to California, replaced by 10 boys from Utah. Construction materials for the camp arrived between July 17-24, until 200,000 feet of lumber had been delivered. On July 24, 23 enrollees began the work of building the camp, joined by 10 more workers on July 25. Heaton reported to Superintendent Pinkley on that date, "The head boss says that in about three weeks the camp will be about finished. If they keep up the speed of yesterday and today I think the camp will be ready for the Eastern Boys by the last of August, if not before." [907] In late June 1935, Heaton told Superintendent Pinkley that the three rooms of the lower house of the fort were not enough space for his growing family. He asked permission to move to the upper house of the fort. Pinkley denied the request, reasoning that a permanent custodian's residence for the Heatons would soon be constructed under the Public Works program. Pinkley, Harry Langley, and Al Kuehl, discussed the custodian's residence and decided to try to have it built from ECW funds. On August 1 Kuehl asked Chief Architect William G. Carnes to prepare estimates for the cost of materials for the residence. Estimates were submitted to him on August 7, with the cost estimate ranging from $3,021 to $3,586. (The higher figure was for an alternate plan including an additional room.) In late September Heaton informed Pinkley he planned to move his family to Moccasin for at least the school year in order not have to make the trip back and forth twice daily to the school. [908] The family did not actually locate a residence and move until late February 1936. [909] By mid-August 1935, most of the CCC camp was built. It included: eight 26-men barracks, an administration/recreation building, mess hall, hospital, officers quarters, shower house, garage, six smaller out buildings, a "cooler," powerhouse, cellar, latrines, and tool shed - 20 buildings in all. Heaton reported, "They have used most of the old west field down to the stockmen's corral and part of the meadow, on the southwest corner [of the monument]..." [910] On August 17 a dance was held in the camp's new recreation hall. Attendance was 140 with people coming from the neighboring towns. "A very enjoyable time was had by all," Heaton reported. [911] No word had yet been received by Heaton on when the main body of enrollees would arrive. What effect did the camp's establishment have on the carefully worked out water agreement between the Park Service, Indian Service, and cattlemen? On August 15, 1935, an agreement was reached between these three groups, the Grazing Service, and the Army that the camp's water supply would be provided by the cattlemen's share of water. The agreement stipulated that if the cattlemen's share proved insufficient the Park Service, Indian Service, and cattlemen would furnish an additional 6,000 gallons per day, each furnishing an equal share not to exceed 2,000 gallons per day each. [912] It is unknown if the Grazing Service paid for the privilege of using the cattlemen's water or if the cattlemen simply expected to benefit in other ways by having the camp in the area. On August 25, 1935, a severe flood occurred on the monument. A storm "turned loose on us all the water that it could in about two and one-half hours, causing the largest flood that we have had in several years and doing us a lot of damage," Heaton reported the following day. [913] The flood deposited trash, brush, and sand on the monument, stopping up the head of twin culverts installed by the CWA. As a result, the new drainage wash filled with sand and turned the water into the old channel, washing out the service road to Heaton's barn and hen house and covering up or washing out most of the irrigation ditches on the east side of the fort. Heaton estimated damage at about $350. CCC enrollees later carried out much of the repair work, along with making improvements to prevent future flood damage. The monument's CCC camp was constructed during the fifth period of the ECW Program (April 1-September 30, 1935). Other than the construction of the camp, no monument projects were worked on during that period. The sixth period lasted from Oct 1, 1935, to March 31, 1936. The work program for the monument submitted for both periods consisted of nine projects. Some were completion of projects begun by the CWA crews. All projects were part of the approved 1935 master plan for the monument. On September 21 Cowell visited the monument to go over with Heaton a list of projects to be accomplished. In mid-October Hillory Tolson sent Pinkley a list of projects in his region whose applications were disapproved for funding by the National Emergency Council. Among them was the monument's water and sewer system. Without this infrastructure, plans to build permanent buildings at Pipe Spring could not go forward. The impact of President Roosevelt's "about face" on the size of the CCC was being felt at Pipe Spring. As mentioned earlier, President Roosevelt's April 1935 directive to increase the size of enrollment to 600,000, was followed that same fall by instructions to Director Fechner to reduce the ECW back to 300,000 men by June 1, 1936. On October 11, 1935, Acting Associate Director Hillory Tolson informed Pinkley of how the cutbacks in manpower would impact developments at Pipe Spring National Monument. The allotment for sixth period ECW camps had been reduced from 2,916 to 2,427 camps and a reduction from 600,000 to 500,000 enrollees nationwide. Hillory wrote,
Tolson approved the work program for Pipe Spring with several stipulations, including a $1,500 building limitation and requirement that projects had to have approved plans. Tolson also requested the boundary fence "not interfere with the movement of wildlife," that the walks be made of flagstone instead of graveled ("to be in keeping with old developments") and that only native trees and shrubs be used in landscaping the campground. As the Grazing Service was to finance work undertaken, Tolson told Pinkley his cost estimates would have to be approved by the Grazing Service. In either late September or early October 1935, the small group of CCC boys and officers at the monument were transferred to Vayo, Utah, to construct another camp. [915] Heaton had the place to himself during the month of October. During that month, Superintendent Pinkley asked custodians to begin keeping a daily diary of their activities. [916] Heaton expressed his approval of the requirement, writing, "for the past 3 years I have kept a personal diary written up every night or at least every week.... With a daily monument diary one would not have to worry and stew about his monthly report." [917] Heaton had a short entry at the end of October, then began keeping a daily work journal that continued until his retirement in 1963. Camp DG-44 was administered by the War Department, which oversaw nine corps areas. The company assigned to Pipe Spring National Monument was Company 2557. [918] Company 2557 was designated a 5th Corps Area, thus its enrollees could come from Ohio, West Virginia, Indiana, and/or Kentucky. The company's initial officers were Capt. Earl S. Jackson, Lt. Donald A. Wolfe, Lt. John J. Prokop, Jr., and Lt. Ralph W. Freeman (the camp doctor). Aland Forgeon was the camp's first educational officer. [919] On October 29, 1935, Capt. Jackson and a small advance group of enrollees arrived at Pipe Spring to get the camp in shape for the main contingent.
On October 31 Heaton received word that the CCC boys would arrive in Cedar City at noon the following day. At 8:00 p.m. on November 1, 180 junior enrollees from Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana arrived at the monument from Fort Knox, Kentucky. [920] Heaton reported on November 23, "We now have the largest town in Mohave County north of the Colorado River, and all on a 10-acre lot." [921] The photo shown here (figure 68) was most likely taken shortly after the camp's construction. This early view of the camp does not show later stone curbing at the entrance (probably added in 1936) or the education building, constructed in March 1938. In addition to the Army officers, a number of U.S. Forest Service men were employed as instructors, supervisors, and foremen to teach classes and to oversee work performed by enrollees. DG-44 had six such men during the sixth period, with Hamilton A. Draper serving as project superintendent. It was Draper and Heaton who oversaw most of the work performed on the monument. On November 25 Capt. Jackson was transferred to St. George, and Capt. Alma S. Packer assumed command of the camp. No Grazing Service projects were yet approved, so for the remainder of 1935 work focused on the monument. One group of 25 enrollees was immediately assigned to work on the monument. Another group worked on Hurricane-Fredonia road improvements. By Christmas 1935 Heaton reported the following monument projects either underway or completed: boundary fence, 65 percent complete; ditch diversion, 30 percent complete; flagstone walks laid out but not constructed (50 percent of the rock had been obtained). [922] Most work had been in the new campground area that had been staked out. [923] The following cuttings and/or trees had been set out in the campground: 25 Carolina poplars, 121 black locusts, 55 Lombardy poplars, 13 black cottonwoods, 5 ailanthus, 11 elms, and 32 silver leaf cottonwoods (153 total). [924] Some irrigation ditches were relocated and others were newly dug to irrigate campground trees. T'was not all work and no play, however. During the sixth period, a tennis court, baseball diamond, basketball court, volleyball court, and boxing ring were constructed, presumably all within the monument. The camp owned an impressive amount of both indoor and outdoor athletic equipment, including two pool tables. Sports activities often pitched enrollees against boys in surrounding schools and communities. Boys attending Forgeon's journalism class published a bimonthly camp paper called The Pipe Post. The camp also had two libraries (one permanent and one traveling), and an upright piano. Just west of the camp barracks was the meadow pond that Heaton had built in 1926. Both are shown in figure 70, a photograph taken prior to the lining of the pool with sandstone. Church services (one interdenominational and one Catholic) were conducted twice monthly by the district chaplain, in addition to two programs offered each month by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Three classes were held per day, five days a week. Classes were offered at three levels, elementary (reading and writing), high school (journalism, vocal music, history, shorthand), and college level (physiology, psychology). Vocational courses included baking, cooking, construction (building, concrete, road), photography, use of explosive powder, typewriting, and care and use of tools and trucks.
The majority of enrollees attended the latter courses. Informal activities included woodworking, photography, drawing, drama, nature study, discussion groups, and safety meetings. Heaton too, assumed a new role, as he was asked to speak several times per month to the boys about the National Park Service and its sites (this was in addition to the fort tours he always gave whenever a new group of enrollees arrived). Not all the CCC boys were "happy campers," however. In early December, 21 enrollees were discharged for causing trouble and refusing to work. [925] On November 21, 1935, four Ohio enrollees discovered Major John Wesley Powell's survey marker buried under a rock cairn north of the fort outside the monument boundary. Sealed within an old-style lye can was a rare and valuable hand-written document, a survey record left by Major Powell's expedition when they visited the fort in December 1871. The company doctor brought the document to show Heaton so that he could make a record of it, as the boys were claiming ownership of their valuable "treasure." Heaton reported the find in his monthly report to Pinkley, who included it in the Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report for November 1935. Upon reading of the discovery, Acting Chief O. T. Hagen, Branch of Historic Sites and Buildings, Western Division, immediately wrote Heaton and sent him a copy of the Antiquities Act of 1906. Hagen wrote,
Hagen requested a photographic copy of the document. On December 21 Heaton attempted to reconstruct the Powell survey marker monument as best he could. He noted several sets of initials on several of the rocks and surmised they were placed there at a later date. Heaton provided a description of the location of the marker in his December report to Pinkley and suggested that the monument boundaries be extended to include the marker as well as to "take in the old Indian ruins just south of the monument." [927] This suggestion would be echoed again and again by others in years to come. 1936 During January 1936 monument work continued on two projects: laying the walkway from the east cabin to the fort and construction of a diversion ditch. Heaton suspended completion of the walk on February 13 when his crew of boys uncovered what Heaton soon suspected to be the site of the Whitmore-McIntyre dugout. The boys continued to excavate under Heaton's supervision the following day until Heaton's suspicions were sufficiently confirmed by finds of broken crockery, animal bones, a mule shoe, burned rock, and other materials. Heaton then stopped work and reported his find to Al Kuehl and Superintendent Pinkley, asking them for directions. Assistant Superintendent Hugh Miller telegramed Heaton from Coolidge, "Park Service regulations prohibit excavations by Rangers and Custodians therefore you cannot continue work described in your letter February sixteenth. Fill trenches made to prevent damage by rains and snow." [928] The alignment of the walkway was subsequently rerouted to avoid the archeological site, which was not excavated until 1959. For many CCC enrollees, their time at Pipe Spring would be their first contact with Native Americans. Imagine their surprise to meet Indian cowboys and watch them in action! There are several photographs of Kaibab Paiute men with CCC enrollees, but very little written about the circumstances under which they came together on the monument.
In February 1936 the Heatons moved out of the fort and into a place in Moccasin. Heaton wrote in his diary, "I feel like now I can really show the monument.... As I have only one room fixed up as an office and all the rest will be filled with relics and museum stuff." [929] As Heaton took note of the 10th anniversary of his working at Pipe Spring, he wistfully recounted some of the changes that had taken place over the years:
In March 1936, approaching the end of the sixth period, Camp DG-44 was formally inspected by J. C. Reddoch. The primary work of the camp during the sixth period had been monument landscaping, his report stated. Outside the monument, the chief project had been road maintenance and construction. Commander Packer told Reddoch that he was of the opinion that the enrollees discharged in December "were Communistically inclined," even though no Communist propaganda could be found in their possession. Reddoch concluded the boys just wanted to go home. He reported that the morale and spirit of the 180 remaining boys was "good." [931] For the first three weeks of March 1936, Heaton performed guide work at Casa Grande National Monument, leaving the monument under the care of Ranger Donald J. Erskine from Zion National Park. Landscape architects Harry Langley and Edward L. Keeling visited on March 11 to go over ECW projects. The diversion ditch, monument fencing, and leveling of the parking area had all been completed. Completion of the walkways had been held up by the discovery of the Whitmore-McIntyre dugout. Despite all the work that had been accomplished, Ranger Erskine's report to Superintendent Pinkley at month's end suggested serious trouble was brewing between the Army and the Park Service. Erskine was living at the monument "at the courtesy of the officers," he reported in March, sharing their quarters. Thus he had a first-hand look at what went on in the camp 24 hours a day. He expressed serious reservations to Pinkley about the camp officers, stating,
Langley, for example, had asked that a road system be laid out in the camp area in order to preserve what little remained of vegetation. Packer shrugged off Erskine's frequent reminders of Langley's request by saying the Army and Park Service had a difference of opinion. Erskine was also told by some of the CCC boys that officers were shooting birds on the monument. Upon his return, Heaton wrote in his journal,
A few days later Heaton wrote, "Had a long talk with Captain Packer and he is getting more determined to have his own way and insists on telling me how I must run this monument, and they are mostly Army methods..." [934] Three days later, Heaton wrote in his journal,
(Recall that two years prior to this, the idea of lining the meadow pond with stones or cement had already been discussed between Heaton and Pinkley as a way of conserving tunnel spring water; no funds were available at the time, however. No doubt, Heaton was delighted to have the Grazing Service do this at no expense to the monument, albeit for different objectives!)
As the end of the sixth period neared (March 31, 1936), Heaton found it increasingly difficult to get much work out of the enrollees who were about to go home. This was a time when boys were also most likely to search about for souvenirs of their stay at Pipe Spring, such as the illegal gathering of cactus or the pilfering of museum artifacts. Or they found a way to leave their "mark" at the monument - inscribing their names or initials into historic buildings was a common method. Some boys didn't wait to go home, mailing horny toads and lizards caught during their monument stay. [936] Others found and killed snakes for their skins, which they sent home or put on their belts. Rattlesnakes in particular were killed on sight. Heaton's monthly accounts of such activities, included in the Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report, distressed Acting Chief Victor H. Cahalane, Wildlife Division, who wrote Superintendent Pinkley asking him to have Heaton call to the attention of enrollees the monument's responsibility to preserve and protect native wildlife. Heaton enlisted the camp commanding officer's aid in an attempt to dissuade the boys from their more destructive activities. "There are one or two who have been raised out in the open that can't see any good for any living shake or smaller animal, only to practice on with a rifle or rock," Heaton wrote Pinkley. "I might confess," he continued, "that I was that way till I began to study the life and use of wild animals to man, and this has mostly all happened since I have been working for the National Park Service. I surely have repented of my evil ways of taking the life of such harmless creatures, and get after everyone else that delights in killing the same." [937] Heaton's heightened sensitivity toward monument wildlife, however, did not apply to domestic pets living on the monument. He frequently expressed his frustration in dealing with cats and dogs brought into camp by CCC boys or Army officers and their families. Heaton grew to intensely dislike these animals for the damage they did to the wildlife and regarded them as a nuisance. Moreover, boys and dogs chased down his domestic geese until none were left. Cats broke into his bird traps killing the birds. When a grader ran over a dog in late April, Heaton wrote in his journal, "Well, this saved me the job. I wish the same thing would happen to the rest of the dogs hanging around here." [938] It is also not uncommon to find a Heaton journal entry during this period that reads, "Got rid of another cat last night." Even Pinkley sympathized with his plight but cautioned, "You are quite right to kill the house cats, though if the Army should bring cats to the monument I would rather you would talk the policy over with them before doing anything which would result in antagonism." [939] While Heaton thoroughly disapproved of the mailing home or killing of wildlife, he never objected when the boys caught reptiles and delivered them to his earlier brainchild, the monument's caged reptile exhibit. Not all captured reptiles were kept for exhibit, however. In an attempt to monitor wildlife at Pipe Spring, Heaton developed a unique, "digital" method of marking, releasing, and tracking lizards. On March 30 he wrote in his journal,
While Heaton was busy thus "marking" lizards, temperatures were starting to climb and CCC enrollees became hell bent on converting the meadow pond into a swimming pool. Meanwhile, they cooled off by taking dips in the fort ponds. A cat and scraper were used to slope the sides of the meadow pond. In late April 1936, Heaton reported to Pinkley, "The Army is now working like beavers to get the meadow pond in shape for a swimming pool. It is being lined with flagstone rock and cement in the cracks, so it ought to be almost water tight." [941] Assistant Director Conrad Wirth, chief of the Branch of Planning, visited the monument with his wife on April 20, 1936. Wirth met with ECW Superintendent Draper to discuss work projects and to get his assurance that enrollees would continue to be available for monument work. (The Grazing Service thought the boys were only to be used by the monument for the sixth period.) Draper later told Heaton he could have 10 boys whenever he wanted them but that the monument had to buy its own materials for projects. More often, no more than eight boys were available. Much to Heaton's relief, Capt. Packer left the monument on April 23, 1936. His replacement, Capt. Shirey, wrote Heaton in his journal, "seems to be a man we will be able to get along with." [942] On March 1 Aland Forgeon, the camp educational adviser, was transferred to another camp and Reed Clegg was assigned to take his place. On the day Packer left, Clegg asked Heaton if he could use one of the west cabin rooms for a classroom. Heaton mentioned it to Landscape Architect Keeling who thought it could be worked out. Heaton gave his approval to Clegg in May. During the month of April 1936, a local effort was made to have Pipe Spring National Monument enlarged. J. D. Walkup, member of the Coconino County Board of Supervisors, wrote Arizona Senator Carl Hayden and Assistant Superintendent Miller at Southwestern National Monuments asking that Sections 17 and 20 be included to include the Powell survey marker and the Indian ruins south of the monument. [943] Senator Hayden forwarded Walkup's letter to Director Cammerer, who then sent it to Superintendent Pinkley. Pinkley wrote to Walkup in reply:
Pinkley assured Walkup the ruins were protected under federal law, regardless of which agency administered them. The Powell marker, while interesting, was not sufficiently important to warrant a boundary extension, wrote Pinkley. Acting Director Hillory Tolson also informed Senator Hayden of the Park Service's position on the issue and mentioned the Indian ruins were not thought to be of "sufficient importance" to justify their addition to the monument. [945] Pinkley followed up in late May with a letter to Director Cammerer explaining his position. He did not see the need for the proposed additions and he expected the Indian Service would "promptly protest" any move to remove the two sections from the reservation. In 1939 Assistant Chief H. E. Rothrock (Naturalist Division, Branch of Education and Research, Washington, D.C.) would again argue for expanding the monument's boundaries. (See "Monument Interpretation during the Great Depression.") On May 14, 1936, Harry Langley and Charles A. Richey visited the monument. Langley was leaving the area to work in northwest parks and Richey was to take his place as the district's landscape architect. Heaton wrote in his journal, "Will miss him a lot as I have had many fine discussions about the monument and learned a lot from him. I wish him a lot of success in his new field and especially the fishing part of it, as the southwest is dry fishing." [946] (If only Heaton could have kept those fort ponds stocked with trout!) Superintendent Pinkley had not forgotten Heaton's desire to restock the ponds. During the summer of 1936, Pinkley contacted David H. Madson, Supervisor of Resources, who made arrangements with the state game commissioner for fish to be given to Heaton for the monument from the Panguitch hatchery, three miles south of Hatch, Utah. Madson wrote, "It seems to be that 5,000 trout will be a little too many to put in these two ponds. Mr. Heaton can have any size fish he wants up to four or five inches in length, and I would suggest that if he takes fish four inches long, 2,000 will be ample for the ponds. However, you can have the 5,000 if you wish them." [947] Heaton delayed restocking the ponds until later that year. The CCC swimming pool was completed on May 20, 1936, but would not hold water. A May 22 dance had already been scheduled to celebrate its completion. The dance was held in the mess hall anyway, but there was no swimming. The seepage problem was solved and by late June the swimming pool was about three-fourths full of water. "To see them after work hours," Heaton reported, "you would be reminded of the old water hole near town on a hot summer day. There has been as high as 50 or more boys in the pool at once." [948] The pond was located just south of the camp headquarters building, which also held the post exchange and supply room. Other CCC activities in June included grading and graveling the parking area and monument road, and hauling flagstone for walks and sandstone for stone curbing.
A couple of serious incidents occurred in June 1936 involving some of the boys from Camp DG-44. From the time the enrollees set foot in the camp, some set about trying to attract the attention of local girls. If they managed to borrow a car, then access to the area's females was much easier, but most cars were owned by officers. [949] Regulations prohibited enrollees from having their own automobiles in the camp. [950] Usually boys had to wait for a social event to be held at the monument or for trucks to take them in to town to have a chance at mingling with area girls. A number of CCC romances actually ended up in marriage, with the boys remaining in the area. The intentions of some boys were more of an immediate nature, however. On June 5, after a night in Kanab, a group of boys smuggled two young girls back to the camp in Army trucks. The Kanab marshall came out to the monument looking for them the same night and Heaton accompanied him to retrieve the girls. The youngest was 13. "It looks like the CCCs have just about fixed themselves with the local people, for they are going to get the boys that brought out the smallest girl," Heaton wrote in his journal the next day. [951] Another night on the town resulted in tragedy. On July 24, a Friday night, a truckload of CCC boys was involved in an accident near Kanab. Four of the boys were hospitalized and one died about two days later. [952] During the ECW seventh period (summer and fall of 1936), the irrigation ditches were laid to the campground, the parking area was constructed and stone curbing installed around it, the campground was cleaned up, and a minor road to the campground was built. Work also continued on a flood control project and on landscaping. A 10,000-gallon water-storage reservoir was proposed with pipeline and pump house to service the new campground. No engineering plans had yet been prepared for the monument's water system, however, and with ECW cutbacks, Pinkley wrote Al Kuehl in August, "there is little likelihood that the camp will allocate sufficient funds for the Monument projects to permit construction of the proposed reservoir. For this reason, I think we may as well defer preparation of an engineering plan." [953] In September the regional office in Santa Fe approached the Grazing Service to ask if they would finance the cost of constructing a 10,000 concrete reservoir on the monument, justified "on the basis of water conservation and usage for outstanding public good." [954] Unsuccessful in that attempt, Pinkley then sought special funding from Director Cammerer for the $1,500 needed to construct the reservoir and distribution system. Pinkley was advised that Park Service funds were not available and that funds would have to come from the Grazing Service. Plans for a monument water system were put on hold, awaiting funding. Eighth period ECW jobs approved for construction were filling in a drainage channel; laying a flagstone walk from the campground to the parking area; constructing campground fireplaces, a water trough, and drinking fountain; and building tables and benches for the campground. Al Kuehl prepared construction drawings for the projects in November 1936. By the fall of 1936, Park Service officials became increasingly concerned about the impact the CCC camp was having on the monument. In his monthly report to Chief Architect William G. Carnes, Kuehl reported that the Army was making no effort to revegetate in the disturbed area of the campground. He expressed the view that the monument was not benefiting significantly from the CCC camp:
On December 3, 1936, Pinkley wrote Director Cammerer recommending that the CCC camp be withdrawn from Pipe Spring. About one week later, in hopes of securing additional ECW funds for projects, Pinkley left for Washington, D.C., to meet with officials to discuss the monument's need for a custodian's residence, comfort station, equipment shed, and water and sewer system. Meanwhile, Custodian Heaton continued to "hold down the fort," in the face of problems posed by the monument's occupation by Camp DG-44. Despite the fact that some improvements had been accomplished since the arrival of the CCC camp, most involved little or no expense, just physical labor. The most monument's pressing needs - the development of a water and sewer system and construction of a custodian's residence and comfort station - remained unmet due to lack of funding. The situation was well-described by Assistant Superintendent Miller who wrote Assistant Regional Officer George L. Collins the following, as Pinkley was en route to Washington:
This query would be made again in subsequent years that the camp remained at Pipe Spring. The one thing that definitely was being accomplished with the help of the CCC boys however, was planting. In Heaton's December 1936 report to Superintendent Pinkley, the custodian reported more landscaping had been undertaken: This month I have had the CCC boys do a lot of planting of trees and shrubbery. On the 10th and 11th, we got from Moccasin some 500 wild rose roots, and set out by the east entrance, at the head of the meadow, and some at the southeast corner of the meadow. On the 14th and 15th, we set out 200 or more of the shadscale in front of the west cabin and will get some other kind of brush when the weather gets colder. Dec. 21st & 23 we have set out about 130 trees, some to replace those that died from last years planting, and then some to fill up ground around the parking area and campground. [957] In addition, work proceeded on the ditch elimination. This month Heaton also restocked the ponds with 18 cans of three to four-inch rainbow trout and eastern brook trout from the Utah State Fish Hatchery at Mammoth Creek. [958] On occasion, Heaton caught CCC boys pole fishing with hooks fashioned from safety pins. He confiscated their fishing equipment and gave them his usual ineffectual chastising. To File or Not to File?
While no documentation suggests any dispute during 1936 over the tri-partite division of water at Pipe Spring, in December 1936 Attorney Joseph E. Taylor, Branch of Land Acquisition and Regulations, informed Director Cammerer that Superintendent Pinkley desired "a different adjustment" in the division of water. [959] Toward that end Pinkley had requested a filing be made on behalf of the United States, through the National Park Service, "upon all the waters of the Springs, or at least upon the waters used by the National Park Service." [960] Taylor asked the director for authorization to precede with the filing. It is not known what, if any, event precipitated Pinkley's action. It may have been simply that Pinkley had always resisted the three-way division as unfair to Park Service interests, and had wanted the legal question of ownership formally determined. A review of all correspondence related to the proposed filing suggests that Pinkley may have wanted the filing to be a vehicle for demonstrating Park Service need for Pipe Spring water, based on administrative needs and rising visitor demand. Such a move would have forced the Office of Indian Affairs to demonstrate the reservation's need and use of the share of water it was receiving. While the Park Service could have easily made a case that it needed more than its one-third, Pinkley was convinced that the Indian Service could neither demonstrate a need for one-third of the water, nor show they made efficient use of what they were receiving. If this was Pinkley's goal, however, it was not reflected in statements made by the director's office, as will be seen below. When Pinkley wrote Heaton to gather information needed for the filing, he stated, "The Service is working on an appropriation of water rights to protect our water supply for all time to come at Pipe Spring." [961] In addition to water use information, Pinkley asked Leonard to obtain a copy of the quitclaim deed from his father, Charles C. Heaton. [962] Leonard Heaton responded in late May 1937, describing how water from the Indians' pond was being used. "The Indian Service, or Albert Frank, an Indian, has tried for the past several years to do some irrigation and raise some crops but has been unable to get enough crop returns to pay for the seed and work put into the ground," wrote Heaton. [963] Heaton also reported that during the drought of 1936 when the reservation springs dried up, 75 to 100 head of Indian stock watered at the Indian pond for three or four months, but none were watering there in May 1937. Heaton provided other specific information on water use by the Park Service, general public, and local residents. When it came to stockmen, however, he provided only the most general information. Suspicious of government intent, the stockmen refused to tell Heaton the number of cattle dependent on water from the monument. They told Heaton the government could write them individually for that information. [964] "They are rather sore at the way the government has treated them," explained Heaton. [965] Heaton wanted to know if the rights of the cattlemen to Pipe Spring water were being questioned again, and if so, by whom? Superintendent Pinkley forwarded Heaton's letter to Attorney Taylor who urged Pinkley to assure the cattlemen that no attempt was being made to take away their water or divest them of any right which they might have to Pipe Spring water. "Insofar as the three-party agreement concerning the use of waters of Pipe Springs is concerned," wrote Taylor, "the only dissatisfaction of which I am aware lies in the distribution of the water between the Park Service and the Indian Service." [966] To go back to Pinkley's original request that Taylor file on behalf of the government, Assistant Director George A. Moskey acknowledged receipt of Taylor's letter in late January 1937, replying,
Moskey forwarded to Taylor copies of the regulations issued November 2, 1933; the October 13, 1933, agreement between the Park Service and Office of Indian Affairs; and a copy of the Memorandum of Agreement signed June 9, 1924, by representatives of the Park Service, Office of Indian Affairs, and cattlemen. The legal division of the Branch of Land Acquisition and Regulations also wrote to the state water commissioner to inquire if any water filing had been made on the Pipe Spring property and was informed that a search of their records indicated no filing had ever been made. [968] On February 11, 1937, Director Cammerer prepared a letter for Joseph E. Taylor informing him,
The letter was forwarded for concurrence signature to the Office of Indian Affairs, immediately raising the suspicions of that office. Assistant Commissioner William Zimmerman, Jr., replied to Cammerer on March 12, 1937,
Associate Director Arthur E. Demaray then forwarded Zimmerman's reply to Taylor with the following communiqué:
The possibility of filing raised a host of legal questions, some of which are contained in correspondence of April 1937 between Attorney Taylor, the director's office, and NPS Associate Engineer A. van V. Dunn. Taylor responded to the director,
Taylor included a specimen application to present to the Office of Indian Affairs "for their scrutiny" should Director Cammerer choose to proceed with filing. Meanwhile, A. van V. Dunn drew up a sample application at the request of Taylor, but raised a host of questions prior to doing so. [973] The draft "Application for a Permit to Appropriate Public Waters of the State of Arizona" was completed and submitted to Office of Indian Affairs Commissioner John Collier in late April, and was subsequently opposed by him. The Branch of Land Acquisition and Regulation, however, appears to have not given up at that point, contacting Pinkley in May for additional information. (See map that office prepared in April, figure 79.) The water of Pipe Spring did not flow off the monument through Indian lands in a defined channel and, to Pinkley's knowledge, never had. [974] The director's office made the decision not to file. In May 1937 Demaray informed Taylor,
The issue of Charles C. Heaton's earlier transfer of water rights at Pipe Spring to cattlemen arose. Demaray opined, "The reported sale to the cattlemen appears not to have been a transfer of any definite water right, but a mere continuance of a license to water stock for which Heaton received compensation." Whether the cattlemen's use of water at Pipe Spring could be viewed as adverse to the interests of the United States "may require consideration at some future time," Demaray wrote. [976] In early June 1937, Taylor wrote to Pinkley stating that he fully concurred with the director's decision. There was no need to file an application to appropriate water, Taylor maintained, "unless it is found that runoff water from these springs might be subject to appropriation at a point beyond the reservation." [977] Thus ended, for a time at least, Pinkley's attempt to establish the National Park Service's legal rights to the waters of Pipe Spring.
1937 Snow storms beginning in mid-December 1936 and continuing into the new year were so severe that Special Investigator Reddoch was prevented by snow-blocked roads from reaching Camp DG-44 in January to make his annual inspection report on conditions at the camp. Reddoch reported to ECW Assistant Director McEntee on January 22 that the road had been impassable since December 18, and that mail, food supplies, and coal could not be delivered to the camp. Reddoch learned that only one and one-half days of work had been performed in the field since late December due to inclement weather. In February McEntee in turn contacted Grazing Service Director F. R. Carpenter and asked for a report on the situation. Carpenter reported that the Arizona Strip had experienced unusual and unprecedented snows that winter, which reduced the days of fieldwork that were possible. Heaton's monthly report to Pinkley that month stated that the CCC camp officers were finally able to obtain snow removal equipment from the State of Utah by January 22 enabling them to clear the roads. While the coal supply was sufficient, much of it was buried under snow. Much to Heaton's chagrin, some of the CCC boys cut down 13 cedars and pines on the monument for fuel, to save themselves the work of shoveling snow off the coal pile. At the same time the monument was shoveling out from under the snow, Associate Regional Geologist Vincent W. Vandiver was preparing a geological report on Pipe Spring National Monument in the regional office in Santa Fe. In addition to geology, the report included background history of the area as well as information about native plants and animals. The purpose of the report appears to have been to provide general background information about the monument that would be useful for administrative or interpretive purposes rather than information oriented toward legally establishing water rights. (It was published in February as Southwestern Monuments Special Report No. 14.) The report states that Moccasin Spring had a capacity of about 200,000 gallons per day, as contrasted with Pipe Spring's capacity of 65,000 gallons per day. [978] Weather improved enough by late February 1937 that Heaton had CCC boys working on grading several areas in preparation for grass reseeding. [979] The camp commander informed Heaton in February that the west cabin was no longer needed for a classroom. At some point prior to this, however, some damage had been sustained as a result of the CCC boys locking a coyote into the cabin. The animal broke a window to escape. Heaton requested that the cabin be cleaned out, but to no avail. He finally tired of waiting and in March piled all the Army's things outside the cabin, removed electrical fixtures, and cleaned the cabin himself. He also obtained poplar logs in Moccasin to be used for making the campground tables. A new crew of enrollees arrived from western Kentucky on April 15, 1937. Several areas of the monument were seeded: around the swimming pond, the parking area, and east of the fort (the site of the earlier campground). During April and May, the CCC boys worked on constructing picnic tables and the watering trough. The trough was hewn from a large cottonwood log; the picnic tables were constructed of cottonwood with cedar stringers. [980] Additional cottonwoods were planted south of the fort. Hugh Miller, Al Kuehl, and Park Service Engineer J. H. Tovrea visited the monument mid-April to inspect ECW work and to study proposals for the 1937 master. The Grazing Service agreed to set aside a monthly allotment for ECW jobs on the monument. Heaton, who was seeking a way to get a National Park Service ranger's rating, met with Assistant Superintendent Miller during the April visit to discuss how this might be achieved. Heaton wrote later in his diary, "Was told that the Boss [Pinkley] was doing all he could to keep me in the service." [981] The following month, Heaton took the ranger's exam in Cedar City, writing afterward in his diary, "Did not do so good in the mental test. Too many words I did not know, but believe I passed the practical test." [982] As his status did not change, it is assumed he did not do well enough to earn the ranger rating and Civil Service status he sought. In late April 1937, Heaton discovered a 22-bullet slug in the west door of the west cabin. Several had been fired against the rock wall, and one through a window of each room of the cabin. Boys who had already left the camp had carved two names into the walls of the east cabin. Heaton complained to the camp officers that the camp kitchen help was dumping meat waste in the monument's drainage wash, creating stink and flies. In June Heaton got after two boys for hunting birds on the monument, only to discover they were after them to feed an eagle they had captured and were keeping in camp. "DAMN it," Heaton wrote in his journal, "I wish this camp would leave soon or the officers would be a bit more strict about the boys having guns in camp and about park rules." [983] Problems continued as boys kept killing birds and other wildlife by means of guns, "flippers" (slingshots), or any other means they could find.
Several changes in the camp's Army officers and U.S. Forest Service personnel were reported during 1937. Lt. Wolfe left the monument in late April and was replaced by Lt. Beidinger. In May a new ECW foreman, Albert B. Chilton, arrived at Pipe Spring with his wife. On July 15, 1937, Lt. Carl A Wickerham replaced the camp's commanding officer, Capt. Hofler. On June 1, 1937, the Mountain State Telephone and Telegraph Company laid an underground phone cable to the fort, ending 66 years of use of the old Deseret telegraph line poles. Heaton salvaged enough of the old poles and line from north of the monument "to reconstruct the line west of the fort within the monument as a relic of the past," he wrote in his journal. [984] (This reconstruction work was done in August.) In mid-June Heaton took four weeks annual leave, leaving CCC enrollee Clarence Thomas in charge of the monument. When he returned on July 14, he "found things not as they should be." [985] Thomas had gone home a week earlier and another enrollee was in charge. The trees were in need of watering and the new education adviser, Mr. Black, was making plans to turn the west cabin into a woodworking shop. Heaton opposed such a use, but later allowed the cabin to be used as a map room and office by the Grazing Service's range survey crew and then as a photography dark room. [986] During the month of June, Al Kuehl made a ground study for the monument's new master plan and decided that new buildings should be sited further from the fort than the original plans had called for. Heaton also reported in July 1937 that the swimming pool was using too much water and the Army's tank frequently overflowed. After several months of badgering by Heaton and a letter from Pinkley, the Army officers finally installed a stop valve on their tank to avert wasting water. Heaton reported it did not work well, however, and he asked the new company commander, Lt. Wickerham, to address the problem. Meanwhile, as monument trees started suffering for lack of sufficient water, Heaton grew impatient and decided to take matters into his own hands. On July 24 Heaton wrote in his journal,
On July 27, 1937, Heaton reported the Army's float was finally working. Heaton wasn't the only one dismayed by water waste however. Reservation Agent Parven Church complained to Heaton in August that water was being wasted at the new drinking fountain and water trough. Heaton wrote, "He said there should have been an agreement between the Park Service and the Indian Service before the fountain and trough were put in, to which I told him that the public was to have the first use of the water before any division was made... [I also told him] that I shut off the water when I found it running..." [988] Church also was upset that the CCC camp was using and wasting too much water. Heaton said he had done all he could in that regard and urged Church to do what he could about it. The patience of Park Service officials with Camp DG-44 was wearing thin. Al Kuehl reported in late September,
In September 1937 Heaton reported he was thrashing out grass seed gathered by the CCC boys the previous June and planned for it to be planted on the east half of the monument in the fall. [990] Heaton also planned to plant "a lot of pinyon nuts on the hill back of the fort this fall, as I would like to see a lot more trees growing up there." [991] In October Kuehl visited the monument and told Heaton he could plant all the grass and trees he wanted to. The following month Heaton reported to Superintendent Pinkley,
In November 1937 Heaton reported, "On Oct. 26 and Nov. 15, I planted about 5 pounds of grass seed, collected on the monument, and 25 pounds of greasewood seed, on the southeast quarter of the monument which has in the past been farmed. I want to get a lot more seed planted on the bare spots this fall." [993] Asking the CCC boys for help in ridding the monument of weeds was always risky, as their efforts were usually nonselective. Once when Heaton asked them to eradicate weeds, they cut down most of his rose bushes that had been planted at the head of the meadow. "Doesn't look like I will be able to grow anything there 'til the camp moves out," Heaton once lamented. [994] During the fall of 1937, the monument's first administrative buildings were constructed. In September the monument's old Dodge truck (transferred from the Bureau of Public Roads in 1936) was replaced with a new Ford pickup. In November Leonard Heaton's old board and batten sided barn, sited near the monument's south boundary, was remodeled into a temporary, shed-roofed garage to house the new truck. Work consisted of partitioning off one end of the barn, cutting in double doors, reroofing, and installing a flagstone floor, a workbench, and new windows. [995] At about the same time an oil and gas house, a 6 x 6-foot underground structure, was built about 40 feet north of the garage. [996] This dugout was constructed with stone walls, a sandstone floor, and pole and earth roof. It was large enough to store five drums of gasoline. Heaton and a small crew of CCC boys completed both buildings. Kuehl inspected the two buildings on November 24. Tools and gas, previously stored in the east cabin, were then moved to the new garage, and the east cabin cleaned out so it could be better exhibited along with the fort as a historic building. Heaton said the east cabin "had been used as a tool house and work room for about four years and very few got to see inside of it [during that time]." [997] It was during the fall of 1937 that the question was raised once again by Park Service officials about the usefulness of the CCC camp at Pipe Spring. Pinkley sent the monthly report for Pipe Spring to Acting Regional Director Herbert Maier in September, while pointing out that Grazing Service allotments of about $50 per month for Park Service projects had only continued for a few months prior to June 30. Pinkley reported,
Pinkley would not object to the camp remaining, "if some satisfactory contribution to monument projects can be arranged," he wrote. Otherwise, he wanted them out. Maier forwarded Pinkley's letter to Director Cammerer, stating the regional office was "thoroughly in accord" with Pinkley's suggestion that some benefit should be derived from DG-44. [999] The threat of being expelled from the monument worked. The Division of Grazing agreed on November 10 to allot a fixed amount of $50 per month to purchase materials for approved ECW jobs at the monument. In exchange, the Park Service agreed to provide another truck to Heaton that would be shared with the Grazing Service. The same number of CCC enrollees were still to be allotted for monument projects, as in the past. [1000] The availability of a predictable source of money gave Pinkley new hope that the monument water system could soon be constructed thereby permitting other planned development to move forward. In December he requested that the Branch of Plans and Design prepare and submit preliminary plans for the monument's utility and residential areas. The development plans approved for the monument are shown on the monument's master plan. The location of existing CCC camp buildings and proposed monument developments are shown in dashed lines on the master plan (see figure 81).
The outbreak appears to have gone no further at the time than these six cases. Such an outbreak of disease was, of course, exactly what Dr. Farrow had long feared and why he was so adamant about keeping domestic livestock and geese away from Moccasin Spring, the primary source of the Indians' culinary water. Three years later, during October 1940 and less than a weak after Leonard Heaton's family moved back to the monument, Heaton's four-year-old son Sherwin became ill with what was eventually diagnosed as typhoid. He most likely contracted the illness in Moccasin, as that is where the family was living just prior to moving back to the monument. Under the care of Dr. Marsh and the Heaton family, he recovered from the illness. Emergency Conservation Work projects continued at Pipe Spring National Monument during December 1937. Three truckloads of clay were hauled in to be used to line the irrigation ditches in the monument. In addition, the road from the west pond to the west entrance was graveled and five silver-leaf cottonwoods were planted around the pond banks to replace trees that had died and been removed. The ECW blacksmith worked on making fireplace grills for the campground in late 1937, though the stone fireplaces had yet to be constructed. During the summer and fall, work on the drinking fountain, watering trough, and picnic tables was ongoing. These were all completed by late December. The 30-inch tall drinking fountain was made of red sandstone with a stone step on its south side to accommodate children. It was located on the south side of the ponds, just east of the steps of the walkway that passed between the fort ponds. The watering trough was carved from a 2.5 x 10-foot poplar log set on two rock footings. Its interior was lined with galvanized sheet iron. The trough was located south of the monument road and west of the fort ponds. The water was supplied to the trough and fountain through a one-inch pipeline from the main spring. [1002] During December the six new picnic tables and benches were put in temporary locations in the campground to leave new plantings undisturbed. (None of these features drinking fountain, watering trough, or picnic tables exist today.) Thus by the end of 1937, Pipe Spring had a useable campground, complete with tables and irrigated landscaping. But where, oh where, were the visitors? Visitation figures for 1937 were 667, an all-time low. [1003] Although the ECW crews worked to improve the dirt road from Fredonia, its conditions were still as unpredictable as the weather. There was no doubt in anyone's mind that a better approach road was needed, preferably one that would entice tourists to come by way of Pipe Spring. Such a road was under consideration during the late 1930s and is discussed in two later sections. 1938 On January 18, 1938, a new crew of 65 CCC enrollees from Indiana arrived at Pipe Spring from Fort Knox, Kentucky. An official inspection of DG-44 was conducted on January 24, 1938. Officers serving under Lt. Wickerham at the time were Andrew F. McMeekin, Hugh H. Ditto (camp doctor), and Donald D. Dodd. One dozen technical personnel served the camp as supervisors or their assistants. The new education adviser was A. M. Akin, who arrived the prior December. Inspector Reddoch reported 153 enrollees were available for work and that "harmonious relations" existed between the Army and technical personnel. Eleven of the camp's 13 trucks were reported to be in very poor condition and in need of overhaul. Work during this period was being performed over a 2,400-mile area, reported Reddoch. Off-monument Grazing Service projects included the construction of Bullrush Truck Trail, Cottonwood Bridge, Sand Hill Fence, Chatterly Corral, and the cutting of 8,000 fence posts. Approved projects not yet started included construction of a state line fence, Seven Knoll Corral, Pipe Valley Truck Trail, and Sunshine Reservoir.
During the early winter months of 1938, Heaton and the crew of CCC boys planted cottonwood trees, mostly around the parking area and campground. [1004] In February he brought 37 wild rose roots from Moccasin and set them out at the head of the meadow. Heaton also planted 13 plum trees at the head of the meadow where the older ones had died and planted others west of the meadow. That month, as it was too muddy to work on Grazing Service jobs, 50 CCC boys and five trucks were made available to Heaton to haul dirt to fill the drainage wash. That February Heaton also received approved plans for the construction of two pit toilets. [1005] In March the Army built a new 20 x 80-foot education building west of the meadow pond to be used for classrooms, vacating the west cabin. In April Heaton reroofed the west cabin, which had deteriorated over the nine years since its reconstruction, and constructed the campground's second fireplace. A new crew of CCC enrollees arrived in April, making up the majority of visitors recorded for the monument that month. Heaton hoped the enrollees wouldn't spy the birds nesting on the monument, "For they just can't seem to leave the wildlife alone. They either want to kill it or catch it and make pets of them." [1006] Preliminary studies for a custodian's residence were prepared during the spring of 1938. [1007] While visiting Pipe Spring in late May for the purposes of planning a geology exhibit, Al Kuehl and Assistant Chief Rothrock also reviewed plans for the proposed residential and utility area. In June 1938 two new pit toilets were constructed, painted white, and erected just west of the campground among a row of plum trees. Heaton took two week's leave that month, leaving Ren Brown, a CCC enrollee, in charge of the monument. [1008] He checked on Brown about every other day to make sure that things were going well. In July 1938 Al Kuehl requested that working drawings for a comfort station be prepared. No funds were available for its construction but he wanted the plans to be approved and ready to use if a special allotment of about $500 could be obtained at the end of the fiscal year. On July 16, 87 new CCC enrollees arrived at Pipe Spring making the total work force 200. That month Heaton had several altercations with Army officers, once over their plans to modify the swimming pool (which was to involve tree removal) and another time over the Army's removal of all the greasewood bushes on the west side of the monument as a control against mosquitoes. Heaton feared they would next take out the willow grove near the CCC camp area.
During the summer months, materials were purchased for the monument water system with the $50 per month allotment from the Division of Grazing. In August 1938 work began on the installation of the new water system connecting the proposed residential and utility areas with the campground. Engineer J. H. Tovrea accompanied Al Kuehl to the monument on August 8 to inspect the site, stake out the water system, and plan other improvements. Kuehl recommended additional plantings in the vicinity of the proposed residential area, replacement of dead cottonwoods around the fort ponds, removal of the old pit toilet north of the road, repainting of the new pit toilets (green instead of white), and plantings made to screen them. Heaton was asked to replace the two 18-inch metal culverts in the drainage ditch with a 2 x 8-foot box culvert of rock and cement to prevent water running over the road as it previously had during heavy rains. Kuehl also noted in his field report the existing exterior woodwork of the fort was in need of replacement or repair and the balcony and stairway connecting the fort's upper and lower buildings needed "almost immediate attention." [1009] The CCC also worked on ditch elimination in the proposed residence area. [1010] During the installation of the water system, another altercation took place between Heaton and Lt. Wickerham. On August 23, 1938, without advising the camp commander, Heaton shut off water to the camp in order to install a water line. When Wickerham discovered the reason, he ordered Heaton to cease work and turn the camp's water on again. Wickerham later reported to the district commander at Fort Douglas, Utah,
Wickerham asked for the intervention of "a higher authority" to avert future "misunderstandings" with Heaton. The commander at Fort Douglas subsequently wrote Superintendent Pinkley and asked him to "advise Mr. Heaton that water service should not be disrupted until the camp commander is notified." [1012] In early September Pinkley notified the district commander that Heaton had been instructed to provide notification prior to interrupting the camp's water supply. Pinkley took this opportunity to cast a few stones of his own, bringing up problems connected to the camp that had been reported by Heaton, as well as other Park Service officials:
The solution ended up being less drastic. Heaton reported Lt. Wickerham was transferred out of DG-44 on August 28 and Lt. Dodd took over command of the camp. Assistant Superintendent Miller went to the monument in mid-September to establish a "workable understanding" with Lt. Dodd over Park Service rules and regulations. [1014] Miller later described the new commander as "reasonable and willing to cooperate." [1015] After inspecting recent monument developments, Miller later wrote to Pinkley,
On October 14, 1938, a new crew of 65 CCC boys arrived at the monument. During early October heavy rains caused the drainage ditch under the roadway to overflow, flooding the road and campground area. Engineer Tovrea made a formal proposal for a concrete culvert with wing walls, to be constructed with CCC labor and materials. [1017] Also during the month, Heaton asked Pinkley for permission to replace the four stone steps leading to the walk between the ponds with six six-inch steps, as elderly visitors had difficulty with the larger steps. Pinkley approved the work. The rock was obtained from Bullrush Wash and the work was done the following January and February (1939). In October Kuehl drew up plans for signage to be placed in the campground area. In November 1938 work accomplished included the cleaning up of weeds and planting of trees south and east of the meadow, around the residence area and road leading to it, around the two pit toilets, and where the wash had been filled in, just south of the parking area. Six Carolina poplar, 14 silver-leaf cottonwood, and 23 ailanthus were planted. [1018] As winter approached, Heaton asked Pinkley for permission to move his office quarters from the east room of the first floor, lower building, to the west room of the second floor (same building) where he had put "a bed, table, and other things" as temporary living quarters. He also asked if funds were available to purchase a heater, as the one loaned to him by the Division of Grazing the previous winter was no longer available. Due to cracks under the doors and around the windows, the old office space was hard to heat, Heaton explained. Apparently, Pinkley had no objections, for the office was moved and remained on the second floor until November 1940. [1019] When the east side of the fort ponds was cleaned out in July 1938, all the fish in it died. (It was not uncommon to have a loss of fish when the ponds were cleaned, sometimes a significant loss.) Heaton subsequently asked Pinkley for permission to restock the ponds. Of the 3,000 to 4,000 fish Heaton had stocked both ponds with in late 1936, only 500 to 700 fish remained after the east pond loss. Pinkley wanted to know Heaton's reasons for requesting the fish and asked to know the history of fish in the ponds. Heaton reported that the fish currently in the ponds were eastern brook and rainbow trout. Two old carp had been in the ponds since 1926. Trout could not reproduce in the ponds, he explained, and the ponds had to be restocked periodically. Heaton wrote,
Heaton reported that visitors liked looking at the fish on their way to the fort, particularly "if they have something to feed them, then it is a sight to see some half hundred fish fight over a piece of bread." [1021] Heaton liked the trout to "keep down mosquitoes" and to keep the water free from water bugs and salamanders. He wanted carp to clean the ponds of weeds and mosses. He asked for 150 carp and 1,500-2,000 small trout for the east pond and additional, larger, four to five-inch trout for the west pond. He wrote that he introduced the first trout in 1927 with 8,000 he obtained from the government fish hatchery in Springville, Utah (Heaton reported in 1935 that this number was 5,000, not 8,000, fish). In 1929 he got another shipment of 6,000 fish for the meadow ponds. Any remaining in 1934 would have all died when the ponds dried up after the cattlemen's pipeline was constructed. In the fall of 1936, wrote Heaton, the fort ponds were stocked with 5,000 trout of which 1,000 remained by November 1938. [1022] (Heaton had reported in 1936 that he stocked the ponds with between 3,000 and 4,000 fish, not 5,000). In January 1939 Wildlife Technician W. B. McDougall (regional office) approved restocking the fort ponds but there is no record the ponds were replenished with trout until a number of years later. [1023] In August Heaton and a few CCC boys caught 17 catfish at Johnson Lake, four of which died. The others were put into the east pond. By October 1941 Heaton reported few fish remained in the ponds. Keeping fish alive was not the only wildlife challenge at Pipe Spring. On December 7, 1938, 65 Gambel quail were brought to Pipe Spring as part of a reintroduction program. Junior Park Naturalist Natt N. Dodge delivered the 65 birds to Heaton at his home in Moccasin. [1024] Heaton planned to keep the banded birds in his hen house for the winter, fearing the CCC boys would hunt them down. (Dodge later reported to Pinkley that loose dogs belonging to camp foremen kept most wildlife out of the park: "It will be difficult to establish any wildlife until the CCC camp is removed from the monument." [1025] ) All the quail escaped from Heaton's hen house a little over one week later, tunneling out under the sand. He managed to recapture 25 of them over the following months. (Moccasin residents reported sightings of the others, and their descendants may yet be there today.) The 25 quail were eventually taken by Heaton to the monument and released. [1026] By August 1947 the number of quail "in and around" the monument had increased to about 100, Heaton reported. [1027] When Dodge arrived at Pipe Spring National Monument in December 1938, he found Heaton replastering one of the ceilings in the fort. Dodge later reported to Pinkley that while the fort building itself appeared to be in very good condition, the roof shingles were curling badly and needed to be inspected to determine if they needed replacement. He also noted a large tree growing against the west wall of the fort that was pushing the wall inward. "This tree should be removed unless some other method of protecting the wall can be found," Dodge later advised Pinkley. [1028] He also informed Pinkley that it was impossible to keep monument signage in good condition as signs were "the targets for many rocks thrown by CCC enrollees." [1029] At year's end, Heaton reported, "I set out 12 poplar trees south of the parking area and three cottonwoods along the path between the ponds the past month. Have about 15 more to set out and I think I will have most of the planting done... unless some of the landscapers want more trees somewhere else." [1030] The "greening" of Pipe Spring continued. 1939 J. C. Reddoch's annual inspection report of DG-44 on January 5, 1939, reported that the camp's commanding officer was Lt. Donald D. Dodd. Lt. Paul C. Scollard and Roy N. Eklund (camp doctor) were also listed. A. M. Akin continued to be the camp's education adviser. Eight men were listed as technical personnel, including Hamilton Draper who continued to be camp superintendent. The company strength was reported to be 140 enrollees. Work projects for the previous year consisted of reservoir and truck trail construction, and cutting of fence posts. Five of the camp's nine trucks were out of service and deemed "unfit for further use." Motion pictures were shown in the camp once a week for entertainment. The new year started off with the discovery and unearthing by Leonard Heaton's children of an Indian burial in Moccasin on the land of his father, Charles C. Heaton. Heaton wrote in his journal on January 2, 1939,
When Superintendent Pinkley learned of the discovery he wrote Heaton, "... inasmuch as we are subjected to severe criticism if any of our men or their dependents excavate on their own or Government time, will you please write me a full report of the incident so that we shall have the information on file at this office." [1032] Heaton responded with the following account:
This report seems to have ended the matter, as far as concerned Pinkley. The children were to make additional discoveries one year later in the same knoll. [1034] Heaton's children weren't the only ones who got excited by archeological discoveries, however. Just a month before, Heaton had written in his journal that he had taken two boy scouts on an overnight hike on December 2, 1938. He recorded their discoveries:
The artifacts were donated to the monument, Heaton later reported. Heaton glued broken pots back together for display. In January 1940 Heaton completed an exhibit case in which he displayed the collection of about 26 Indian artifacts found in Bullrush Wash, referenced above. Over the next few years, in spite of Heaton's efforts to guard the collection, museum visitors stole some of the pieces unearthed in the area. [1036] The issue of archeological materials arose again in the spring of 1941, when Heaton asked his superiors on behalf of a few local residents if bottles decorated with prehistoric potsherds could be sold as souvenirs to the public at the monument. The sherds were to be affixed to bottles with plaster of paris. Senior Archeologist Jesse L. Nusbaum took a dim view of the proposal (to say the least) and subsequently urged Heaton to encourage local people to produce souvenirs which related more to the arts and crafts from their "pioneering days." [1037] To return to CCC projects for 1939, plans for the drainage culvert (Job 24) were modified in January 1939 from a concrete box culvert to one that had stone masonry sides and bottom, with a concrete slab cover. Excavation was authorized preceding receipt of revised plans. The CCC boys began excavating the rock for the culvert on March 6, 1939, and started laying the rock on March 22. Work on the culvert continued in April and May, and was completed on May 17. In addition to the installation of a larger culvert, a change in the associated diversion ditch was made. [1038] During this period materials to construct the monument's sewer system were being bought piece-meal with the $50 monthly allotment from the Grazing Service. Al Kuehl and Regional Landscape Architect Harvey H. Cornell made a report after an inspection of monument projects on April 23, 1939. Construction of the entrance road culvert was under way, construction for a sewer system was to begin "in the near future," winter season planting was "coming along nicely," new stone steps were "very well done." [1039] When Kuehl made his field report, he again recommended that an effort be made to obtain funds for fort stabilization. "Old wall cracks are widening, woodwork is badly in need of replacement, and all stone work should be repointed," he wrote. [1040] Once the sewer system was constructed, Kuehl stated that the next highest priority was to build the campground comfort station. (The comfort station, however, would not be constructed for another 18 years.) In late April 1939, Heaton learned that the Grazing Service was considering moving DG-44 to southern Arizona for the winter then back to Pipe Spring the following spring. He wrote Superintendent Pinkley to give a "heads up" and to let him know that he wanted to see several projects finished before the camp left, if indeed it was to leave. The monument still needed the sewer line, the geological and nature trail, and construction of entrance piers and signage, Heaton stated (this latter project was second under the comfort station on Kuehl's list of priorities). Pinkley's response was to inform Acting Regional Director Milton J. McColm of the rumor and request that if the camp relocated it not be allowed to return to the monument and that it be required to clean up and plant the vacated site. [1041] McColm concurred with Pinkley's recommendation. Most of the work performed by the CCC on the monument sewer system took place over the summer of 1939. Twenty days were spent in stockpiling sand and gravel (both had to be hauled from a pit located 12 miles to the west). Excavation work began July 31; the concrete septic tank was poured at the end of August. Involvement by CCC workers ended September 9, with a total of 79 days having been spent on the job. [1042] The job would be left unfinished for Heaton to complete more than a year later.
Meanwhile, monument work continued as the meager funds for materials allowed. Two stone fireplaces built by Heaton for the campground in October 1936 were rebuilt and four new stone fireplaces were newly constructed in May 1939. [1043] Five were placed within the campground road circle and one was placed east of the campground road next to the diversion ditch. [1044] Each fireplace was constructed of three big rocks, averaging 12 inches thick, 2.5 feet long, and 2 feet wide. The back rock stood on end and the two side rocks were laid flat. The sides and back of the fire box were lined with fire brick. Iron grills were placed on top of the firebox. (The grills were made of scrap iron by the Grazing Service blacksmith.) A 2 x 2.5-foot rock was placed beside each fireplace so that campers could sit beside it. None of these fireplaces remains today. In July 1939 the CCC boys began preparing logs to make campground signs. The signs were to be constructed of peeled logs with routed and painted lettering. (Heaton later completed these during 1940.) They also worked on reconstructing the water channel though the spring room of the fort, work that was completed in August. Heaton reported that the reconstruction of the channel into the spring room made it like it was "about 1886, when it was taken from the fort and placed to the west side by Mr. Edwin D. Woolley." Some work was also done in August on the sewer system. On October 15, 1939, Camp DG-44 was relocated to Ajo, Arizona, for the 14th period. It was expected it might return to the monument during the 15th period, but that was not to be. 1940 In February 1940 Superintendent Pinkley wrote Liaison Officer J. C. Roak, CCC 8th Corp Area, at Fort Sam Houston, Texas:
Roak informed Assistant Superintendent Miller on March 14 that the new camp (G-173) was to be sited in Antelope Valley. The location was four miles south of the monument on Division of Grazing lands. "This, of course, solves your troubles," wrote Roak. [1046] Thus ended Camp DG-44's often trying and questionably fruitful four-year occupation of Pipe Spring National Monument. No one could have been happier to hear the news than Custodian Leonard Heaton. When it was learned that DG-44 was not coming back, Al Kuehl came to the monument to discuss possible use of the salvaged buildings. One was to be retained and converted into housing for the Heaton family. Before Kuehl's arrival, Custodian Heaton took his wife Edna through a number of the buildings to see which she liked best. Then Heaton asked Kuehl if his family could live in the education building, which was located on the west side of the swimming pond. This building was larger and reportedly better constructed than other buildings and it was sited in an area with numerous shade trees. [1047] Kuehl was checking to see if Camp NP-12 at Walnut Canyon National Monument might furnish labor to construct the monument's residences during the summer of 1940 (the 1940 master plan called for two residences). No one knew quite how long it would be before the new residences would be constructed. Kuehl intimated that if Heaton adapted a CCC building as a residence, it might mean several more years delay before the NPS would build him a new one. But Heaton was anxious to live again on-site with his family. If the new housing couldn't be built by the summer of 1940, he told Kuehl, he wanted to move into a CCC structure. No funds were available for construction of the residences. At this point, some Park Service political strategizing entered into the picture. At first Kuehl disapproved of using any of the CCC buildings for housing, fearing it would lessen the chances of getting funding in the future for new residences. While the matter was being decided, Heaton moved back into the fort without his family in order to provide protection during the summer months. Finally, it was agreed that a CCC building could be used, but not the education building for it might well later be viewed as adequate housing. On the other hand, if the Heatons moved into an obviously inadequate structure, the Park Service would be pushed into funding the new residences more quickly, or so Kuehl thought. For this reason, Heaton was told he could use the Grazing Service's office, a one-room, 15 x 20- foot building, while awaiting construction of a new residence. Heaton asked if he could use the infirmary, a three-room structure. Heaton later wrote that Kuehl "objected to this building on the same grounds as the education building, [it] being too good a quarters and might delay the getting of a new residential quarters." [1048] As it turned out - fortunately for the Heatons - the Grazing Service wanted the one-room office building. If Heaton wanted his family with him at the monument (a request Hugh Miller felt was quite reasonable), Kuehl reluctantly agreed to their moving into the 20 x 43-foot infirmary. Heaton was given permission by Hugh Miller to occupy the infirmary on August 17, 1940. He worked from late August through early October converting it into a residence for his family. By the time he was finished, Heaton had converted the three-room structure into one with a living room, dining room, kitchen, bathroom, and four small bedrooms (a sleeping porch would be added later). [1049] After laying a sewer line, installing plumbing, and other interior work, Heaton had the residence ready for his family to move in. The immediate surroundings were barren. "Will plant some trees around it this fall," Heaton wrote. [1050] The family moved into their "temporary" quarters on October 8-9. Leonard and Edna Heaton then had seven children. Three more would be born during the 1940s. Needless to say, quarters would be cramped. Storage space consisted of one tiny closet in the approximately 10 x 13-foot master bedroom. The monthly deduction for these quarters ("since they are incomplete," wrote Miller) was $7.50. [1051] It was to be their home for the next 20 years. Just as the ending of the CWA program at Pipe Spring left Heaton with a host of unfinished projects in 1934, so did the termination of Camp DG-44 in the fall of 1939. While a number of incomplete CWA projects were completed by the CCC and a number of new ones undertaken (the campground perhaps being the most significant accomplishment), the most pressing development projects at the monument had yet to be addressed. The water and sewer systems were only partially constructed. The monument still lacked permanent quarters for staff and a comfort station. The fort was also in dire need of repairs, having received very little attention during the 1930s. During the next two years, the drive to attend to the structural needs of the fort took precedence, along with historical research activities aimed at transforming the fort with its hodge-podge of artifacts into a house museum that met National Park Service standards. During the spring of 1940, preliminary budget estimates for fiscal year 1942 included an increase for buildings in the amount of $3,000, all earmarked for fort repairs. The justification accompanying estimates provides a brief description of the fort's condition in 1940: "The old fort buildings are actually intact, but in a bad state of repair. Serious cracks have developed in the walls, complete plastering is required, exterior woodwork is rotting and dilapidated, interior floors and woodwork require expensive repairs." [1052] The fort roof, as mentioned earlier, was also in very poor condition. Funds available for FY 1941 were earmarked for removing deteriorated shingles from the fort and reroofing it with shakes. [1053] The estimates also called for $7,500 for a custodian's residence. ("For many years, the custodian's family lived in rooms in the old fort itself, an indefensible situation." [1054] ) No funds were sought for the second residence, which was part of the 1940 master plan. When compared with the 1937 general development plan (shown earlier), it should be noted that the residential and utility areas were located farther from the fort in the 1940 master plan (see figure 85). Otherwise there is little difference between the two. (This plan contains an error: the education building, erected in early 1938, is not depicted.)
Over the winter Heaton worked on routing and painting lettering for monument signage, a project begun by the CCC. In January 1940 he built a display case for Indian artifacts, mentioned earlier. On February 14, 1940, Heaton attended a custodians' conference at Southwestern National Monuments headquarters in Coolidge, Arizona. Between 30 and 40 custodians attended the meeting, called by Superintendent Pinkley. As "Boss" Pinkley was giving his opening address, he experienced a heart attack and died only minutes later. Heaton later wrote in his journal,
Heaton felt honored to serve as one of the six pallbearers at Frank Pinkley's funeral, held on February 17, 1940. Pinkley's right-hand man, Hugh Miller, was appointed superintendent of Southwestern National Monuments on March 3, 1940, and held that position until June 30, 1942. On March 27, 1940, Heaton discovered the catwalk over the west gate of the fort was unsafe due to deteriorated boards. He disassembled it that day and built a new walkway a few days later. Heaton took the month of April off as annual leave. Owen Johnson filled in for a few days then Park Ranger Edwin C. Alberts of Montezuma Castle National Monument took charge of the monument for the rest of the month. While there, Alberts catalogued all the museum articles in the fort. (Heaton was quite grateful for this work, as it was a job he hadn't wanted to tackle.) Alberts reported to headquarters that the southwest corner of the fort was showing alarming tendencies to settle and fall apart: "It is quite important that stabilization work be done on this part of the fort." [1056] When Heaton returned to duty on May 1, Alberts told him an historian was needed to determine just how the fort should be furnished so Heaton's artifact collection would better serve that end. Heaton favored this idea, but also saw the value of his taking whatever relics were offered to the monument, rationalizing "We can always give it to some other museum if we don't need or want it." [1057] The task of researching the fort's history and making recommendations fell in the summer of 1941 to research collaborator Arthur Woodward, who prepared "A Brief Historical Sketch of Pipe Spring, Arizona" in June 1941. Woodward never visited the monument, neither prior to nor during this research. (See later section, "Monument Interpretation during the Great Depression.") During the first half of April 1940, two men working for the Historic American Building Survey (HABS), Southwest District, measured Pipe Spring fort and its two associated cabins. [1058] Drawings and plans of the buildings were then made in the district office in Tucson, Arizona. In mid-May HABS Architect Trent Thomas and D. W. Dickensheets went to Pipe Spring and took photos to complete HABS documentation of the fort. Leonard Heaton provided historical data included in their narrative report. [1059] Heaton learned in May 1940 that a CCC camp was to be temporarily housed at Pipe Spring for 30 to 60 days while Camp G-173 south of Pipe Spring was being constructed. "And I thought I was through with them on the monument," Heaton grumbled in his journal. [1060] A crew of 65 boys and their commanding officer, Lt. Sherman, arrived the evening of May 21. Two of the boys scaled the fort walls that same night and Heaton discovered them locked inside the fort when he opened up the next morning. "I think the boys were scared enough being caught and [by] what I told them, they will think twice before it occurs again." [1061] Water was turned into the swimming pool (meadow pond) again so the boys could swim. In late June several CCC boys cut the wires in Heaton's reptile exhibit cage and changed the snakes around, trying to make them fight. Heaton decided to discontinue the exhibit until the camp was vacated. He was also quite unhappy about the amount of water being used by the camp, particularly the amount running continuously into the swimming pool, and the fact that the commander would allow the pool to be repeatedly drained and refilled. The summer was unusually hot and dry, and monument vegetation required extra water. "I guess I can put up with them for a few more weeks," Heaton wrote in his journal, anticipating their departure on July 15. [1062] This crew of enrollees moved to Camp G-173 in Antelope Valley on August 8, 1940. [1063] A crew of 25 enrollees from Camp NP-12 at Mt. Elden arrived from Walnut Canyon National Monument on September 4 to complete salvage operations. The Grazing Service took only three buildings for CCC use: the garage, oil house, and office. The remaining 20 structures were transferred to the NPS for CCC use at Camp NP-12. [1064] The work was completed on October 2, and the work crew left the following day. "They have the place in as good a shape as they can get it without having a cat and plows to break up the road and packed ground," Heaton observed. [1065] In his monthly report to headquarters, he wrote, "It surely looks good to be able to look out over the country without having those old CCC buildings staring one in the face." [1066] Trucks from Mt. Elden continued to haul away salvage lumber over the next few weeks. During Camp DG-44's stay, the fencing along the southwest boundary of the monument had been removed to accommodate the camp's garage. Heaton reinstalled the fence in October. Even though there would no longer be a camp operating on the monument, Pipe Spring would still be impacted to some degree by the presence of three Grazing Service CCC camps in the area. They included the Fredonia camp to the east, the Short Creek camp to the west, and the Antelope Valley camp south of the monument. During the summer of 1940, most of Heaton's time was spent in cleaning irrigation ditches, watering vegetation, keeping the grounds maintained, working on park signage, and cleaning the fort. In June Heaton installed four underground garbage cans and two fire hydrants in the campground. He hired several men to do some repair work on the east and west cabins as well as some plaster work in several rooms of the fort's upper building, second floor. [1067] Visitors sometimes asked Heaton where the lime came from that was used in plaster and mortar during the fort's original construction. Heaton sent headquarters a sample of lime found at the old lime kiln west of the west cabin, along with a sample of original fort plaster, for analysis. It was determined by an agricultural chemist at the University of Arizona that the plaster sample was prepared from the type of limestone sent by Heaton, thus he was told he could tell visitors the plaster was made from local limestone. [1068] On August 15, 1940, Al Kuehl and Park Service architects George W. Norgard and Lyle E. Bennett visited the fort to assess its repair needs. New roofing was identified as the highest priority. Other concerns were deteriorated woodwork, dislocation of the west wall (caused by a tree), cracks in a wall indicating settlement from moisture problems, and several other minor problems. [1069] Kuehl asked Heaton to dig a trench along the west side of the fort so that the foundation of the fort could be examined when he returned a week later. Heaton got right to the job, later describing the work as "all rock and elm roots." After a week of digging, the trench was finished. Heaton described the conditions as he found them:
While Heaton labored to complete monument projects, changes were taking place in the Washington office. The hectic years of the Great Depression had taken a heavy toll on the health of Director Cammerer, as had working for Secretary Harold L. Ickes. By 1940 Cammerer had developed heart trouble, which led to his resignation. Cammerer's successor as director was Newton B. Drury, who assumed his new role on August 20, 1940. [1071] Cammerer took a position as regional director at Richmond, Virginia, but died nonetheless on April 30, 1941. Historian John Ise described Cammerer as the second director "to give his life for the parks." [1072] Heavy rains in September 1940 strained the capacity of the monument's new culvert and drainage ditch, leading Heaton to conclude a new channel was needed below the campground. Serious flooding on September 7 was particularly destructive in and around Moccasin. Many roads and bridges were washed out, leaving people stranded for days. Camp G-173 south of the monument was being supplied with water from tunnel spring via the cattlemen's pipeline. The Park Service was not consulted prior to the construction of the camp, nor notified that water from Pipe Spring was to be used. When Superintendent Hugh Miller learned this in mid-July, he grew alarmed that the delicate balance achieved between the National Park Service, Indian Service, and stockmen might be jeopardized. He wrote to Liaison Officer Roak to express his concern and ask for information. Roak responded,
Roak offered to send Miller a copy of the lease, if desired. This may have satisfied Miller, for there seems to be no other correspondence on the matter. Tunnel spring water, however, would prove insufficient for the camp's needs. During October the Army complained of a water shortage at the new site and the camp's officer came to Pipe Spring and, according to Heaton, "turned about all the water" from the main spring into the tunnel. Heaton could see no problem in the tunnel and wondered if the pipeline was plugged. He reset the water valve to allow the camp six gallons per minute from the main spring, which was the amount the cattlemen were entitled to over and above what they received from tunnel spring. Whenever the new camp ran short, however, trucks were sent to haul water from Pipe Spring. In early November 1940, Al Kuehl and Southwestern National Monuments Assistant Superintendent Charles A. Richey visited the fort and met with Heaton to go over plans for monument work to be accomplished the following spring. The most pressing projects identified were the reroofing the fort, replacing of the cornices and other deteriorated woodwork, excavation and waterproofing of the entire fort foundation (to stabilize footings), removal of the elm tree impinging on the west wall, addressing signage problems, digging and harrowing the CCC camp site, restocking the fort ponds, and planting trees around the proposed residential area. [1074] Richey reported that costs could be cut if crews from Mt. Elden's CCC camp could be assigned to carry out stabilization work. He estimated the fort work would require six weeks with a crew of three to six men. Heaton was "well-qualified" to act as supervisor, opined Richey, who planned to start the work about April 1, 1941. [1075] In September 1940 Heaton added a sleeping porch onto the infirmary to expand the family's cramped living quarters. The porch was enclosed in December. Heaton also rewired the CCC infirmary then - with his own funds - purchased and installed a 32-volt Westinghouse light plant to furnish power to the building. Although its exact location has not yet been identified, the Heatons also used a CCC cellar for a time. [1076] One significant improvement occurred on the Kaibab Indian Reservation. In the summer of 1940, under the Office of Indian Affairs' garden tract program, $2,000 of CCC funds was allocated for replacement of the pipeline on the reservation. The work proposed consisted of replacing 7,800 lineal feet of metal pipe with six-inch concrete pipe. The project was justified as follows: "The present pipeline has served its period of usefulness and is wasting a large percentage of the already inadequate water supply. The improvement will probably make possible the utilization of a few acres for subsistence gardens which are so badly needed to supplement the Indians' small income." [1077] The work began in late 1940 and continued into 1941 as Project 110. This pipeline replaced the reservation's water system constructed under Engineer Leo A. Snow's supervision in 1926. 1941 President Roosevelt was re-elected to serve for a third term in November 1940. The United States was increasingly being drawn into the war in Europe, particularly after the fall of France to the German Army in the summer of 1940. During 1941 Roosevelt's attention increasingly turned to matters of defense and military preparedness. Planning for fort stabilization work began in early 1941. Superintendent Miller requested the fort work receive close field supervision from the regional office in Santa Fe. Regional Chief of Planning Harvey Cornell assured Miller the work would "receive every consideration" by his division. From November 1940 to early January 1941, Heaton worked to complete the monument's sewer system, trenching, laying tile, and backfilling sewer lines. [1078] On January 9 Heaton was doing the last few days of work on the system. While trenching, he uncovered two skeletons lying side by side. [1079] He immediately covered up the burial and made a full report the next day to Superintendent Miller. "There was nothing in the shape of potsherds or flints in the graves I discovered yesterday. The area in which the graves are has been known to produce arrow points and has a lot of potsherds on the surface of the ground, also a few grinding stones have been found there." he reported. [1080] He asked if someone could be sent in the spring to "look into these graves and the one at Moccasin on Mr. Charles C. Heaton's land." Headquarters responded by writing that someone would be sent to investigate the burials in May; no other reference to the burial occurs in subsequent records, however. In March 1941 Heaton reported the local livestock market was "in excellent condition... some men have contracted their cattle for the best prices in 20 years." [1081] Heaton's spirits were high as well, as he looked forward to overseeing stabilization work on the fort. The application for Job 26, "Stabilization, Old Fort and East and West Cabins," was submitted in late March and was approved on April 17 by the regional office with the stipulation that all stabilization work be fully and accurately recorded. Assistant Superintendent Richey asked Regional Director Minor R. Tillotson to assign someone from the regional office's Plans and Design Division to supervise the work. Architect George Norgard was the man assigned. He made a site visit on April 3 to review plans for stabilization to the buildings and prepare recommendations. [1082] On April 19 Norgard, Richey, Al Kuehl, and Zion's Assistant Superintendent John Davis visited the monument again to finalize plans. Officials assured Heaton someone from the Santa Fe office would visit every few weeks during stabilization work to oversee the project. In addition to fort stabilization work (described below) work on the east and west cabins was planned. The stabilization work was originally planned to be carried out by Camp NP-12 as Job 59, but when application was made to the Army, it arranged for work to be done by Grazing Service camps instead as Pipe Spring Job 26. [1083] Richey reported after a visit to the monument in April 1941, "The old CCC camp area has been cleaned up and the area plowed and graded by Mr. Heaton. It is believed that this area will soon grass over and completely obliterate itself." (Actually the work of leveling the CCC site was done in March 1941 by Carl Johnson with a horse and team.) The garage Heaton had constructed (out of his barn) was "no architectural prize," stated Richey, but it was "out of view of the general public area and will serve until a permanent building can be erected." [1084] Fort rehabilitation work began on April 24, 1941, with Heaton overseeing two hired local laborers. Two other local men would soon be hired. [1085] On April 28 six boys from the Grazing Service's Camp G-173 in Antelope Valley arrived to assist with work. Al Kuehl visited Pipe Spring on May 1 to inspect work progress and to go over fort needs. [1086] The job crew worked all of May. Excavating around the fort's foundation was the first project undertaken. On the east, west and north walls, excavation went down to bedrock or 10 inches below the foundation rock. A concrete footing was then poured under the foundation rock and extended out four to six inches. This was later tarred and backfilled. Heaton reported water seepage from the sandstone at the northwest corner of the fort complicated foundation repairs. [1087] One event worthy of mention occurred while the fort stabilization work was in progress. On May 13, 1941, at about 3:00 a.m. Saturday, a truckload of 30 CCC boys returning to their camp from a night of recreation in town, overturned 100 yards west of the monument. "Too fast driving on a turn seems to be the cause," reported Heaton. Sixteen of the boys required hospitalization, including four of Heaton's work crew. [1088] In addition to attempts to waterproof the fort's foundations, other work was accomplished in May. The west wall that had been pushed in by an old elm tree was pulled back into place. Repairs to upper story porches were made as needed. The men also removed some of the roofing on the lower fort building and began preparing the shakes. [1089] By mid-May reroofing of the lower building was completed. Roofing the north wing began on May 19. Heaton reported all the carpentry work on the porches and roofs was completed by May 26. By month's end, Heaton felt most of the work planned for the fort had been accomplished. He wrote in his journal, "I only wish that someone from the Plans and Design Division could have come in at least every two weeks as I feel they would have found things needing done that I missed being so close to the work." [1090] No one from the regional office in Santa Fe or from headquarters in Coolidge had visited since May 1, missing the most critical phases of stabilization work. By June 13, the allotment for stabilization work had all been expended, so hired skilled and unskilled labor were terminated. Finally on June 14 Architect George Norgard made an inspection visit from the regional office, noting work accomplished, problems encountered, and work that still needed to be done. [1091] Heaton still had the labor of the CCC boys at his disposal. The Grazing Service had committed a six-person crew to work at the monument for 90 days, beginning April 28. In June and July 1941, stone pointing was completed on the fort's exterior and some work was done on the fort's interior (wall replastering where needed) and rehabilitation work was carried out on the east and west cabins. These were reroofed with 45 pound rubber roofing paper, tarred, then covered with 2-4 inches of green shale. [1092] The boys also did a lot of maintenance work on the roads, the campground, and irrigation ditches. Dry grasses were a very real fire hazard during the hot, dry summer. The boys removed grass (mostly foxtail) along the roads and paths and from around the buildings. July 25 was the CCC crew's final day working at the monument. After the departure of the CCC work crew, Heaton was on his own again. He continued stabilization work on the cabins and plastering work in the fort. When Thomas Vint, Harvey Cornell, and Al Kuehl made a surprise visit to Pipe Spring in early August, Heaton reported with considerable relief that the officials "seemed pleased with what I had done in the stabilization work and monument in general." [1093] In early May 1941, Superintendent Miller turned down the Grazing Service's request to develop a swimming pool at the monument for use by their enrollees, saying it was "contrary to the purpose for which the area was reserved..." [1094] Miller was also concerned that Fredonia residents would start using it, thereby obligating the Park Service to permanently maintain it. The agreement to furnish water to cattlemen created a situation whereby the meadow pool was sometimes full and at other times dry, depending on the weather and needs of the cattlemen's stock (and the demands of the CCC camp south of the monument). Under "Boss" Pinkley, headquarters had tolerated DG-44's use of the pool for swimming because it expected to derive some benefit from the camp's presence on the monument. Once DG-44 was gone, Pinkley deceased, and Miller in charge, the headaches of maintaining a public swimming hole appear to have outweighed any gain there might have been. [1095] In late August 1941, Regional Director Tillotson sent a memorandum to Superintendent Miller (copied to Zion's Superintendent Paul R. Franke) proposing that the administration of Pipe Spring National Monument be transferred to Zion National Park. [1096] His primary reasons were that the historic site, one of only four among Southwestern National Monument's 28 sites, was not in any way connected with the interests of most of the other areas and that its geographic location was more accessible to Zion National Park. He asked for Miller's views on the idea. Superintendent Franke was wildly enthusiastic about the proposal: "There is no question about the story of Pipe Springs National Monument tying directly into the historical story of southern Utah as represented by Zion National Park," he wrote Tillotson. [1097] Franke thought administration of the monument would be "a relatively simple matter" and that descendents of southern Utah settlers would be only too willing to donate historic furnishings which would enable the Park Service to transform the fort into the historic house museum long dreamed of. Franke copied his memorandum to Director Drury and Superintendent Miller. On the other hand, Hugh Miller was convinced the transfer to Zion would be a terrible mistake. He feared that the monument's interests would not be sufficiently protected by a park superintendent, as opposed to being safeguarded by a group whose only function was to protect the interests of the region's monuments. "I believe," argued Miller in his reply to Tillotson, "there is a constant tendency to regard the monument under the park as a sort of step-child and that there is a danger, inherent in human nature, that the park superintendent will devote his best energies to his park and accord the monument only such attention as he has left over." [1098] Miller dismissed the issue of geographic proximity as important, arguing that ties to Arizona were more critical from an administrative perspective than ties to Utah. Miller also copied his memorandum to Director Drury, but not to Superintendent Franke. Regional Director Tillotson informed Miller in a terse memorandum that his concerns would be given full consideration during the regional director's three-month tour of duty in the Washington office that was to begin October 1. Meanwhile, Drury responded to Miller's memorandum addressing several of the objections he raised to the transfer of Pipe Spring's administration to Zion. Drury liked the idea of having a coordinating superintendent at Zion, however, and Miller's views had not changed his feelings on the matter. [1099] Still, he promised Miller he would talk it over with Tillotson and give the matter more consideration. With the monument's fate weighing on his mind, Superintendent Miller decided to pay an inspection visit to Pipe Spring on September 29, 1941. His report of the recently accomplished work there and description of the monument's general condition copied to both the director and regional director - were particularly glowing. There was still no interpretive program at the monument, Miller noted, but Heaton had made a laudable attempt to label and display the historic artifacts he had collected. To reduce the "confused" appearance of the displays, Miller suggested Heaton concentrate on furnishing a single room with his best examples, and storing the others in a locked room. His report stated,
In general, Miller reported that the fort and monument grounds looked "better than I have ever seen it," giving most of the credit to Leonard Heaton. It appears that no word had yet been breathed to Heaton about the proposed administrative transfer of the monument to Zion National Park. Having worked with the monument's custodian for many years (long before Pinkley's death), having known the Heaton family and how hard and consciously they all worked to keep up the monument, Miller may have felt concerned - and rightfully so - about how Heaton would fare under Zion's management. Headquarters sent plans for a comfort station and custodian's residence (NM/PS-2025-A) to Heaton for comment in early October 1941. [1101] Heaton returned his comments asking, among other things, that the residence be constructed of stone (similar to the fort) and reoriented. In early November officials at Southwestern National Monuments asked regional office staff to make changes to the plans according to Heaton's preferences. On December 10 Al Kuehl and George Norgard visited the monument to show Heaton the revised architectural plans and to choose a site for the new residence. The site chosen was on the east side of the meadow. Heaton was very pleased with the site and the new building plans, so much so that his report of their visit on December 16 failed to mention the country was then at war. [1102] The December 7, 1941, bombing of Pearl Harbor by the Japanese military and the United States' subsequent declaration of war on Japan, Germany, and Italy launched the country into World War II. Any possibility that either the long-awaited residence or much-needed comfort station would be constructed at Pipe Spring National Monument in the foreseeable future evaporated overnight. The impact of the country's participation in World War II and its aftermath on the monument will be the subject of the next chapter. First, as the development of roads had always impacted visitation at Pipe Spring (and would continue to impact it), it is worth considering what steps were being taken in the late 1930s and early 1940s to improve the approach roads to the monument. Two major initiatives were taken, both of which are described below. The Fredonia-Toroweap Approach Road In October 1936, with an allotment of $5,300, the National Park Service authorized a reconnaissance study by the Bureau of Public Roads (BPR) for a road that would link Fredonia, Pipe Spring, and the Grand Canyon in Toroweap Valley. The road, if it met eligibility requirements, was to be financed by federal park highway funds. Fieldwork began in November 1936, was suspended for the winter, and resumed in May 1937. On November 9, 1936, Kuehl met with BPR Engineer W. J. Ward in Fredonia for a preliminary review of a tentative route. At Pipe Spring the two men agreed that the existing monument road could not be followed as the distance between the fort ponds and "historic cottonwood trees" would only allow a 16-foot road width. [1103] A new route was proposed that would pass through the monument but 30 feet further south of the existing road, thereby leaving historic features and tunnel spring undisturbed. [1104] When Superintendent Pinkley got word of the plans, however, he strongly objected to the new location for the road as it cut through the new campground and parking area. He wrote, "I cannot sacrifice the work which we have already expended at Pipe Spring in order to give it [the road] such an extra width across the monument." [1105] He recommended the new road pass just to the south of the monument's southern boundary instead. Preliminary sketches were later modified incorporating Pinkley's suggestion. In June BPR Engineer Ward prepared a report on the road study, recommending that the 65 mile, 24-foot wide, bituminous surfaced road that passed just south of the monument boundary. The monument was to be accessed from a spur road to Moccasin passing east of the monument. The cost of the new road was estimated at $2,140,500. [1106] Staking of the proposed route began in July 1937. On July 20, 1937, a company of officials convened on the Arizona Strip to study the proposed Fredonia-Pipe Spring-Grand Canyon road. The group included Landscape Architect Charles A. Richey, Grand Canyon National Park Superintendent Minor R. Tillotson, Division of Grazing Director F. R. Carpenter, Al Kuehl, and two of the Bureau of Public Road's engineers. The route appeared satisfactory to those present and was being flagged. [1107] The following October another meeting was held in Kanab to discuss the road and inspect the proposed route. Attendees included Bureau of Public Roads Engineers McLane, Ward, and Brown; Dr. Farrow; District Engineer A. F. Space; and Landscape Architect Richey. At this meeting Dr. Farrow strongly opposed certain sections of the proposed alignment due to the way in which the proposed road subdivided reservation grazing lands. As it turned out, Dr. Farrow's concerns were not what stopped the proposed road project from moving forward. It was determined from the 1937 survey that the road from Fredonia to the Grand Canyon could not qualify as approach road because 16.4 percent of the land was unpatented and state-owned. For an approach road to qualify for federal park highway funding, no less than 90 percent of its total length must be on land owned by the federal government. The Park Service came up with several alternative routes, which would have placed more of the route on state-owned "Indemnity School Land." In November 1937 Demaray asked Senator Carl Hayden for assistance in asking Arizona state officials if they would withdraw their application from the General Land Office for lands affected by the proposed road location, thereby allowing the Park Service to meet the government's requirements for qualifying as an approach road. The Congressional authorization for funding park roads and approach roads, however, expired at the end of FY 1937, so time was of the essence in Demaray's attempts to engage the cooperation of Arizona officials. [1108] Demaray's efforts proved unsuccessful. Once the Park Service learned the road could not qualify for federal park highway funds, hopes for a new approach road quickly dimmed. All of the existing road from Fredonia to the monument (and for some distance further to the west) was located on the Kaibab Indian Reservation. While the Hayden-Cartwright Act of June 16, 1936, authorized appropriations of up to $4 million each year for Indian roads in the United States for fiscal years 1937 and 1938, the Office of Indian Affairs requested only $3 million for FY 1937 and $1 million for FY 1938. Referring to the Office of Indian Affairs, Senator Hayden wrote to a Phoenix attorney in February 1938, "They seemed... to be more interested in increases for schools and for other services on the reservations than for roads." Hayden wanted Indian Service officials to ask for more road funds for FY 1938, but held little hope, pointing out they had in the past "been unenthusiastic about road work on the reservations." [1109] Because of the lower amount requested for FY 1938, men were to be laid off, equipment purchased in FY 1937 would sit idle and rusting, and roads would be inadequately maintained. This is one reason why much of the work of maintaining the approach road to Pipe Spring National Monument fell to the Division of Grazing's Camp DG-44. Since the hands of Park Service officials were tied, the road problem was ultimately left to the Indian Service, Mohave County, and the Division of Grazing to solve. Nothing of consequence would happen in the planning and construction of a new approach road until the summer of 1940. When that happened, however, it would be known as the Hurricane-Fredonia road, whose alignment bore little resemblance to the road proposed by the Park Service in 1937. The Hurricane-Fredonia Road In late January 1940, Heaton learned that the Indian Service was surveying a new road through the reservation. Two of the Indian Service's road engineers, District Engineer Norman B. Conway from Spokane, Washington, and Regional Engineer Alma Pratt from the Ouray and Uintah Agency, Ft. Duchesne, Utah, met with Leonard Heaton on January 27, 1940, to discuss the approach road alignment that was being considered. The proposed route would have traversed land below the monument's south boundary. On February 23, 1940, when Heaton noticed the Indian Service's surveyors running a line through the archeological ruins south of the monument, he advised the engineer that they were staking the road through an important ruin. [1110] Heaton had only recently learned - at the custodians' conference in Coolidge - of his responsibilities regarding archeological sites on public lands. On February 26 Heaton made a sketch map of the ruin, gathered some archeological samples from the area, and sent these along with a report to headquarters about the Indian Service's plans to lay a road through the ruins. Superintendent Miller immediately sent a telegram to Regional Director Hillory A. Tolson in Santa Fe that said,
Tolson contacted the director's office in Washington, D.C., about the matter. (Soon after, on April 13, 1940, Tolson left the regional director's position so was no longer involved in the road issue.) Director Cammerer's office in turn discussed the matter with Office of Indian Affairs Commissioner John Collier. Associate Director Demaray then directed Regional Archeologist Jesse L. Nusbaum to meet with Indian Service officials for an investigation of the site. The meeting was held on March 19, 1940. Nusbaum brought with him 82-year old Santiago Naranjo of Pueblo Santa Clara, New Mexico. [1112] Engineers Conway and Pratt returned to the Kaibab Indian Reservation for this meeting in a very angry state. Furious about having to return and to change road plans (since Heaton had not raised the issue of the ruins in January), the engineers insisted the Park Service pay their travel expenses. To that, Nusbaum replied that the Inter-Bureau Agreement of December 26, 1939, called for each Service to cover its own travel expenses when such matters arose. Heaton said in his own defense that he had not been aware of his responsibilities regarding archeological sites until he attended the custodian's conference in February. Then Nusbaum learned that during Conway and Pratt's earlier visit the road wasn't staked to the monument's southeast corner and that Heaton only knew they contemplated surveying westward across the reservation, but did not know the specifics of the route. After the four men surveyed the Late Pueblo II site south of the monument, the Indian Service engineers proposed a solution which would have placed the center line of the east-west road right on the monument's southern boundary, partially using the route of the monument's stock driveway (drive). At this point, it is necessary to interject the history of the monument's stock drive. At the time the monument was established, as well as long before, the old Kaibab Wagon Road which passed between the fort ponds and the fort (sometimes referred to later as the "old monument road") served as a stock drive. Nusbaum recalled that either Mather or Albright wished to terminate such use of the road but the Indian Service refused to provide any land for a stock drive that would bypass the monument. As a result, the Park Service created a 15-foot wide, fenced stock drive along its southern boundary (as well as for some distance along the east boundary) on its own lands. [1113] What the Indian Service engineers proposed in 1940 was that the Park Service donate this driveway plus an additional 17 feet of monument land for the north half of the road right-of-way. This would have resulted in the loss of 33 feet of Park Service land across the monument's entire width. In return, the reservation would give up 33 feet of reservation land for the road right-of-way (a total of 66 feet was required). Nusbaum reported, "This proposed location is satisfactory from the archeological standpoint. There is no surface evidence to indicate that any subterranean features, burials or structures, would be involved." [1114] In his report Nusbaum also made a brief reference to the suggestion (made on numerous occasions by others) that the archeological ruins become part of the monument through a formal expansion of its boundaries. "The inclusion of the mound... would be desirable but I am doubtful, in the light of past problems in the area and attitudes, if the Indian Service would favorably consider any proposal to incorporate this site as a part of the Monument area." [1115] Nusbaum's report on the March 19 meeting with Pratt and Conway was not written up and sent to the Washington office until September 1940. By this time, Newton B. Drury had succeeded Cammerer as Park Service director. Heaton reported in late August 1940 that he had learned that the Indian Service was not interested in any road improvements other than those for the road from Fredonia eastward, stopping just short of the monument, where it intersected with the road leading north to reservation headquarters, Kaibab Village. They did not intend to do any work on the road from the monument westward to the Utah state line. [1116] During August 1940 the Mohave County Commissioner visited the monument and told Heaton the county was furnishing cement and the Grazing Service's CCC camps were going to furnish labor to grade and gravel the road from Fredonia to the Utah line west of Short Creek, a length of 50 miles. To return to the subject of Nusbaum's report and the Indian Service engineers' recommendations, Acting Chief of Planning Albert H. Good reviewed and commented on this report to the regional director in late September who, as of August 8, 1940, was Minor R. Tillotson. Good wrote,
Good requested comments from the regional office prior to a submission of his own recommendations to Director Drury. Tillotson was temporarily detailed to the Washington office. The response came from Acting Regional Director Milo F. Christiansen who informed Drury that the issue had been considered during a staff conference held on October 12, 1940. While they concurred with Good that a location south of the ruins would be preferable to one that required giving up monument land, "the Indian Service would probably voice serious objections," Christiansen wrote, all of which related to increased expense. Engineer Conway had already raised these objections during the March 19 meeting with Nusbaum. Apparently the Park Service was planning to construct an approach road which would eventually replace the "contemplated low standard Indian Service road," argued Christiansen, so why not proceed with recommendation of Nusbaum and the Indian Service engineers as a "generous gesture" of cooperation with the Indian Service? [1118] Neither Al Kuehl nor Harvey Cornell approved of this plan, but either were not consulted on the issue or were overruled. Both preferred to see the road follow the route proposed by the Bureau of Public Roads in 1937 that passed south of the archeological ruins, a route then opposed by Dr. Farrow. After more than 20 years of conflict with the reservation's superintendent, perhaps Hugh Miller had no desire to start a new "war" with Dr. Farrow over the road issue. He too preferred the road be moved south of the ruins, but in late October he concurred with the regional office's decision to grant the Indian Service the proposed right-of-way along the monument's southern edge. [1119] By the end of October 1940, the Grazing Service had its three area CCC camps at work on the road from Fredonia to Short Creek. The completed road was to be 20 feet wide and gravel surfaced. [1120] Once the worst of winter weather set in, roadwork had to be suspended. When the roads began to dry out the following March, Heaton reported the three CCC camps went back to work on the road project. In addition, the Indian Service contributed a crew of 20 men and five trucks for hauling gravel. (Documentation suggests the Indian Service committed to grading and graveling a six-mile section of road east of the monument.) New bridges were also under construction in connection with the roadwork. Progress in roadwork by the Indian Service was hampered by a fluctuating work force. [1121] Still, Heaton hoped the improvements accomplished in 1940 and 1941 would increase monument visitation. In fact, it appears to have done just that, for visitation went from 1,141 in 1940 to 1,934 in 1941, an increase of 59 percent. During Al Kuehl's inspection visit to the monument on May 1, 1941, he learned that the Indian Service was willing to discuss siting the road "in accordance with the wishes of the Park Service." [1122] (This may have been due to Acting Chief Engineer Brown's intervention.) Kuehl informed Miller of this turn of events on May 8. Miller wrote to the regional office the following week, suggesting that it might be just the time to push once more for locating the road further south rather than across the monument's southern edge. Miller had hopes that the Grazing Service camps could perform the roadwork. [1123] Regional Director Tillotson in turn contacted Director Drury about the matter in June. Miller had heard nothing by late August, so contacted Tillotson again. This time he suggested the Park Service could take responsibility for the short section of road, possibly in cooperation with the Grazing Service. Miller hoped that a crew could be assigned for the job as had been done for the fort stabilization work earlier that year. [1124] On October 21, 1941, a year after the National Park Service had conceded the monument's stock drive as a right-of-way to the Indian Service road engineers, now Chief of Planning Thomas C. Vint called a meeting in the Washington office on the road situation. Attendees included Regional Director Tillotson and Indian Service engineers Brown and Towle. Brown knew nothing of the road situation or of Nusbaum's visit to the area in March to meet with Conway and Pratt. He was not opposed to moving the road location to a place approximating the Park Service's 1937 preliminary study. Brown inquired if the location desired by the Park Service was connected with a desire to add the Indian ruins to the monument, and was told that its only concern was to achieve the best possible location for the road. [1125] Vint and Tillotson learned that the Indian Service planned only to finish the road to a stretch east of Pipe Spring and to run an all-weather road out to Moccasin. Their work would stop a mile or two east of the monument. (This was information Heaton had provided Hugh Miller in August 1940.) Vint later wrote,
This is where the road issue reached a dead-end. Since any improvements depended heavily on CCC work crews and as only the County or Indian Service could provide funding, there was little the Park Service could do. Besides, by the end of 1941, there was a war on. Monument Interpretation during the Great Depression During the years the Civilian Conservation Corps camp was at Pipe Spring, Custodian Leonard Heaton often gave educational talks to enrollees. Sometimes his presentations were about the fort's history and at other times they were about other parks and monuments in the Southwest. These latter talks were often supplemented with slides provided by Zion National Park, shown on a projector loaned by the CCC's education adviser. For years, Heaton had relied heavily on his wife Edna to give guided tours of the fort when he was away or busy with projects. Once the family moved to Moccasin in February 1936, however, another backup plan was needed. Staff from other area parks and monuments was sometimes sent over to fill in when Heaton took extended leave. Professional staff was not always available, however. With permission from headquarters, Heaton turned to certain CCC boys he had confidence in to give tours when he was indisposed, or arranged for one of them to take charge of his monument duties when he was on extended leave. [1127] The public was not always happy with this alternative, however. On at least one occasion, a tour given by an inexperienced CCC enrollee prompted a formal visitor complaint to Heaton. [1128] In addition to his on-site talks, Heaton also gave talks to local public gatherings and organizations, such as the Church-sponsored Women's Relief Society of Moccasin. Some headway was made during the 1930s in historical research and preparation of an official history of Pipe Spring National Monument. The first history written by a Park Service employee was prepared by Leonard Heaton and printed in April 1936 as a Southwestern Monuments Report Supplement. It was entitled "Some Early History of Pipe Springs National Monument." [1129] The same year Heaton also wrote "A Brief History of the Town of Moccasin." At about the same time Heaton was writing a history of Pipe Spring, efforts were being made at the regional level in Santa Fe to research and prepare a scientific report that would guide interpretive planning. Associate Regional Geologist Vincent W. Vandiver first visited Pipe Spring on October 9, 1935, returning again in July and October 1936 with Regional Geologist Charles N. Gould. In late 1936 Vandiver paid a visit to the monument with Dr. Herbert E. Gregory of the United States Geological Survey. From the data he collected on these trips, Vandiver prepared a report in January 1937, entitled "Geological Report, Pipe Spring National Monument." (Vandiver's report was printed in February 1937 as Southwestern Monuments Special Report Supplement No. 14.) While this report focused mostly on the area's geology, it included a brief history of the monument, a description of the area (including Moccasin Springs and the Kaibab Indian Reservation), and lists of the monument's plants, birds, mammals, and reptiles. [1130] In November 1937 Superintendent Pinkley wrote Acting Regional Director Herbert Maier, requesting that a historical technician be assigned from the regional office to research the fort's history prior to undertaking a restoration of the fort's interior. [1131] Pinkley advised, "We have literally no organized information on Pipe Spring, so the technician, if assigned, would be starting from scratch." [1132] Pinkley later optimistically wrote Heaton "... we have started the wheels to grind slowly on a program of historical research which should eventually result in some good exhibits for Pipe Spring National Monument." [1133] Grind slowly they did, for it was another three and one-half years before Pinkley's request for research assistance at Pipe Spring bore any fruit. Meanwhile, Heaton did the best he could to improve fort displays. In May 1936 Heaton asked Pinkley for some display cases so that he could exhibit some of the "relics" he had collected for the fort museum. In December that year he wrote Pinkley describing the manner in which he had arranged displays in the fort:
Hampered by lack of funds for display cases, Heaton took whatever came his way. In May 1937 Pinkley offered Heaton several open shelf museum cases that were being surplused by Casa Grande National Monument. In May 1938 Heaton drove 165 miles to Cedar City to pick up a skin study case, sent by freight train from the Park Service office in Berkeley, California. The case was used at Pipe Spring to exhibit botanical specimens and animal skins. In March 1938 the monument had only a one-page, typed leaflet about the historic site. It gave the origin of the site's name (a story now regarded more as legend than documented fact) and a brief history of the site. It also described the area's geology and climate. The leaflet stated that the 40-acre monument
The leaflet described the monument's prime attraction,
In May 1938 a coordinated effort was begun between the Washington office, regional office, and Pipe Spring to plan and design a geologic exhibit at the monument. On May 23 a planning meeting was held at the monument between Assistant Chief Rothrock, Grand Canyon's Park Naturalist Edwin D. ("Ed") McKee, Al Kuehl, and Leonard Heaton. The meeting was along the lines of a fact-finding and scoping mission and yielded only preliminary designs. The chief function of the proposed exhibit, to be located out-of-doors, was to interpret the Sevier Fault, the geologic feature that resulted in the natural springs which in turn, Rothrock wrote, "attracted the Mormon settlers to this oasis." [1137] In addition to the planned exhibit shelter, Heaton suggested to those gathered that "a nature trail could be worked in, leaving the fort going north and west to [the] observation point, showing the plant life and back by way of the old quarry road, to the west cabin, being about [a] one-quarter mile trail." [1138] Heaton, of course, had been trying to interest Frank Pinkley in such a trail for years. Rothrock failed to mention the nature trail idea in his later trip report to Pinkley, but it appears to have been discussed with him at some point. [1139] Rothrock recommended that the regional office begin to assemble the exhibit right away for two reasons: first, in order to take advantage of the temporary assignment in the regional office of a geologist from the Washington office, and second, because of Heaton's enthusiasm for the project. [1140] Park Naturalist Dale S. King at Southwestern Monuments reviewed Rothrock's report. While concurring that a geologic exhibit and associated trail should be built, King wrote Pinkley, "Pipe Spring National Monument nature trail is far down in our priority list of needed projects in the Southwestern Monuments, but under the special circumstances, I am satisfied with the procedures outlined." [1141] The new exhibit and trail were to be constructed by CCC enrollees encamped at the monument. A job application still needed to be executed in order to utilize CCC forces toward the effort. The application could not be filed, however, until final designs were executed. On September 27, 1938, another meeting was held at the monument in order to formulate the final plans. The meeting included (in addition to Custodian Heaton) Regional Geologist Gould, Wildlife Technician W. B. McDougall, Assistant Geologist Hawkins (Washington office), Park Naturalist Ed McKee, Regional Landscape Architect Harvey Cornell, and Landscape Architects Al Kuehl and Harry Langley. Gould filed a report, referring to the exhibit as a "wayside shrine." The location of the exhibit and interpretive material to be included were decided at this time. The site chosen for the exhibit was the crest of a ridge about one-quarter mile from the fort where "a very fine view is obtained of the various points of interest." [1142] McKee made a pencil sketch depicting the kind of the exhibit shelter to be built, which Hawkins submitted to Rothrock in Washington. The trail surveying project had to be abandoned, however, when Hawkins was ordered back to Washington, D.C., from Santa Fe. [1143] Neither was the geologic exhibit constructed. It appears that other development plans were more pressing during the remaining time Camp DG-44 was at the monument. The CCC's permanent departure from Pipe Spring in October 1939 dashed Heaton's high hopes for both a geologic exhibit and nature trail. Heaton was active throughout this period locating and acquiring additional artifacts for the fort museum (either by donation or loan), yet there was still no exhibit plan. From the perspective of Park Service officials, fort exhibits did not measurably improve during the remainder of the 1930s. During Junior Park Naturalist Natt Dodge's December 1938 visit to the monument he commented on the condition of the fort's artifact collection and the manner of exhibition:
Assistant Chief Rothrock again visited Pipe Spring on May 15, 1939, to gather more data for preparing the monument's geologic exhibit. In his trip report, Rothrock recommended a north/northwest boundary extension of the monument to "include an area containing added biologic interest and to clarify the geological story so intimately connected with the establishment of the fort." [1145] As a general observation, he remarked, "I was impressed with the narrow range of interest and limited use of this monument." [1146] Meanwhile, in cooperation with Hugh Miller at Southwestern Monuments, Mrs. George Shields of Kanab, Utah, spent more than a year compiling a list of names and addresses of "old-timers" who had either lived at Pipe Spring or who were familiar with its history. [1147] Miller still hoped for funds to hire a research historian for Pipe Spring so that formal plans for its museum could be developed. In December 1940 Miller (who earlier in the year succeeded Frank Pinkley as superintendent) sent a request to Regional Director Tillotson asking for funds to hire a historian to conduct historical research on Pipe Spring. The oral history component was to be an important element of the research:
Miller opined that the "hearty cooperation" of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints might be secured once they were made aware that the Park Service proposed to record the history of "Mormon pioneering" in southern Utah and northern Arizona. No funds from the regional office were forthcoming, however. In January 1941 Regional Director Tillotson sent Miller the draft text for the first edition of a two-fold leaflet for Pipe Spring National Monument with a request for some additional information. [1149] In the final text, published in July 1941, only slight changes were made. The introduction stated,
The text also described the fort's natural setting and included the story of how Pipe Spring got its name. The history of Whitmore and McIntyre was recounted and the subsequent seizing and execution of "some Indians" wearing the clothes of the slain men. The text acknowledged that those executed were innocent, "peaceful Paiutes" having obtained the clothing in trade. "The real culprits, mostly Navahos and a few Paiutes, went scot-free," it said. The text also discussed Winsor's role in building the fort, improving the spring, and take care of the tithing cattle for the Church. The fort "will remain as a monument to the pioneer era," concluded the leaflet. Its author was Regional Supervisor of Historic Sites Aubrey Neasham. [1151] In May 1941 Superintendent Miller wrote Director Drury to ask if funds were available through the Branch of Research and Interpretation to hire a research historian. Miller estimated the research would require six months in the field in southern Utah as well as work in Salt Lake City. A historian "with affiliations with the Church of Latter-day Saints" would be preferred, Miller stated. [1152] The basic information provided would allow the park to proceed with the "interpretive rehabilitation" of Pipe Spring National Monument, Miller assured Drury, information that might even prove useful to Zion and Bryce Canyon national parks. Miller pointed out that "much information is disappearing with the death of the pioneers in this region.... We regard the problem as urgent and it lies beyond the scope of our capabilities." [1153] On May 24, 1941, Assistant Museum Chief Dorr G. Yeager, Western Museum Laboratories, wired Superintendent Miller that Research Collaborator Arthur Woodward (Western Museum Laboratories, Berkeley, California) could be assigned during a portion of June to work on Pipe Spring interpretive matters. While it was hardly the six months of research time that Miller had wanted, he jumped at the offer. On May 28 Miller sent Yeager a draft of the interpretive statement submitted for the monument's master plan, saying, "it still fairly well expresses our thinking." [1154] Miller said what was needed was "preliminary basic work which will result in rehabilitating Pipe Spring fort as a historic house museum." Miller wanted Woodward to focus on local history and/or material culture, whichever he could do most efficiently, and to set down his ideas about how Pipe Spring should be interpreted. Woodward was assigned from June 1 to 15, 1941, to research and prepare the first official narrative history of Pipe Spring National Monument, resulting in a 46-page report entitled "Brief Historical Sketch of Pipe Springs, Arizona." Woodward's report was based exclusively on secondary sources, such as James H. McClintock's Mormon Settlement in Arizona, as well as Utah newspapers, periodicals, and historical journals. This history was, in many respects, consistent with earlier site interpretations by the Church and local Latter-day Saints, including Leonard Heaton. These included the story of the origins of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the persecution of Latter-day Saints in the East and Midwest, Brigham Young's establishment of the state of Deseret in Utah, and the southward moving exploration and colonizing efforts of missionaries. Woodward stated that the site's history was
This then was to be the monument's major interpretive theme for some time to come; it differed little from the one set in place during the 1930s. Woodward's report included "Recommendations for Development" (i.e., interpretation), in which he stressed the usefulness of Pipe Spring ("until a better site is found") as representative of the larger southwest region's history of white settlement. "All of the elements necessary to produce such a story are present at Pipe Spring," he observed. [1156] The story was to include a number of subthemes, listed below. Woodward suggested starting in a logical sequence, with the "primitive background." He recommended that the ethnography of the Navajo and Paiute be outlined, stressing the social relations and contacts "between these hostile units," as well as their differences in material culture. Even the Hopi could be mentioned since Pipe Spring was the "jumping off place for Mormons" as they headed on their missions to the Hopi. [1157] Anther interpretive subtheme was the geography and geology of the area, under which the difficult struggle for existence (by both Indians and "pioneers") and the necessity of water were to be emphasized. The "Mormon hegira" was to be outlined without too much detail, advised Woodward, but the need for persecuted peoples to find a place where they could practice their religion freely and be economically independent should be stressed. The roles of Brigham Young, Jacob Hamblin, Dr. Whitmore, Bishop Winsor, and Joseph R. Young and his wives - going from the "guiding spirit" to the "rank and file" - were to be discussed, as well as the Latter-day Saints' relations with the Indians. According to Woodward, the latter story was "the old story of the frontier," the clash between the white man and the Indian. The white man's need for farming and grazing land and for water sources was to be contrasted with "the need of the same terrain by the ever meat-hungry, semi-nomadic Indian hunters" and "the clash between the white prospectors and the Indians." [1158] Aside from their religious beliefs, settlers and their material culture were to be portrayed "like any other pioneer migrating to the frontier." The subtheme of exploration and settlement was to be illustrated with artifacts dating from 1830 to 1880, even home-made articles from the 1890s were acceptable, said Woodward; they need not have been brought to Utah by Latter-day Saints. Cattle raising, dairying, and cooperatives were another subtheme to be developed. The stories of the first telegraph station in Arizona and the construction of Winsor Castle were also to be told. Narrative text, maps, and antique artifacts (or, if need be, replicas) were to be obtained and displayed to illustrate all these subthemes. Woodward thought donations by Latter-day Saints would fill the monument's need for furnishings, if a "call was sent out through Utah." [1159] Yeager forwarded the Woodward report on June 19, 1941, to Superintendent Miller, who wrote,
Heaton barely learned of Woodward's work before it was completed. On the same date, Yeager forwarded the Woodward's report to Miller, Heaton wrote Miller offering his assistance and making a suggestion: "I would like to suggest that if possible to have Mr. Woodward come to the monument, or to southern Utah, and contact what few men that are still living (and women too?) who can remember some of the things that were done in 1869 to 1880." [1161] No oral interviews were conducted during the course of the two weeks of historical research. There is no evidence that Woodward ever even left Berkeley. Miller tried to console Heaton in his reply:
Heaton responded back to Miller,
In August 1941 Park Naturalist Russell K. Grater, now at Zion National Park, forwarded his comments and recommendations on Woodward's report to Superintendent Miller. Grater advised against the monument's attempting to discuss the Hopi, as "other areas tell the story of the Pueblo much better than can Pipe Springs.... This is also true of the Piute [sic] and Navajo." Only local geography and "lack of water" should be interpreted at Pipe Spring, wrote Grater; the regional geology should be left to Grand Canyon, Zion, and Bryce Canyon national parks. The history of Mormon settlement efforts should focus on Pipe Spring, and "not attempt to cover all areas," Grater opined. The stories of Pipe Spring and Zion should supplement each other, to entice travelers to visit both sites. He urged a coordinated plan of interpretation for both areas. [1164] Acting Superintendent Charles A. Richey sent a memorandum to Acting Custodian Russell L. Mahan at Arches National Monument in November 1941, discussing plans for the Pipe Spring interpretive program:
At this time, however, two things altered the course of events pertaining to the development of Pipe Spring National Monument's interpretive program. The first was the entry of the United States into World War II, which occurred shortly after Richey's above-communication with Mahan. The second was the transfer of the monument's administration from Southwestern Monuments to Zion National Park, which took place during February 1942. The impact of those events is described in the following chapter.
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