Gettysburg Seminar Papers

GETTYSBURG 1895-1995:
The Shaping of an American Shrine

In Lasting Tribute:
The U.S. Army and Gettysburg - Post 1863
Mark Snell
Director of the Center for the Study of the Civil War at Shepherd College

Army Field Manual 22-100 is the standard guide for teaching leadership skills to the junior officers and non-commissioned officers of our modern army. It is used at West Point, in ROTC detachments, at the Officer Candidate School, and in all of the primary leadership development courses for enlisted soldiers. One might be surprised then to turn to the first page of the manual and see a picture of Colonel Joshua Chamberlain followed by a case study of his actions along the rock-strewn slope of Little Round Top. The question soon arises: What is the relationship between a battle fought 132 years ago and modern warfare? The answer is simple. Although weapons and tactics change, the traits of a good leader remain the same, whether that leader fought at Gettysburg, in the Ardennes Forest, or in Kuwait. Thus, the United States Army of today seeks to instill in its leaders the skills and values that enabled men like Joshua Chamberlain to overcome great odds and lead soldiers to victory. Presently, those who wear the Army green do not just read about this great battle and the men who fought it. Through the use of historical staff rides, modern warriors have returned to these once-bloody fields to teach senior officers and cadets alike the successes and mistakes of their predecessors.

But the relationship between the U.S. Army and the Gettysburg battlefield is not a recent manifestation. In fact, it has been an intermittent affair since the initial days of July, 1863. During the next century and more, American soldiers in blue, khaki, cadet-grey, olive-drab, and camouflage uniforms descended upon these hallowed fields to study, train for other battles, and commemorate the deeds of those who went before them.

With the departure of the Army of Northern Virginia and the Army of the Potomac from the area surrounding this little town during the summer of 1863, the bond between the Army and Gettysburg began to weaken. Winning the war and reconstructing the South would be more important to the Army than memorializing its heroes or learning from this great Civil War battlefield. Though invalid soldiers recuperating from battle wounds remained in Gettysburg and its environs into 1864, there were few other troops in the area thereafter, except for units participating in the dedication of the National Cemetery in November, 1863 and soldiers attending the 1865 dedication of the Soldiers' National Monument. [1] The surrender of the Confederacy in the spring of 1865 once again brought into focus the irregular warfare between soldiers on the frontier and the Indian nations they were trying to conquer. Subduing these formidable foes would keep military minds occupied for the next few decades.

The first time a large body of troops "invaded" Gettysburg after the war was when the Pennsylvania National Guard went into division camp at Gettysburg for seven days in 1884. [2] What a sight these men from the Keystone State must have been as they arrived dressed in their Civil War-vintage uniforms, carrying the same muzzle-loading muskets used to such effect a generation before! Many of the Guard's officers had fought in the war, some even at Gettysburg, and surely there were Guardsmen whose fathers had participated in the bloody struggle. Camped on the battlefield, the part-time soldiers were reviewed by General Phil Sheridan, a Civil War legend in his own right, who in 1884 was the Commanding General of the United States Army. [3]

The National Guard of Pennsylvania would camp and train at Gettysburg on several more occasions during the rest of the nineteenth century and into the early years of the twentieth. Once in a while the presence of guard units had little to do with training. In 1889 a Guard regiment from the Johnstown area went to Gettysburg to support the veterans' encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic. These guardsmen could not attend regular summer maneuvers with the rest of the state forces because they had lost most of their arms and equipment in the great Johnstown Flood. [4]

The first appearance of a large force of Regular units at Gettysburg was not until 1894, when elements of the active Army went into camp with the Pennsylvania National Guard. According to an early historian of the Guard, "The Cavalry and artillery were encamped with Regular Army artillery on the east side of the Taneytown Road. General Headquarters and the rest of the troops were on Seminary Ridge on the same ground occupied by General Lee's forces during the Battle of Gettysburg." [5]

On February 11th, 1895, Congress passed legislation establishing Gettysburg National Military Park. The Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association, founded less than a year after the battle, thereupon transferred to the park the 600 acres it had acquired. [6] Daniel S. Lamont, Grover Cleveland's Secretary of War, meanwhile had appointed a commission for "purchasing of land for avenues and marking the positions of troops, [supervising]...the construction and fencing of the avenues...and [the procurement of] mark the positions of troops." The three members of the commission and the first park superintendent, Lieutenant Colonel E.B. Cope, formerly of the Corps of Engineers, were all Civil War veterans. [7]

Under the supervision of the War Department the Gettysburg battlefield was transformed into one of the best known and most manicured historical sites in the country. When an officer from the Army Inspector General's Bureau examined the National Military Park in 1904, his report reflected the immense strides which Colonel Cope had made. In the nine years since the Army assumed responsibility for the battlefield, avenues had been constructed, wood and steel fences erected, road gutters paved, and vegetation planted. Stone fences had been reconstructed where they existed during the battle, 324 cannon and 462 tablets marking troop positions were erected, and five steel observation towers were built, a few of which still exist. According to the inspector, "The character of the work done and the general conditions showed a very intelligent and thorough system as to construction, care, and maintenance." In a comment that would surprise anyone who has ever dealt with and "I.G.," the inspector wrote: "I have nothing to suggest in the way of improvements upon the methods and systems of the [Gettysburg National Military Park] Commission." [8]

About this time, around the turn of the century, cadets from the United States Military Academy began making the 500-mile round trip to Gettysburg during the spring of their senior year. This "staff ride," made by the entire First Class of the Corps of Cadets, became an annual occurrence and lasted through 1915. [9] During their excursion, cadets studied the lay of the land, analyzed the strategy of commanders, and evaluated unit tactics through the use of terrain walks and guided tours. For a bird's eye view of the field, they could ascend one of the new steel observation towers. [10]

Cadets who visited the field during these early years of the twentieth century included many future commanders of the World Wars and Korean War, such as "Vinegar Joe" Stillwell, George S. Patton, and Omar Bradley. Some would pay the ultimate price of patriotism, just as their predecessors had done at Gettysburg only a few decades earlier. In 1905 one cadet wrote: "The [trips] have taught us many things which are not in the books and which some of us never would have learned otherwise." [11] Writing to his future wife from the Eagle Hotel in Gettysburg on May 11th, 1909, Cadet Patton painted a mystical portrait of the battlefield. Listen to his thoughts:

...There is to me strange fascination in looking at the scenes of the awful struggles which raged over this country. A fascination and a regret. I would like to have been there too.

This evening after supper I walk down to the scene of the last and greatest struggle on Cemetery Hill. To get in a proper frame of mind I wandered through the cemetery and let the spirits of the dead, thousands laid there in ordered rows, sink deep into me. Then just as the son [sic] sank behind the South Mountains I walked down to the scene of Pickett's great charge and seated on a rock just where... two of my great uncles died I watched the wonder of the day go out.

The sunset painted a dull red the fields over which the terrible advance was made and I could almost see them coming growing fewer and fewer while around and behind me stood calmly the very cannon that had so punished them. There were some quail calling in the trees near by and it seemed strange that they could do it where man had known his greatest and last emotions. It was very wonderful and no one came to bother me. I drank it in until I was quite happy. A strange pleasure yet a very real one.

I think that it takes and evening like that to make one understand what men will do in battle. It was a wonderful yet foolish battle. [12]

Six years later, in the midst of World War I, Cadet Edwin Kelton, Class of 1915, shared his impression of the battlefield. Here's what he wrote:

We had a glorious time at Gettysburg. The weather most of the time was ideal. Only when on top of the steel tower on Big Round Top did the mist get so thick that we could not see the battlefield. Monday morning we spent in driving over the field, reading tablets and trying to get an idea of how the fighting did take place. I can't say that we learned much in the way of tactics and how to lead troops, but at least we gained a wholesome respect for those boys and men who advanced in solid lines upon an infantry line that was hurling death at them, besides artillery sending out a steady stream of shrapnel.... No, I have not much desire to see this country go to war again, but if the Germans don't wake up pretty soon I shall be forced to become an Ally. [13]

The Germans, however, did not "wake up," and many of these young West Pointers would be called upon to apply the lessons they learned at the Academy and on their battlefield tours after America's entry into the "war to end all wars."

The cadets thus sought to learn from Gettysburg and the results were sometimes of considerable importance. One of Cadet Kelton's classmates, a young Kansan names Dwight David Eisenhower, returned three years after his spring trip. [14] He and his new wife Mamie made their way to South-central Pennsylvania where Ike would become commander of the Army's first training camp for the fledgling Tank Corps. Located in an area over which the left flank of Pickett's Charge came, the cantonment area already had been occupied by soldiers of the Fourth and Seventh Infantry Regiments of the Regular Army a few years before. The training ground was renamed Camp Colt in honor of the revolver manufacturer. [15] (Incidentally, this was not the first time the Army used a battlefield park as a major training area prior to embarking on a campaign. In 1898, the Army trained on the Chickamauga battlefield, the first of the Civil War battlefields to become a National Park, prior to sailing for Cuba in the war against Spain.)

As Mamie tried to make a home out of the residence the Eisenhowers had rented adjacent to the Gettysburg College campus, Lieutenant Colonel Eisenhower and his staff attended to the administration and logistics of running an army training camp. During the first months of his command the camp grew from an initial contingent of 500 men to a population, by the end of July, of 10,000 enlisted men and 600 officers. [16] Temporary barracks sprang up west of the Emmittsburg Road across the fields over which Pickett's Charge occurred, and I am told that chunks of cement from the camp's in-ground swimming pool, which was located in front of the High Water Mark Memorial, can still be found in the ravine there.

Eisenhower soon issued orders to saloons and bars in town not to sell liquor to his troops. He was authorized to close all such establishments within five miles, but opted to keep them open and have his provost marshal "keep an eye on them." [17] In the words of young Eisenhower, "Things seemed to be working out until I got a report that a man who owned a sizable hotel with a bar had been surreptitiously serving liquor to men in uniform." Eisenhower thus had a decision to make: he either could close the hotel and run the risk of angering the local politicians, or he could ensure that his soldiers could not sneak in for drinks. Ike chose the latter course. He posted guards at the front of the hotel to prevent any soldiers from entering. The hotel owner complained to his congressman. Eisenhower would not lift the guard. The owner wrote to the War Department. Ike received a letter from the Assistant Secretary of War commending him. The owner gave up, and even apologized to Eisenhower. Threatening to shut him down if anything happened again, Ike removed the guards. [18]

Tanks were not available in the United States in the summer of 1918, so Ike drilled his men by practicing with machine guns and small-caliber naval cannon, the former mounted on truck beds. Years later, the man who became the 34th President reminisced about those days. Listen to what he said:

The only satisfactory place for firing was Big Round Top, a terrain feature that has a prominent place in the history of the Battle of Gettysburg. Its base made a perfect backstop. Soon, soldiers were shooting from moving trucks at all kinds of targets there and the firing might have been heavier than during the great battle fifty-five years earlier. [19]

But the principal problem Eisenhower faced at Camp Colt was not lack of tanks; it was an invisible killer—Spanish Influenza. In September, 1918, Colt received a group of drafted men from another camp. Eisenhower reported that soon after, some of the men were "registering high fevers and were obviously very ill. The camp surgeon immediately took countermeasures. Before noon, 'Spanish Flu' was recognized." As in 1863. the town's churches were again converted to make-shift hospitals, and army doctors treated soldiers and civilians alike. By the end of the first week, 175 of Eisenhower's soldiers were dead. [20]

Gradually, things returned to normal. The Army was planning on transferring Eisenhower's troops to North Carolina before colder weather, as there were no suitable winter quarters at Camp Colt. Before the move could occur, however, November 11th rolled around and the war was over. Tank training was discontinued on November 18th—one day before the 55th anniversary of the Gettysburg Address. The camp was abandoned on August 15th, 1919. [21] But the Eisenhowers could not totally abandon Gettysburg. As we all know, Ike and Mamie would return years later to purchase a house and pass their remaining years in the solitude of the old battlefield.

The end of World War I and departure of the doughboys from Camp Colt did not end relations between the U.S. Army and Gettysburg. The War Department administered the National Military Park until 1933, when it was transferred to the National Park Service. In 1938 the Army returned, this time as part of the 75th anniversary celebration of the battle. But before discussing the Army's role in the 1938 celebration, let's back up a bit and take a look at the 50th anniversary in 1913. This indeed was the celebration to end all celebrations. It marked Gettysburg as a great meeting place of American history and patriotism, and it was a grand success largely because of the efforts of the officers and soldiers of the U.S. Army.

As early as January 1912, War Department officials had met with representatives of the Pennsylvania Commission, 50th Anniversary of the Battle of Gettysburg, and the Joint Special Committee of the Congress to make provisions for the anniversary celebration. An Act of Congress of August 26th, 1912 authorized $150,000 to the War Department, matched by an equal amount from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [22]

Soon after Congress gave the nod of approval, the Army set up a "joint headquarters" in Gettysburg with the Pennsylvania Commission. [23] The bulk of administrative and logistical matters concerning the anniversary became the responsibility of the Quartermaster Department, which possessed expertise in transportation, supply, and food service for large numbers of men. The task would be monumental, with requirements to feed, shelter, and transport 53,000 elderly Northern and Southern veterans "whose average age was probably well over 70 years." [24] An army physician who served during the celebration guessed that "never before in the world's history... [had] so great a number of men so advanced in years been assembled under field conditions." [25]

The Army sent nearly 1,500 soldiers to the "Great Camp," as the cantonment of the reunion would be called. The War Department deemed these soldiers "necessary for... proper administration of its many . . . details, and to police and protect the camp. . . [and] the avenues throughout the battlefield." [26] When the reporters (155—invited as guests of the government) and the civilian cooks, bakers, and kitchen police (2,170) were added to the list, the total number of "campers" came to over 57,000. [27]

To command the Great Camp, the Army detailed Brigadier General Hunter Liggett, who would become well-known during World War I as Commanding General of the American Expeditionary Force's First Army. Liggett's career would be remembered when the Army named a post in California after him, but two junior officers who served under him at Gettysburg were destined to surpass him in the annals of American military history: lieutenants in 1913 were Simon Bolivar Buckner, Jr. and George S. Patton, Jr. The son of the Confederate general who surrendered Fort Donelson to General U.S. Grant in 1862, Buckner rose to the rank of lieutenant general, and became the ranking American soldier to die in combat during World War II when he was killed while commanding on Okinawa in 1945. In 1913 Patton accompanied the 1st Squadron, 15th Cavalry Regiment. This unit, along with two battalions of the 5th Infantry; Battery D, 3rd Artillery; Company C, 1st Engineers; and 288 officers and enlisted men of the Medical Department comprised the bulk of the Regulars at Gettysburg that year. [28] Remarkably, the usually long-winded Patton had little to note on this "visit" to Gettysburg. From his letters, he obviously wasn't enamored with his role as a "park policeman," as he called it. Commenting on the elderly veterans, he wrote: "They are a disgusting bunch, dirty and old, and of the people who 'God Loves.' One old hound has been beating a drum ever since he got here. Two others have a cannon which they fire as often as possible." [29]

From June 29th until July 6th the Union and Confederate veterans took part in the celebration honoring their deeds from fifty years before. Many of the addresses and official functions of the reunion took place in the "Great Tent" that the Army troops erected just east of the Emmittsburg Road. To truly appreciate the magnitude of the army's responsibilities during the reunion, consider the following statistics: camp dimensions—247 acres; tents erected-—6,592; mess kits issued—54,000; meat consumed—156,410 pounds; telephone wire laid—90 miles; medical cases treated—9,986. [30] Complicating matters was the heat, exceeding 100 degrees on July 2. There was the confusion created by thousands of wandering tourists. And, as mentioned, the frailty of the honored guests. Yet the celebration went off without a hitch. [31]

Twenty-five years later the U.S. Army was once again called upon to assist with another anniversary, this time the last reunion of Northern and Southern veterans. The Park Service had taken over the administration of Gettysburg National Military Park five years earlier, so the Army's responsibility during the 1938 Battle Anniversary was far less than in 1913. In fact, the presence of the soldiers was more theatrical than practical. According to the official report, "a large, active United States Army representation... would do much to indelibly impress upon the minds of all that Americanism is the only form of 'ism' patriotically sanctioned in this country." [32] During an era racked by fears of Communism, Naziism, and Fascism, with the country still in the grips of the worst depression in its history, the presence of the Army at the anniversary of the battle, more than anything else, was symbolic of a strong central government.

Infantry, artillery, cavalry, armor, and coast artillery did stage maneuvers, to the delight of the old warriors and hundreds of thousands of spectators. An equipment exhibit was set up, and the Air Corps undertook a fly-over. [33] Construction and administration of the Veteran's camp was accomplished by the 28th Division, Pennsylvania National Guard. But there were only a few old veterans this time. Attendance was 1,800. Average age was 91. [34] The torch was being passed to a newer generation of heroes.

During World War II, Gettysburg was not heard from much, and nearly slipped from public notice. Few people had time or gasoline to visit, and the Army had better things about which to worry than teaching officers the problems of Lee and Meade. The Eternal Light Peace Memorial, lit by President Franklin D. Roosevelt during the 75th anniversary, had to be extinguished to preserve the natural gas it consumed. Then in 1944, a POW camp was established on the battlefield to detain German prisoners who provided agricultural labor for Adams County's many farms, orchards, and food processing plants. Housed first in the National Guard Armory on Seminary Ridge and the relocated to the fields adjacent to the "Home Sweet Home" Motel, the camp housed up to 500 POWs and 90 guards. Better housing for the American soldiers eventually was located in the old Civilian Conservation Corps camp located near McMillan Woods, and came to be called "Camp Sharpe." But when the demand for labor diminished as winter approached, the prisoners were moved and the camp was closed in January, 1945. [35] (Mention the escapes and the curiosity displayed toward the Nazis by some of the local girls; also discuss the relationship and escape plan by the Ortanna girl that was thwarted by the FBI.)

In 1951, in the midst of yet another war, the Army War College moved to Carlisle Barracks, only twenty-eight miles from here. Ever since, the senior officers who attend the school have made annual battlefield tours. [36] Jay Luvaas and Brigadier General Hal Nelson, two historians who authored a book on this subject and continue to lead staff rides for military personnel, have this to say about what modern-day officers strive to learn:

It seeks to enable the professional soldier to learn more about his trade through the study and analysis of an old battlefield in areas involving leadership, battle intelligence, the use of terrain, unit cohesion, tactics, the psychology of man in combat, or any other aspect of the military art that will always be applicable.... [37]

Senior officers are not the only students who still learn from Gettysburg. While I was an ROTC cadet at Gettysburg College in the mid-1970s, I trudged up Oak Ridge and through McPherson's Woods along with my fellow cadets. Armed with a topographical map, compass, and binoculars, our military science instructors endeavored to show the problems of battlefield leadership in 1863 so American soldiers in future battles might benefit.

In 1986, cadets of the United States Military Academy one again began making the annual Gettysburg visit. Since then, cadets enrolled in "History of the Military Art" are offered a weekend staff ride to enhance classroom instruction. The week before the trip they receive a classroom introduction to the battle and read The Killer Angels. Upon arrival at the park, the cadets set out for the field in small groups, employing maps and first-hand accounts of the fighting to get a "feel" for what it might have been like to wage combat during those three terrible days in July so long ago.

During a staff ride several years ago, one cadet group was told to make its way up the rocky front slope of Little Round Top. As the cadets struggled over the boulders and through the brush, I reminded them that Confederate soldiers who attempted the same climb in 1863 were carrying muskets and equipment, were wearing wool uniforms in 90-degree heat, and were probably hungry, thirsty, and scared out of their wits—thousands of lead balls were whizzing past their heads, the smoke and noise deadened their senses, and comrades lay dead and wounded all around them. Afterward, when questioned how a young officer might have inspired his men under those circumstances, here's what one cadet said: "Sir, I've seen pictures of this place and read about it before, and if I was asked that question in class I probably would have given a textbook response." Pausing for a moment he reflected, "But out here, actually climbing up the hill and imagining what those guys went through... well, I just don's know. We had a tough time getting to the top with nobody shooting at us." Another cadet just shook his head and remarked "Those men sure had guts." Perhaps the real lesson of the staff ride was similarily made by another cadet on a staff ride two years later she said "Looking back now I realize that the most important thing that I learned was how it must feel to stand on a piece of terrain and make a decision that will affect the lives of soldiers and their families." [38]

In recent years, especially since the Ken Burns series and Ted Turner's movie, the American people have gained a renewed interest in Gettysburg. But gone are the vestiges of Camp Colt, although a housing development and city park occupy part of the site and bear the camp's name. Ike Eisenhower is still remembered though, as droves of sightseers board buses which take them to his retirement house, now known as Eisenhower National Historic Site. They gaze at his bed and remark on the color of Mamie's drapes, but few know, or even care, that the thirty-fourth president first came to Gettysburg as a young soldier, long before D-Day or the White House.

In the many years since the end of the Battle of Gettysburg, the U.S. Army has changed dramatically. M-1 Tanks, Apache Attack Helicopters, Patriot Missiles, and automatic weapons have replaced horses and muzzle-loading weapons; artillerymen no longer have to see their targets to hit them; and battlefield computers are commonplace. But there are still lessons to be learned from places like Devil's Den, the Peach Orchard, and Culp's Hill. That is why the current and future leaders of the United States Army continue to return to this hallowed ground, like Antaeus of Greek mythology, to touch the earth and renew their strength.


1. William A. Frassanito. Gettysburg: A Journey in Time. New York: Charles A. Scribner, 1975. p. 123

2. Charles M. Clement, ed. Pennsylvania in the World War. Pittsburgh: States Publication Society, 1921. Volume 1, p. 101.

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid., p. 102. This was the 12th Regiment.

5. Ibid., p. 104.

6. Frederick Tilberg. Gettysburg. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1954 (rev. ed., 1962). Pp. 46-47.

7. United States Government. Annual Reports of the Gettysburg National Military Park Commission to the Secretary of War, 1893-1904. Washington: Gov's Printing Office, 1905. Pp. 7-10

8. Ibid., pp. 103-107

9. Richard Rowe. "Gettysburg Staff Ride." Assembly, vol. XLV, no. 2, September, 1986. Pp. 32-33, 56.

10. Ibid., pp. 30-31.

11. Quoted in Rowe, "Gettysburg 'Staff Ride'."

12. Martin Blumenson, ed. The Patton Papers, 1885-1940 (Boston, 1972). Volume 1, pp. 191-192.

13. Cadet Edwin C. Kelton to Florence Hatton, May 5, 1915. Kelton Papers. USMA Special Collections, USMA Library, West Point, NY.

14. Dwight D. Eisenhower. At Ease. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967. In a footnote on p. 145, Eisenhower acknowledges that he was present "when my class came down from West Point in 1915 for our pre-graduation visit."

15. Eisenhower, At Ease. p. 137. Robert B. Roberts. Encyclopedia of Historic Forts. New York: MacMillan Publishing, 1988. p. 677. The information concerning the 4th and 7th Infantry was provided by Kathy Harrison, chief historian of Gettysburg National Military Park.

16. Eisenhower, At Ease. p. 140.

17. Ibid., p. 144

18. Ibid., pp. 144-145

19. Ibid. Camp Colt eventually received three small French tanks manufactured by Renault. They arrived, however, without weapons (At Ease, p. 147).

20. Ibid, pp. 148-9.

21. Eisenhower, At Ease. p. 149. Roberts, Historic Forts. p. 677.

22. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Fiftieth Anniversary of the Battle of Gettysburg:Report of the Pennsylvania Commission. Harrisburg: William S. Ray, State Printer, 1914. Pp. 11-14. The total amount of money allocated by the various state governments and veterans' organizations for the anniversary came to over $1,175,000 (Report of the Pa. Commission, p. 37).

23. Ibid., p. 14.

24. Ibid., p. 60.

25. Ibid.

26. Ibid., p. 40. In addition to soldiers of the Regular Army, officers and men of the Penna. National Guard also took part in the anniversary celebration.

27. Ibid.

28. Ibid., pp. 42-45.

29. Patton Papers. Vol. 1, p. 280.

30. Ibid., pp. 40-42, 64.

31. Ibid., pp. 55, 232-234. Nine of the old veterans died during the celebration, but considering the advanced age of participants and the problems associated with the heat and general excitement, the mortality rate was quite low.

32. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Report of the Pennsylvania Commission of the Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the Battle of Gettysburg. Gettysburg: Times & News Publishing Co., 1939. Vol. 4, p. 341.

33. Ibid., pp 324, 341-42.

34. Ibid., p. 325. On p. 444 there is and excerpt from the Milwaukee Journal which claimed that the youngest veteran was 86, the oldest 99, and the average age was 91.

35. "The Prisoner of War Camps located in or Near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, During World War II, 1944-46." No date or author. Historical Files at GNMP, Gettysburg, PA.

36. Jay Luvaas and Harold W. Nelson. The U.S. Army War College Guide to the Battle of Gettysburg. Carlisle: South Mountain Press, 1986. p. x.

37. Ibid., pp x-xi. One officer who attended the War College said that there "is something to be gained from walking those fields that will never on a computer terminal or Pentagon briefing chart" (p. xi).

38. Ibid. (1989).

Previous Top