THE RIGHT TO FIGHT: African-American Marines in World War II
by Bernard C. Nalty
The 51st Defense Battalion at War
Because they were replacing the 7th Defense
Battalion, LeGette's former command, already established in the Ellice
group, the black Marines turned in all the heavy equipment they had
brought with them from Montford Point and boarded the merchantman SS
Meteor, which sailed from San Diego on 11 February 1944. Less
than a month had elapsed since the last train left North Carolina on the
first leg of the journey to war. While Meteor steamed toward the
Ellice Islands, the 51st Defense Battalion divided into two components.
Detachment A, led by Lieutenant Colonel Gould P. Groves, the executive
officer, would garrison Nanomea Island, while the rest of the battalion,
under Colonel LeGette, manned the defenses of Funafuti and nearby
Nukufetau. By 27 February, the 51st completed the relief of the 7th
Defense Battalion, taking over the white unit's weapons and equipment.
One of the African-American Marines, upon first experiencing the
isolation that surrounded him, suggested that the departing whites "were
never so glad to see black people in their lives." A flurry of action
briefly dispelled the feeling of loneliness. On 28 March, crews of the
155mm guns at Nanomea responded to the report of a prowling submarine by
firing 11 rounds, but the Japanese craft, if actually present escaped
unscathed.
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A
gun crew of the 51st Defense Battalion trains for overseas
deployment. National Archives Photo 127-N-9507
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The Death March
Fraser Road would figure in one of the legends of
Montford Point, the so-called Death March. One of the black Marines
living in the ramshackle barracks formerly occupied by the Civilian
Conservation Corps grew bored and used his bayonet to punch a hole in a
wall, which had all the durability of cardboard. The noncommissioned
officers questioned the men, who refused to identify the person guilty
of the vandalism. As a result, the sergeants staged a nighttime forced
march the Death March in the lore of the Montford Point Marines
but this failed to elicit the name they sought. According to one
account, when the column reached the site of the brig on Fraser Road,
the black Marines decided that to go further would dishonor the memory
of a dead comrade, Corporal Gilbert Fraser, Jr., who was killed in a
training accident. They broke ranks, rushed the brig, and demanded to
be arrested or so the legend states. Since the number of
potential prisoners would have been far too many for the structure to
accommodate they were "hanging out the windows," one of the black
Marines has declared the non-commissioned officers marched them
back to the huts. Whatever the details, the incident became the source
of pride and further intensified the solidarity among Montford Point's
African-American Marines.
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Colonel LeGette, who maintained his headquarters at
Funafuti, received a letter from the Commandant of the Marine Corps
calling attention to the poor condition of the trucks and weapons his
battalion had left behind in California. This chilling message tended to
confirm LeGette's reservations about the unit. His concerns focused on
administrative procedures and the maintenance of equipment, activities
that required close supervision by experienced noncommissioned officers,
who were scarce in the unit. The battalion commander sought to fix the
blame for the shortcomings that had been revealed and to correct
them.
(click on image for an enlargement in a new window)
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To fix responsibility LeGette convened a board of
investigation that condemned his predecessor for failing to whip the
battalion into shape and recommended a trial by courtmartial, but
Stephenson responded with a spirited rejoinder that fore stalled legal
action. Most of the problems that troubled LeGette stemmed from
something over which Stephenson had no control the absence of a
cadre of veteran black noncommissioned officers, itself the result of
racial segregation and the exclusion of African-Americans from the
prewar Marine Corps. Despite his successor's complaints, Stephenson
considered the 51st Defense Battalion "the finest organization in the
whole Negro program in the Marine Corps." Since the men of the unit did
not know the details of the controversy involving the two commanders,
morale remained high.
The Route West
The 51st Defense Battalion's move across a segregated
America began with a confrontation in Atlanta, Georgia, where one of the
trains stopped so the men could have breakfast. Unaware of the layout of
the Jim Crow railroad station, the noncommissioned officers moved the
black Marines into a waiting room reserved for whites, only to be halted
by white military police determined to uphold local law. The
African-Americans stood ready to push their way through, but the train
commander arrived, conferred with the officer in charge of the MPs, and
prevented a tense situation from turning violent.
Elsewhere, the move to the West Coast went more
smoothly. During a rest stop at Big Springs, Texas, one of the officers
warned that this was Jim Crow country and urged the black Marines to be
careful. They swarmed over the small town, however, and encountered no
open hostility, obtaining service at the soda fountain or shooting pool
at the facilities maintained for troops whose trains stopped at Big
Springs. Further west, during a two-hour layover at Yuma, Arizona, Red
Cross volunteers distributed candy, ice cream, fruit, magazines, and
Bibles. One of the African-Americans, John R. Griffin, got the
impression that "the entire city, including the Mexicans and Indians,
came to the station to see the first Negro Defense Battalion go
overseas."
At Camp Elliott, California, where the battalion made
its final preparations for deployment to the Pacific, the racial climate
more closely resembled Atlanta than Yuma or Big Springs. At an open-air
movie, Jim Crow seating prevailed and the black Marines were ordered to
the rear of the natural amphitheater that served as a theater. A
spontaneous protest resulted in the expulsion of the men of the 51st,
whose anger still boiled when they arrived at the battalion area.
Stephenson tried to make up for the mistreatment of his Marines by
liberally granting passes so they could find entertainment in nearby San
Diego.
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LeGette proposed a course of action to correct the
flaws he had perceived. His remedy, however, included measures rendered
impossible because of the demands of other units for officers and the
policy of maintaining segregation in the enlisted force. He would have
increased the number of white officers and warrant officers assigned to
the unit and avoided the "occupational neurosis" resulting from service
with blacks by replacing those officers who desired to leave the
battalion. He further recommended the replacement of enlisted men in
Categories IV and V with individuals who had scored better in the
classification tests, a goal that could have been achieved only by
raiding other black units.
The 51st Defense Battalion remained in the Ellice
Islands roughly six months. When the black Marines received orders to
depart, they carefully cleaned and checked the equipment inherited from
the 7th Defense Battalion before turning everything over to the white
10th Defense Battalion. LeGette's unit set sail on 8 September 1944 for
Eniwetok Atoll, a vast anchorage kept under sporadic surveillance, and
occasionally harassed, by Japanese aircraft. The battalion stood ready
to meet this threat from the skies, since it had reorganized two months
earlier as an antiaircraft unit, losing its 155mm guns but adding a
fourth 90mm battery and exchanging its machine guns and 20mm weapons for
a second 40mm battery. The restructured unit kept its searchlights and
radar. While the black Marines manned positions on four of the atoll's
islands, Colonel LeGette on 13 December handed over the battalion to
Lieutenant Colonel Groves. A member of the unit, Herman Darden, Jr.,
remembered that the departing commander "took us out on dress parade
before he left, and stood there with tears in his eyes and told us . .
., 'You have shown me that you can soldier with the best of 'em.'"
The possibility of action lingered into 1945, kept
alive by a report of marauding submarines and the possibility of aerial
attack. One night, while the men of the 90mm antiaircraft group were
watching a movie, the film abruptly stopped. Condition Red; Japanese
aircraft were on the way. "I never saw such jubilation in my life,"
recalled Darden, "for every one responded eagerly. A Marine on a working
party unloading ammunition might grumble about lifting a single 90mm
round, but with combat seemingly minutes away, men were running around
with one under each arm." By dawn, the alert had ended; not even one
Japanese aircraft tested the battalions gun crews. "And from that high
point on," Darden said, "the mental attitude seemed to dwindle."
Routine settled over Eniwetok, enveloping the unit
that Groves now commanded. As one of its sergeants phrased it, "routine
got boresome," punctuated only by the occasional crash or forced landing
by American planes. A major change occurred on 12 June 1945, when the
battalion commander formed a 251-man composite group, under Major
William M. Tracy, for duty at Kwajalein Atoll. Two days later, the group
consisting of a battery of 90mm guns, a 40mm platoon, and four
search light sections boarded an LST for the voyage. The
contingent saw no combat at Kwajalein, nor did the remainder of the
battalion at Eniwetok.
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