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HIGH COMMAND POLITICS
Entering the Chickamauga Campaign, the command structure of the Union
forces superficially appeared more unified than that of their opponents.
While not a personal confidant of President Abraham Lincoln, Major
General William Rosecrans retained the confidence of the chief
executive. Rosecrans's victory at Stones River, coming amid Federal
disasters elsewhere, gave him considerable credibility with Lincoln.
That trust and confidence, however, was not so apparent among Rosecrans,
Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, and General in Chief Henry Halleck.
Stanton disliked Rosecrans for a variety of reasons, mostly stemming
from the clash of strong personalities. Halleck tried to ameliorate
the friction, but he too became exasperated with Rosecrans's prickly
personality, his willingness to find slights in the gentlest
suggestions, and his seemingly interminable delay in beginning the
campaign. Nor were Rosecrans's neighboring department commanders,
Ulysses Grant and Ambrose Burnside, especially interested in furthering
the interests of the Army of the Cumberland. Grant and Rosecrans had
clashed over affairs at Iuka and Corinth, while Burnside pursued his own
agenda in East Tennessee at Rosecrans's expense. Fully aware of his
enemies elsewhere, Rosecrans was oblivious to disloyalty within his own
official family. Chief of staff James Garfield, a protégeé of Secretary
of the Treasury Salmon Chase, secretly showed more loyalty to his patron
than to his commander by reporting negatively on Rosecrans's operations.
Similarly, Charles Dana, an assistant secretary of war who joined
Rosecrans in mid-campaign, was a clandestine conduit to Secretary
Stanton for potentially damaging information. Coupled with the fact that
corps commanders Alexander McCook and Thomas Crittenden were weak and
ineffectual, these fissures within the Union command structure boded ill
for Rosecrans if the coming campaign were to be less than
successful.
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MAJOR GENERAL SIMON BOLIVAR BUCKNER WAS ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL FIGURES IN
THE CONFEDERATE FIASCO AT MCLEMORE'S COVE AND LED THE POST-CHICKAMAUGA
ANTI-BRAGG MOVEMENT. (LC)
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The task of molding such a disgruntled collection of subordinates
into a cohesive fighting machine during an active campaign would
ultimately prove to be beyond Braxton Bragg's capacity.
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Across the lines, Braxton Bragg presided over an openly fractious
command structure. His relations with President Jefferson Davis were
excellent, the latter's respect for Bragg dating to the Mexican War.
With Secretary of War James Seddon in Davis's shadow and with no
Confederate counterpart to the Union's Halleck, Bragg was essentially
responsible only to the Confederate president. His difficulties,
instead, lay with his subordinates. The senior corps commander of the
Army of Tennessee, Lieutenant General Leonidas Polk, was neither
militarily proficient nor unequivocally loyal. Worse, he himself was a
friend of President Davis and felt free to correspond directly with him
on military matters, usually to Bragg's detriment. Seconding Polk was a
disaffected contingent of Tennesseans led by Major General Benjamin
Cheatham. Joining Bragg's opponents in mid-campaign was Major General
Simon Buckner, whose antipathy stemmed from the ill-fated Kentucky
Campaign and the fact that his department had been peremptorily
subsumed into Bragg's. Nor was Lieutenant General Daniel Harvey Hill a team
player, his corrosive personality almost instantly clashing with the
army commander's. Finally, the arrival of Lieutenant General James
Longstreet, who barely concealed a burning desire to supplant Bragg,
contributed greatly to the turmoil swirling about the embattled army
commander. The task of molding such a disgruntled collection of
subordinates into a cohesive fighting machine during an active campaign
would ultimately prove to be beyond Braxton Bragg's capacity.
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While his army paused, Rosecrans evaluated his subordinates. He was
pleased with chief-of-staff Garfield. Of the corps commanders, Major
General George Thomas, 47, was Rosecrans's mainstay, a careful, solid
performer. Thomas's Fourteenth Corps, 27,000 men in four divisions, was
the largest in the army. Major General Alexander McCook, 32, had a more
checkered reputation. Although a West Point graduate, his poor
performance at Perryville and Stones River had raised serious questions
about his maturity and judgment. Ohio political connections kept him in
command, but Rosecrans would have to supervise him closely. McCook's
Twentieth Corps contained almost 17,000 men in three divisions. Major
General Thomas Crittenden, 44, was another weak performer. A Kentuckian,
Crittenden lacked McCook's formal military training but was equally
well-connected politically. His actions also would have to be closely
monitored. Crittenden's Twenty-first Corps numbered 17,000 men in three
divisions. Commanding the Reserve Corps was Major General Gordon
Granger, 40, a gruff West Pointer lacking experience in large battles.
Granger's command contained 20,000 men in three divisions. Finally,
Major General David Stanley, 35, commanded the Cavalry Corps, 12,000 men
in two divisions.
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MAJOR GENERAL THOMAS LEONIDAS CRITTENDEN (BL)
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MAJOR GENERAL GORDON GRANGER (LC)
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During the long delay at the foot of the mountains Rosecrans
perfected the remaining phases of his campaign plan. The army would move
over the Cumberland Plateau into the valley of the Tennessee River,
then, after a brief pause to accumulate supplies, cross the river
itself. The width of the river precluded an opposed crossing, so a
deception operation above Chattanooga would distract Bragg while the
army crossed downstream. The plan's final phase consisted of an advance
through the mountains on a wide front. Crittenden would threaten
Chattanooga from the west, Thomas would strike southeast over Lookout
Mountain twenty miles south of the city, while McCook and Stanley would
plunge even further to the southeast toward Bragg's railroad to
Atlanta. If Bragg did nothing, his supply line would be severed and he
would be trapped in Chattanooga. If he evacuated Chattanooga without a
fight, Rosecrans would again have achieved his objective. If Bragg chose
to fight, Rosecrans was confident the Army of the Cumberland would gain
the victory.
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MEMBERS OF WILDER'S UNION BRIGADE OF MOUNTED INFANTRY RIDE PAST A
STOCKADE ON THE NASHVILLE AND CHATTANOOGA RAILROAD. (SOLDIER IN OUR
CIVIL WAR)
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On August 16, 1863, Rosecrans ordered the Army of the Cumberland into
motion. The roads that traversed the Cumberland Plateau were poor,
making the army's passage extremely difficult. Nevertheless, with the
assistance of infantrymen heaving on wheels and ropes, the army and its
vehicles entered the Tennessee River valley within a week. Rosecrans's
engineers had already placed the railroad in full working order and
supplies were rapidly accumulating for the next phase of the plan. In
the bottomlands along the river the corn was already beginning to
ripen. Confident of success, Rosecrans negotiated contracts with
civilian firms to reconstruct the railroad bridge at Bridgeport as well
as a large span over Running Water Creek nearer Chattanooga. As the army
settled into its temporary camps between the mountains and the river,
engineers built platforms to protect the growing dumps around Stevenson
and Bridgeport from the elements. Among the items that arrived by rail
were pontoons for bridging the river and small disassembled steamboats
to ferry supplies to Chattanooga once it was captured.
At the same time that the Army of the Cumberland reached the
Tennessee River downstream from Chattanooga, Rosecrans implemented his
deception plan north of the city. Under Crittenden's general direction,
four brigades began to simulate preparations for a river crossing above
Chattanooga. The main role in this effort went to Wilder's mounted
infantry brigade. Out of sight of the Confederate pickets, Wilder's men
pounded tubs and sawed boards to simulate the building of rafts and
boats. The lumber was then cast into the river to float downstream into
Confederate territory. In addition, Wilder on August 21 placed Captain
Eli Lilly's Eighteenth Indiana Battery on Stringer's Ridge opposite
Chattanooga itself and opened fire. Lasting for several days, Lilly's
bombardment wrecked Bragg's pontoon train, sank two small steamers,
damaged numerous buildings, and caused several civilian casualties. The
shelling, coupled with the apparent activity upstream, convinced Bragg
that the impending Federal crossing would be above the city.
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PAINTING BY WILLIAM TRAVIS OF THE FEDERALS CROSSING THE TENNESSEE RIVER
NEAR STEVENSON, ALABAMA. ROSECRANS IS SHOWN ON HORSEBACK, POINTING HIS
SWORD. (COURTESY OF SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION)
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A week after he initiated the deception plan, Rosecrans ordered the
Army of the Cumberland across the Tennessee River in four places. The
first crossing came at Caperton's Ferry, four miles from Stevenson, on
August 29. There Colonel Hans Heg's brigade of the Twentieth Corps rowed
across to secure the opposite shore while engineers of the Pioneer
Brigade began constructing a pontoon bridge over the 1,250-foot-wide
river. On the evening of August 30, twenty-one river miles upstream,
Colonel Edward King's brigade of the Fourteenth Corps opened a second
major crossing point at Shellmound, Tennessee. King was soon followed by
most of Crittenden's Twenty-first Corps. Lacking a bridge, Crittenden's
troops used captured small boats and a large raft built by engineers.
The next crossing site was located at the mouth of Battle Creek,
Tennessee, six miles below Shellmound. There Brigadier General John
Brannan's division of the Fourteenth Corps constructed a makeshift
flotilla of dugouts and rafts and sailed them across the stream,
beginning on August 31.
Without bridges, neither the Shellmound nor Battle Creek sites could
permanently support the army on the south bank of the Tennessee. That
role was assumed by the bridge erected at Bridgeport by Sheridan's
division. There the river split into two channels as it flowed around
Long Island, a wide but relatively shallow channel north of the island
and a narrow, deep channel to the south. Sheridan combined the talents
of an engineer regiment and some of his own infantrymen to produce a
bridge that spanned the 2,700-foot gap in three days. A simple A-frame
trestle reached across the shallow channel to Long Island and the army's
remaining pontoons extended the bridge across the narrow gap to the
south bank. Although the trestle collapsed twice in its first day of
operation, causing the loss of some supplies and one mule, it was
quickly repaired. The spans at Bridgeport and Caperton's Ferry thus
became the conduits for the massive wagon trains that would carry
supplies to the advancing units from the supply dumps at Stevenson.
By September 4 virtually all of Rosecrans's army, except for Reserve
Corps elements guarding the railroad, had safely crossed the Tennessee
River. Confederate opposition had consisted of a few cavalry men who
either fled or were captured. Ahead lay the looming bulk of Sand
Mountain, 2,000 feet high. Beyond Sand Mountain the few available roads
dropped abruptly into narrow Lookout Valley. Beyond this valley Lookout
Mountain rose to 2,200 feet. A plateau like Sand Mountain, Lookout was
much narrower than its neighbor. Three rough roads traversed the
mountain in the campaign area. At its northern end a rocky road climbed
over a spur and entered Chattanooga Valley just south of the city.
Twenty miles to the south, an even more primitive track ascended the
mountain at Johnson's Crook and descended into Chattanooga Valley at
Stevens Gap. Another twenty miles south, a final road climbed Lookout
Mountain at Winston's Gap and entered Chattanooga (Broomtown) Valley via
Henderson's Gap. Rosecrans intended to use these three tracks to place
the Army of the Cumberland behind Bragg's army and force it to
react.
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THE CONFEDERATES DESTROYED THE RAILROAD BRIDGE (BACKGROUND) OVER THE
TENNESSEE RIVER AT BRIDGEPORT. ALABAMA, IN THEIR RETREAT FROM MIDDLE
TENNESSEE. MAJOR GENERAL PHILIP H. SHERIDAN'S UNION DIVISION CONSTRUCTED
THE TRESTLE AND PONTOON BRIDGE (FOREGROUND) IN LATE AUGUST 1863 AS
PART OF ROSECRANS'S ADVANCE PRIOR TO CHICKAMAUGA. AN ENGINEERING
WEAKNESS CAUSED THE TRESTLE STRUCTURE TO COLLAPSE TWICE DURING THE FEDERAL
CROSSINGS. IN THIS PHOTO, THE TEMPORARY BRIDGE IS UNDER CONSTRUCTION FOR
THE FIRST TIME. (MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY)
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In Chattanooga Bragg remained mesmerized by Wilder's demonstrations
and reports that Burnside was moving toward Knoxville. Believing that
Rosecrans must remain within supporting distance of Burnside, he
continued to anticipate a crossing upstream from Chattanooga. A call for
reinforcements had netted two divisions of approximately 8,500 men which
arrived from Mississippi at the end of August. Deciding that Buckner
could not resist Burnside successfully, Bragg ordered the Kentuckian to
bring his mobile force nearer Chattanooga. With the troops from
Mississippi and Buckner's men Bragg felt reasonably secure behind his
river and mountain barrier. That security was shattered on September 1
when a civilian reported a major Federal crossing in the
Stevenson-Bridgeport area. During the next few days reports confirming
the Federal advance gradually trickled into Bragg's headquarters. By
September 6 he was finally ready to evacuate Chattanooga, but Polk and
Hill persuaded him to postpone the movement pending more definite
information.
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THIS PHOTOGRAPH OF MAJOR GENERAL ALEXANDER MCDOWELL MCCOOK AND HIS STAFF
WAS TAKEN IN THE SUMMER OF 1863. MCCOOK'S TROOPS WOULD MARCH THE
GREATEST DISTANCE OF ANY UNION CORPS TO REACH THE CHICKAMAUGA
BATTLEFIELD. (LC)
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While Bragg hesitated, Rosecrans resumed his advance. Gathering his
divisions at Shellmound, Crittenden pushed eastward through Running
Water Canyon into Lookout Valley. There Brigadier General Thomas Wood's
division began to probe toward the northern tip of Lookout Mountain. On
Crittenden's right, Thomas crossed Sand Mountain, paused briefly near
Trenton, Georgia, then headed south toward Johnson's Crook. Still
further south, McCook's Twentieth Corps crossed Sand Mountain, then
halted around Valley Head, Alabama, to allow Stanley's cavalrymen to
pass in front. Climbing Lookout Mountain at Winston's Gap, McCook's
leading elements descended to Alpine, Georgia, while the cavalry
scouted in front of them. McCook was now twenty airline miles south of
Thomas, forty airline miles south of Chattanooga, and little more than
thirty airline miles from Bragg's lifeline, the Western and Atlantic
Railroad. By road, however, McCook and Stanley were much farther from
each of these points.
When he finally learned that Federal units were crossing Lookout
Mountain, Bragg on September 7 ordered the evacuation of Chattanooga. On
the next day Hill's and Polk's corps took the direct road
south toward LaFayette, Georgia. Using a parallel road to the east
was Buckner's command and a small Reserve Corps under Major General
William Walker. Forrest's cavalrymen provided the army's rear guard,
while Wheeler attempted to impede the Federal advance. That night Bragg
ordered his army to concentrate around LaFayette. On September 9 Hill
took position on Pigeon Mountain, a spur of Lookout, and Polk faced
northward toward Chattanooga. Everyone else continued toward LaFayette.
That evening, discovering that a Federal force had incautiously entered
McLemore's Cove, a small valley bordered by Lookout and Pigeon
mountains, Bragg saw a chance to strike a counterblow. At 11:45 P.M. he
ordered Hill to attack westward from Pigeon Mountain while Major General
Thomas Hindman's division of Polk's corps drove southward in the cove
itself.
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CRAWFISH SPRINGS WAS THE LAST SOURCE OF WATER FOR MANY UNION SOLDIERS
PRIOR TO THE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA. THE ENTIRE CAMPAIGN WAS MARKED BY A
WATER SHORTAGE DUE TO A DROUGHT IN THE SUMMER OF 1863. (NA)
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MAJOR GENERAL JAMES S. NEGLEY AND HIS STAFF AT COVE SPRING, ALABAMA,
AUGUST 1863. (LC)
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Probing over Lookout Mountain, Crittenden's leading elements
discovered that Chattanooga had been evacuated. They raced into the city and
were soon met by the deception force from across the river. Upon
learning that Chattanooga had been taken, Rosecrans became ecstatic; the
goal of his campaign had been attained without a fight. Still, with the
Army of Tennessee in apparently panic-stricken retreat, a vigorous
pursuit might destroy Bragg's army. Before ordering such a pursuit,
Rosecrans called Thomas to headquarters to arrange the details of the
movement. The cautious Thomas quietly but firmly argued that the Army
of the Cumberland was too widely dispersed to begin a pursuit. In
addition, the army's supply line remained fragile. Thomas therefore
recommended that Rosecrans consolidate his position in Chattanooga
before resuming the campaign. Influenced by the bloodless capture
of Chattanooga, Rosecrans dismissed Thomas's counsel out
of hand. The units of the Army of the Cumberland would immediately begin
pursuit from wherever they happened to find themselves.
Rosecrans's decision meant that Thomas's leading division,
Major General James Negley's, would advance toward
LaFayette by way of Dug Gap in Pigeon Mountain. En route, Negley
would have to traverse the floor of McLemore's Cove for nearly six miles. At 10:00
A.M. on September 10 he began his march with 4,600 men. Brushing aside
Confederate skirmishers, he pressed forward to Davis Cross Roads in
sight of Dug Gap. Told of a heavy enemy force approaching his left,
Negley nevertheless occupied a position within the mouth of the gap by
late afternoon. There he remained until 3:00 A.M. on September 11, when
he withdrew to a hillside near Davis Cross Roads. At the same time
Brigadier General Absalom Baird's division marched to Negley's assistance.
Shortly after Baird's 3,400 troops arrived, Confederate
skirmishers drove in Negley's pickets. Sensing danger, Negley ordered
Baird to occupy the front line while his own men withdrew. Soon after
Baird completed the relief, Confederate pressure forced him to withdraw
also. The two divisions then leapfrogged their way back to safety at the
foot of Stevens Gap.
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THE WIDOW DAVIS HOUSE SAT AT AN IMPORTANT JUNCTION IN MCLEMORE'S COVE.
THIS PHOTO WAS TAKEN CIRCA 1957. (NPS)
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At all times the Federals in the cove had been outnumbered at
least three to one, but Hill, Hindman, and Buckner had proved
unable to capitalize on their superiority. Disgusted at the lost
opporutnity, Bragg ordered his forces out of the cove.
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Bragg had originally expected Hill to control all offensive movements
in the cove. Hill had received the order late and had then found other
excuses for not moving. In turn, the normally aggressive Hindman had
suddenly become overcautious and advanced too gingerly into the cove. Learning that Hill
would not be moving, Bragg sent Buckner's two divisions to Hindman as
reinforcements. Instead of stiffening Hindman's resolve, Buckner's
presence caused further delay when Hindman convened a council of war.
Fearing they were being trapped, the council members called for inaction
until the situation was clarified. During the night of September
10-11 Bragg sent explicit orders to Hindman to attack at dawn, but
Hindman's courier garbled the message. By the time Hindman finally
decided to resume his advance, Negley and Baird had already begun their
withdrawal. At all times the Federals in the cove had been outnumbered
at least three to one, but Hill, Hindman, and Buckner had proved unable
to capitalize on their superiority. Disgusted at the lost opportunity,
Bragg ordered his forces out of the cove.
Even as Negley and Baird were escaping Bragg's trap, Rosecrans was
issuing additional pursuit orders to his scattered commanders.
Gradually, as more evidence of Bragg's aggressive intent reached him,
Rosecrans became concerned about the position of his units around
Alpine. In peremptory orders on September 12 he ordered McCook and the
cavalry to meet Thomas at the foot of Stevens Gap. Only when those
segments of the army were united could they move north to join
Crittenden near Lee and Gordon's Mill. Rosecrans's order to McCook took
a full day to reach Alpine. Ignorant of the road network on Lookout
Mountain and informed that McLemore's Cove was not secure, McCook saw no
alternative but to retrace his steps over Lookout Mountain. Once back at
Valley Head, he could march north and cross Lookout again at
Johnson's Crook and Stevens Gap. This route would require three days to
negotiate; until then the Army of the Cumberland would remain
in a dangerously dispersed condition.
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