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CASUALTIES OF WAR:
The Effects of the Battle of Gettysburg Upon the Men and Families of the 69th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment
by D. SCOTT HARTWIG
There were 459 infantry and cavalry regiments and
132 artillery batteries that participated in the Battle of Gettysburg,
representing over 160,000 Union and Confederate soldiers. Of this number
incomplete statistics tell us that in three days 7,608 men were killed,
26,856 were wounded, and 10,800 were missing or captured; over 45,000
people. Actual losses were probably as high as 51,000. The numbers are
so large that they are incomprehensible. No one can fathom the shock
wave of suffering, grief, pain and misery they sent through the north
and south. I have often wondered how the casualties and their families
were affected by this three-day battle. What did it mean to them? How
did it affect them? How were their lives changed? How did they cope with
the loss of life, of limbs, of vigorous men returned home with health
permanently shattered? For the casualties and their families the
three-day Battle of Gettysburg marked the beginning of a hard, and often
harsh, journey. It is not a happy story, but there is heroism
nonetheless. Not the heroism that causes a man to stand against an
onrush of enemy soldiers, but of people who struggle against the fates
of life when all of the odds seem against them. Sometimes they prevail.
More often they do not, but that does not diminish the effort.
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Officers of the 69th Pennsylvania in May 1865. Among them, Col.
William Davis (seated center), Major Patrick Tinen (seated left), and
Surgeon Burmeister (standing, with sash). (Library
of Congress)
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To tell the story of what 45,000 or 51,000
casualties means is impossible. I have selected to tell only a sliver of
it; to examine the impact of the battle upon a single regiment of
infantry and their families; the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry.
By greatly narrowing the focus we can render the incomprehensible into
something the human mind can grasp. By learning of the battle's effect
upon 20 or 30 casualties and their families, we can establish a
foundation upon which we can start to form the mental adjustments
necessary to even begin to comprehend what 200, or 2,000, or 20,000 or
51,000 casualties really means.
The July 2 morning report of the 69th Pennsylvania
Volunteer Infantry, recorded that there were 26 officers and 258
enlisted men present for duty in the regiment. This represented less
than one-half of one per cent of the total present for duty strength of
the Army of the Potomac. They were but a cog in a giant machine of war;
so small that they could be swallowed up by the voracious jaws of battle
and hardly noticed. The regiment reached the battlefield on the night of
July 1, after a tiring 14-mile march from Taneytown, Maryland. They,
and the rest of Major General Winfield Scott Hancock's 2nd Army Corps
stirred early on July 2 and moved into position along Cemetery Ridge, in
the center of the Union army's line of battle. The 69th belonged to the
2nd Brigade of the 2nd Division, otherwise known as the Philadelphia
Brigade, commanded by Brigadier General Alexander Webb, and
consisting of the 69th, 71st, 72nd and 106th Pennsylvania.
Shortly after sunrise Webb's Brigade took position on
the gentle western slope of Cemetery Ridge behind a stone wall and near
a clump of trees and bushes that had taken root in the thin, rocky soil.
One day this area would be known as "The Angle" and "The High Water
Mark," but on July 2, 1863, it was simply a stone wall and clump of
trees and bushes that Webb's men needed to convert into a defensive
position in the event they were attacked. Because of the density of
troops on Cemetery Ridge, Webb had room for only one regiment on the
front line. He selected Colonel Dennis O'Kane's 69th Pennsylvania, a
largely Irish unit with a good combat record and reputation for
discipline and steadiness. [1]
At about 6:30 p.m. Cemetery Ridge was assailed by
the Georgia brigade of Brigadier General Ambrose R. Wright. The
Georgians struck the ridge slightly to the left of the 69th's position,
but close enough that O'Kane's men became heavily engaged in the effort
to fight off the attack. "Our men fought with the bravery and coolness
of veterans," reported Captain William Davis, of Company K. The 69th
and other regiments of their brigade, and the brigade of Colonel Norman
Hall, prevailed in the hard fought battle and Wright was forced to
withdraw. The 69th reported 11 killed and 17 wounded in the action,
almost ten per cent of the regiment, although actual losses were
probably only 6 killed and 12 wounded. Among the wounded was 35-year old
Lieutenant Colonel Martin Tschudy, who was struck on the side of the
head. Tschudy did not consider the wound serious enough to leave the
field and he remained with the regiment. [2]
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Col. Dennis O'Kane (left), Lt. Col. Martin Tschudy (right) (McDennott's History of the 69th Pennsylvania.)
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Until 1 p.m., July 3 proved largely uneventful for
the regiment, excepting some early morning artillery exchanges and
sharp skirmishing in the contested ground between Cemetery Ridge and
Seminary Ridge. At 1 p.m. the Confederate artillery opened an intense
bombardment of the Union lines intended to smash up the Union center
and to pave the way for a massive infantry assault. For nearly two
hours the 69th was subjected to artillery fire. Then, at about 3 p.m.
over 12,000 Confederate infantry moved forward to attack Cemetery Ridge.
Despite intense Union artillery fire, the Confederate infantry succeeded
in crossing the Emmitsburg Road and storming up the slope of Cemetery
Ridge. The Union infantry poured a murderous fire into the Southern
ranks, checking them at some points, but allowing them to continue to
press forward elsewhere. One point where they did so was on the front of
the 69th. On the right of the regiment, a space of about 40 feet
extending to the angle was filled by part of the 71st Pennsylvania [see
map insert]. These men were driven back, and elements of Brigadier
General Richard B. Garnett's Brigade of Pickett's Division seized this
section of the wall. Garnett's men were soon reinforced by parts of
Brigadier General Lewis B. Armistead's Brigade. [3]
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The Philadelphia Brigade at "The Angle" before Pickett's Charge
(Gettysburg Magazine - Morningside
Press
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Fighting at the "The Angle" during Pickett's Charge
(Gettysburg Magazine - Morningside
Press
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While trouble brewed on the right flank of the 69th,
the front and left of the regiment were engaged with elements of both
Garnett's and Annistead's Brigades in a tremendous firefight. The left
rear of the 69th was supported by five guns of Captain Andrew Cowan's
1st New York Independent Battery. Cowan's three-inch rifles were dealing
out great destruction to the Confederates with blasts of canister, but
one or more of his guns evidently had been depressed too low and some of
its canister killed and wounded several men in companies G and K on the
left of the 69th. Earlier in the engagement a premature blast of
canister from one of Lieutenant Alonzo Cushing's three-inch rifles
killed two men in Company I. Under intense fire from both friend and foe
the pressure upon the regiment mounted. Then, a surge of Confederates,
led by Annistead, suddenly poured over the stone wall at the angle, past
the right flank of the 69th. The three right companies, I, A, and F,
were ordered to change front to the north to protect the regiment's
flank. I and A were able to execute this exceptionally difficult movement,
but the commander of Company F, Captain George Thompson, was shot
in the head and killed and his company remained at the
wall. [4]
There were still many Confederates behind the stone
wall at the angle, and when they observed I and A companies fall back
to fight Armistead and his followers, they poured over the wall, heading
straight for a gap that developed between A and F companies. Along the
way they scooped up 31-year old Sergeant Edward Bushel, of A Company as
a prisoner. The rush of Virginians then descended upon the exposed
flank and rear of Company F. In a matter of moments the company lost 22
men, nearly its entire strength. Forty-year old Neil McCafferty was
killed, eleven men were wounded, both lieutenants and eleven enlisted
men were captured. The next company in line, Captain Patrick Tinen's
Company D, "were obliged to turn upon the enemy to their flank and
rear." Anthony McDermott, of Company I, wrote that "many of the enemy
were here mingled with our own men," and that "the fighting here at
close quarters was more desperate than at any other part of our line."
Lieutenant Colonel Tschudy was shot through the bladder in this melee
and dropped mortally wounded. Tinen's company lost 8 killed, 7 wounded,
and 2 captured, a large percentage of the company, but their hand-to-hand
conflict with Garnett's and Armistead's Virginians, in the
opinion of McDermott, "saved the remainder of the regiment from being
enveloped, and possible capture." [5]
Meanwhile, on the left of the regiment, the confusion
caused by the fire in rear from Cowan, and the Confederate attack upon
the 69th's right, allowed men of Garnett's Brigade to press right up to
the stone wall, where men of Company G, K, and B were sheltered. John
Buckley, a member of Company K, recalled how some Confederates
"actually stepped over them," before they were shot down. The center
companies, E, C, and H, and some men from the left companies, pulled
back from the wall because, "the fear of capture had made them cautious
about sticking close to the wall." Joseph McKeever, of Company E,
testified that, "we all fell back just as they (Confederates) were coming
in to the inside of the trees, and they made a rally, and then they were
coming in all around, but how they fired without killing all of our
men I do not know." It was a terrifying, bloody close-quarter
engagement that no one in the center and left of the regiment could ever
recall with much precision. Joseph McKeever possibly summarized it best
when he responded to a question on the nature of the fight at that
point, "it was quite a mob. Everybody was doing the best he
could." [6]
Help soon came to succor the beleaguered 69th. Union
regiments to their left and right rallied and poured a destructive fire
into the ranks of the Confederates engaged with the Pennsylvanians.
Although it would be difficult to prove, it is very likely that some of
this friendly fire struck men in the 69th as well as their Confederate
opponents. Nevertheless, enough bullets were fired in the right
direction to cause Confederate resistance to collapse, and for their
survivors to surrender or run a gauntlet of fire to reach friendly
lines. The Confederate infantry assault had commenced around 3 p.m.
Approximately one hour later it was over. The infantry fighting -
perhaps 200 yards and under - had consumed no more than 20 to 25
minutes. Nearly all of the 69th's July 3 casualties occurred in this
time span. The exact number suffered during the two-hour cannonade is
unknown, but were few in number. In his report of the battle, submitted
on July 12, 1863, Captain William Davis, who assumed command of the
regiment after all of the field officers were killed or wounded,
reported that his regiment had lost 32 killed, 71 wounded, and 18
missing in action on July 3. But in the immediate aftermath of a battle
there are always mistakes made and Davis's casualty report was not
entirely accurate. The best (and even the best can often be questioned)
evidence gives losses for July 3 at 34 killed, 68 wounded, and 17
missing in action. All told, in two day's of battle, there were 40 men
killed outright or dead from their wounds within a day or two, 80
wounded, 16 of them mortally, and 17 captured. One hundred thirty seven
people - all casualties of war in a relatively brief period of intense
violence on the slopes of Cemetery Ridge. How those few minutes affected
these men and their families for the rest of their lives is our story.
[7]
The fighting on the late afternoon of July 2 fell
heavily upon 1st Lieutenant John McIlvain's Company B. The 30-year old
Irish-born McIlvain himself was wounded, shot through the right arm
near the shoulder. But he recovered from his wound and remained with the
regiment until he was dismissed from the army on February 10, 1865. One
of the company's sergeants was Nicholas Farrell. Farrell was 29 years
old at Gettysburg. His birthplace, like many in the regiment, was
Ireland, in County Louth. He found work in this country as a laborer, the
most common occupation in the 69th Pennsylvania, before enlisting in the
army on August 24, 1861. On December 13, 1862, at the Battle of
Fredericksburg, Farrell, then a corporal, received a gunshot wound in
his left leg about four inches above the ankle. It splintered the bone
and Farrell spent nearly six months in different hospitals before he
returned to the regiment in May. He was promoted to sergeant on May 1,
and somehow his leg endured the hard marching of the Gettysburg
Campaign. Then, on the evening of July 2, one of Ambrose Wright's
Georgians, carrying a smoothbore musket loaded with buck and ball, fired
and hit Farrell with three buckshot just under his right knee. The
sergeant was evacuated from the field and transported to Satterlee
General Hospital in West Philadelphia on July 10, 1863. He recovered
quickly from his wound and returned to duty on August 6, 1863. Late that
fall he re-enlisted as a veteran volunteer and served to the end of the
war. [8]
Following the war, Farrell married Rosenna Fortescue
at St. James Catholic Church in Newark, New Jersey, where he had taken
up residence. We can only wonder what Farrell and his wife Rosenna hoped
for in the country he had adopted as his home and had fought to
preserve. The marriage produced three daughters. Farrell continued to
work as a laborer, but the wounds to his legs likely troubled him
greatly in such work. On December 22, 1873, he applied for a government
pension for wounds received in the service. The Pension Office approved
his application and he began receiving $4 a month. Farrell also drank
heavily, and the drinking, manual labor, and war wounds took their toll
on his body. By 1890 a physician reported that his body was emaciated,
"skin sallow and clammy," and that he had extreme varicose veins,
enlarged four times their normal size. Three years later Farrell died,
at age 59. His wife preceded him in death by one month. Their three
daughters, aged 19, 16, and 13 survived them. The two oldest fended for
themselves. Theresa, the youngest, had Teresa Duff appointed as her
guardian by the state. The family had dissolved. For Farrell, the
Gettysburg wound, while troubling, did not affect him as severely as the
one received at Fredericksburg. It was the cumulative effect of wounds
and exposure during his four years of military service that slowly
destroyed a once vigorous man. [9]
Company K, on the left of Company B, lost only 1
killed and 1 wounded in the action on July 2. The wounded man was Henry
W. Murray, a 21-year old Philadelphia bookbinder. A bullet struck
Murray in the right eye and destroyed the sight in both eyes. John
Buckley, a friend of Murray's, led him to the rear for medical
attention. Twenty-three years later Buckley recalled that Murray was
"begging me to put an end to that existence which he thought would be no
longer endurable." Buckley, of course did not, and Murray spent the
remaining twelve months of his military service in hospitals and was
discharged from the army in the summer of 1864 at the expiration of his
enlistment. He received a pension from the government for his terrible
wound beginning in November, 1864.
Somehow, Murray found a reason to continue to exist,
although, in addition to blinding him, his wound had done serious nerve
damage. Perhaps it was Hannah W. James who made the difference in his
life, and gave him the will to go on. On June 15, 1867, they were
married in Philadelphia and eventually moved to Cleveland, Ohio. How
they supported themselves is unknown, though Hannah likely found some
form of employment. They made do in some way, while Henry's condition
continued to worsen. By 1874, in a statement to the Pension Office,
Murray related that he was so "permanently and totally disabled as to
require the regular presence, aid and attendance of another person to
prepare his food for him, to conduct him from place to place and to
perform such other duties as personal needs constantly require." Murray
left evidence of his struggle to preserve some shred of his dignity and
person on this statement - he signed it. The signature is shaky and not
made with a firm hand, but it is clear that Henry Murray refused to give
up despite the humiliating existence his Gettysburg wound had reduced
him to. [10]
Murray lost his battle on December 10, 1884. At age
42 he died of what was diagnosed as Bright's disease of the kidney's,
which the physician believed was brought about by the nerve damage
resulting from the gunshot wound to his head. His wife Hannah remained
in Cleveland, where she passed away in 1916.
Company H, immediately to the right of color company
C, suffered only one casualty in the July 2 action. Twenty-one year old
2nd Lieutenant Charles F. Kelly was killed by a shell fragment that
penetrated his brain. Kelly had enlisted in the regiment on August 15,
1861. His brother, Thomas Kelly, recruited the company at 1140 Market
Street in Philadelphia between August 15 and September 2. This was an
exciting time, and young Charles' enthusiasm is evident from the fact
that he enlisted the first day recruiting commenced. The Kelly brothers
had lost their father in 1855, and since then they had been the sole
financial support of their mother, Susan Kelly.
After their enlistment in the army, they continued
to send regular payments to their mother. As a captain, Thomas earned
$60.00 a month, and Charles, who was a sergeant, made $17.00. Between
the two of them, they were probably able to keep their mother
comfortable. On September 17, 1862, at the Battle of Antietam, Thomas
received a wound that put him out of action for several months. During
his absence a 2nd Lieutenant vacancy developed when Owen Sheridan was
dismissed from the army May 15, 1863. Whether or not his brother pulled
strings for him is unknown, but probable. Whatever occurred, Charles
Kelly was selected to fill the vacancy in Company H, and on June 5,
1863, he was commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant. This gave Kelly a pay raise
of $28.00 a month, as the pay of a 2nd Lieutenant was $45.00 a month.
But Charles made only one muster for pay as a commissioned officer, on
June 30 at Uniontown, Maryland. Two days later he lay dead on the
battlefield at Gettysburg. [11]
Susan Kelly, unlike many families of men in the 69th,
was able to afford to have her son's body removed from the battlefield
and reburied in Philadelphia, at the Cathedral Cemetery. She applied
for a pension in September, 1863, and was awarded the standard $15.00
the government allotted for a dead 2nd Lieutenant. Meanwhile, her
oldest son, Thomas, had recovered from his wound and returned to command
of his company, leading it through the fierce fighting in the
Wilderness on May 5 and 6, 1864, then on to Spotsylvania Court House. On
May 12, in some of the most terrible fighting of the war, at what became
known as "The Bloody Angle," Thomas was mortally wounded. He died on May
18. Susan Kelly had given up both sons to the war. Before he died,
Thomas asked Father Thomas Willett, a chaplain with the 69th New York
Infantry who took Kelly's confession, to write his mother. Willett was a
busy man that spring of 1864, but he made time to send Thomas's last
wishes to Susan Kelly on June 9.
"Tell my mother I have done all I could to take
care of them as long as I could. Now I can't do it anymore, I have to
submit to the will of God. I hope my pension and that of my Brother will
be enough to support my mother, and I beg of my Brother-in-law Frank to
see that she may not be in want. . ."
In order to save expenses he had also expressed a
wish that his body should remain where he fell, but I understood from
Mr. McManus of Baltimore whom I saw yesterday at the white house, that
he subsequently consented to be taken home.
May Almighty god come to your assistance and
console you under the present trying and painful
circumstances. [12]
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The document that Henry Murray signed. (click on
image for a PDF version)
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It is clear from Thomas's last statement and the
pension file of Charles Kelly, that Susan Kelly's financial resources
were meager. Between the $15.00 she collected as a result of Charles'
death, and the $25.00 a month Thomas had sent her, she managed to exist.
With Thomas dead, her income had been reduced by sixty per cent. As much
as she probably grieved her son's death, the harsh financial
implications Thomas's death meant for a middle-aged illiterate woman
were frightening. Pension laws made it unlawful for a widow or parents
to collect a pension for more than one son lost in the service, but
Susan knew that the pension for a captain was $20.00, $5.00 more than
she drew for her son Charles. So, sometime in 1867, she made an
application to draw her pension based upon Thomas' rank as captain,
rather than upon Charles'. As was frequently the case, the bureaucracy
of the Pension Office did not react to change well. Susan Kelly's
application was denied; she already drew $15.00 a month, and apparently
she did not make a convincing argument, or omitted to mention that her
son Thomas had been supporting her. Her attorneys appealed the ruling,
and four months later Susan Kelly's pension was adjusted to $20.00 a
month. It was a bittersweet victory, for no amount of money the
government could offer would ever assuage the grief and emptiness Susan
Kelly knew after Gettysburg and Spotsylvania [13].
The battle action of July 2 paled in comparison to
the fire-storm the regiment was subjected to on July 3; first the
terrible cannonade, then the infantry attack. Twenty-four year old 2nd
Lieutenant Edward D. Harmon was one of two officers in Company I, on
the extreme right of the regiment. Their captain, Michael Duffy, had
been killed in the fighting on the evening of July 2. Harmon had
enlisted in the 69th as a private, but demonstrated leadership potential
and was promoted to sergeant major of Company I. Then, on May 1, 1863,
he was commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant. Before the war he had been a
type-founder, an occupation that entailed the design and production of
metal printing type for hand composition. Harmon's hands were the means
with which he earned his living.
When Armistead led the Confederate advance over the
stone wall at the angle, it became the duty of Harmon and the other
officers and non-commissioned officers to withdraw I and A companies
from their position at the wall to confront the threat to the regiment's
flank. This was perilous duty, for it required everyone to expose
himself to Confederate fire in order to change positions. At some point
in executing this change of front, a Confederate minnie ball struck the
back of Harmon's left hand, passing completely through it. The muscles
of the hand were severed, causing the fingers to contract and rendering
Harmon's hand useless. Regimental Surgeon F. F. Burmeister dressed the
lieutenant's wound on the battlefield, then had him transferred to a
general hospital at Baltimore. From this hospital Harmon received
permission to return to Philadelphia and have a family physician attend
to his wound. In that era, however, the damage to the hand could not be
repaired with surgery. Precisely what Harmon did for the next few months
is unknown, but he did not return to his regiment. On February 25,
1864, he was discharged from the army "on account of physical disability
and absence without leave," because he had failed to file the necessary
surgeon's certificate for disability with the adjutant general's office.
As in modern times, the Civil War army had an abundance of red tape.
[14]
We do not know how Harmon reacted to his wound. Was
he bitter over the bad luck that a man who earned his living with his
hands had now lost the use of one of them? Or did he accept his wound
philosophically, as part of the danger he acknowledged as being an
infantry officer? Whatever it was, in February, 1864, he was a man who
could no longer earn his living as a type-founder. His activities for
the next three years are unknown, although he probably did some form of
manual labor to earn a living. On March 26, 1867, he applied for a
pension, citing his wound and that "he has been totally unable to earn
his subsistence by manual labor." His application was approved and
Harmon commenced receiving $15.00 a month. But six years later the
Adjutant General's Office examined Harmon's record and concluded that he
had overdrawn his pay for the period from September 25, 1863, until his
discharge on February 25, 1864. Harmon owed the government $513.84. He
had no means to pay it, except his pension. On April 16, 1873, he wrote
the commissioner of pensions and authorized him to direct his pension
payments to the Adjutant General's Office until the amount due was paid
up, about three years. [15]
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Lieutenant Edward Harmon's hand.
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On April 27, 1887, Harmon applied for an increase to
his pension which was denied. It appears he tried again in April, 1890,
for he was examined by a physician on April 22. As part of the
examination, Harmon laid his gnarled hand down on the surgeon's chart
and the doctor traced its outline to record the effect of his Gettysburg
wound. If he did apply for an increase it was again denied. He submitted
another application in April, 1896. How he fared is unknown, for his
pension file is not complete. Nevertheless, despite a crippling wound
that robbed him of his occupation, and army red-tape that dogged him
into the 1870's, Harmon somehow made do and lived a long
life. [16]
Among the other members of Company I who attempted
the perilous withdrawal from the wall and change of front was 20-year
old Thomas C. Diver. Before the war he had worked as a printer, earning
$4-S a week, decent pay among the privates of this regiment. He lived
with his mother, Jane Diver, a widow who had lost her husband in 1840.
Thomas was his mother's sole means of support. When he enlisted in the
army on August 19, 1861, he dutifully continued to send his mother
nearly all of his pay in regular installments. Although Jane Diver
could neither read nor write, she had seen to it that her son received
an education. Thomas was a bright and sensitive young man who wrote his
mother regularly from the front. His letters show a clear hand, an
observant eye, and a deep concern for his mother. After the Battle of Fair
Oaks, May 31 - June 1, 1862, he wrote his mother, "Dear Mother do not
worry about me for I will send you word in a letter directly after a
battle. I am very easy about the danger for I trust in
God!" [17]
A relative of the Diver family apparently dictated
letters for Jane Diver to her son on a regular basis, for on February
22, 1862, he wrote back to her, "I am sorry to hear that you are so
lonely at home and I wish that I could come to cheer you up." Thomas
wrote that he had considered taking "French leave" to come home, and had
even purchased some civilian clothing from the sutler to aid his
escape. "But on further consideration I changed my mind," he wrote. Two
months later, on the eve of the Battle of Chancellorsville, he wrote his
mother that part of the army had crossed the Rhappahannock River, "I
hope they are victorious poor fellows. There will be a great many of
them fall and a great many poor Mothers hearts broken." Later in the
same letter he ruminated on the war and his enlistment, "Dear Mother I
think that this war will not last longer than this summer and then even
if it does I have got only 15 months to stay and that will slide around
quicker than the 21 months that I have been away." [18]
For Thomas the war would end that summer. At some
point during the Confederate surge to the angle, or during the
withdrawal of Company I from the wall, a Confederate bullet struck him
in the head and killed him. His comrades buried him on the battlefield.
Later he was removed to the Evergreen Cemetery. We do not know how Jane
Diver reacted to the news of her son's death, but if his letters are an
indication, it must have been a terrible blow. At 44 years of age she
was alone, and probably frightened. She had relatives in the area who,
according to Thomas's letters, provided her company. But with her son
dead her sole means of financial support was her job at the United
States Arsenal at Philadelphia. For reasons unexplained, she waited more
than a year before applying for a pension. On August 18, 1864,
accompanied by two friends, Rose Maginn and Patrick F. Foy, who
testified on her behalf, she filed her application. The application was
approved and she received $12 a month for her dead son. She collected
this pension for the next 29 years until her death at age 73. At some
point, apparently, she found the means to bring her son's body home, for
he is no longer buried at Gettysburg. [19]
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George Deichler in 1865 displaying wound he received at 2nd Hatcher's
Run. (Deichler's Pension file - National
Archives)
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Among the non-commissioned officers who supervised
the movement of Company I from the wall was Corporal George P. Deichler,
a 24-year old machinist from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, where he lived
with his father, Philip. During the action, a Virginian's bullet hit
Deichler in the left groin. This serious and very painful wound laid the
corporal up for many months. He recovered though, and returned to his
regiment only to be wounded again at Ream's Station, on August 25, 1864,
where a shell fragment struck him in the head and a minnie ball hit his
knee. Though he spent nearly six months in convalescence, Deichler was
tough, and he returned to the regiment in March, 1865, and was promoted
to 1st Lieutenant. Nine days after his promotion, on March 25,
1865, at the 2nd Battle of Hatcher's Run, a Confederate bullet hit
Deichler in the lower part of the stomach and blew a hole in his back.
Deicheler's captain, Joseph Garrett, wrote of the wound; "I considered
it serious as the fluids and other matter was coming out from the
Bowels." This, Deichler's fourth wound, finished his soldiering, though
somehow his iron constitution pulled him through and he survived it. He
received his discharge and was pensioned at $17 a month beginning August
10, 1865. [20]
Sometime after his discharge Deichler moved to
Indianapolis. He met Annie E. McDougal there. She had recently divorced
her first husband, and on July 26, 1875, John G. Smith, a Minister of
the Gospel, married Annie and George. But the marriage that began with
high hopes unraveled over the next six years. George's Gettysburg wound
in the groin may have had something to do with the problems the couple
experienced. He also drank heavily, probably to ease the constant pain
that assailed his body from his four wounds. To make ends meet, Annie
had to take in boarders, and find whatever other work she could. It was
not enough. On June 4, 1881, Deichler left his wife and returned to
Lancaster to live with his father. There was no divorce, Deichler simply
left. [21]
One year later, Deichler sought employment with Davis
Kitch, who had the contract with the city of Lancaster to light the city
street lights. He started on July 1, 1882, but had to quit several days
later, "as he was unable to stand the fatigue of walking and the
exertion incident to such employment." In an affidavit, Kitch stated
that he "does not know of any lighter or easier employment than
lighting lamps and he [Deichler] is utterly unfitted for that work."
Deichler described his tortured life in a statement accompanying his
claim for a pension increase in December, 1888.
I'm nervous have continual pain inside of body my
wounds of knee and groin pain me. Can not hold my water any more, it
depresses (?) me. Had an operation three years ago, [unintelligible
words]. No sexual desire any more. Never had children. Never sick during
war. Have been laid up last year from pains and nervous.
Deichler's request for increase was denied. He
continued to request increases regularly, but each one was denied. In
1894 the examining surgeon wrote that Deichler, "seems demented &
melancholic," and that he was a "pale, tremulous man" with a "mind
enfeebled." Five years later, on February 24, at age 60, Deichler died
of pneumonia. That he lived as long as he did is remarkable, but the
Confederate bullet at Gettysburg and his subsequent wounds left him a
broken, unhappy, and lonely man, and slowly sapped his life from
him. [22]
Another of the casualties in the change of front by I
and A companies, was the acting 1st Sergeant of A Company, Ralph
Rickaby. The 28-year old, Irish-born sergeant was a shoemaker by
occupation. He enlisted in the 69th on August 23, 1861, and just over
two weeks later he married Ellen Kavenaugh. Six days after the wedding,
on September 17, the regiment shipped out to Washington, D.C. Rickaby's
luck held out through the battles of 1862 and early 1863, but at
Gettysburg a minnie ball hit him in the base of the neck, on the left
side, and passed obliquely through his back, exiting just to the left of
his spinal colunm. The bullet tore up the muscles and nerves in its path
and left Rickaby's arm partially paralyzed and his neck stiff. On August
27, 1864, Rickaby received his discharge from the army and a pension of
$5-1/3 a month. [23]
Rickaby apparently attempted to return to his former
trade as a shoemaker, but with a partially paralyzed left arm and a neck
that was so stiff he could not bend it forward without pain, it was a
hard go. As the years passed, instead of improving, Rickaby's condition
worsened, until in 1870 a board of examining surgeon's concluded that he
was "almost totally disabled for any kind of active manual labor. Cant
work continuously at anything." Starting June 7, 1870, Rickaby received
a pension increase to $6 a month. He continued to receive increases over
the years, until by 1891 he was receiving $12 a month. But considering
that Thomas Diver earned $4-5 a week in 1861 as a young printer,
Rickaby's pension in no way compensated for the occupation he lost when
a Confederate bullet paralyzed his arm at Gettysburg. How his marriage
was affected is not revealed in the documents in his pension file. No
doubt Ellen Rickaby had to perform manual labor to help the couple make
ends meet. Their life must have been difficult, and by 1891, at age 58,
Rickaby's health was such that he moved into the National Soldiers Home
in Alexandria, Virginia. He died there six years later, on September 16,
1897. As his widow, Ellen collected a pension, a paltry compensation for
the hard hand dealt her when her husband went down with a crippling
wound at Gettysburg. [24]
When companies A and I were ordered to fall back from
the wall to change front, for reasons unexplained, Sergeant Edward
Bushell, of Company A remained at the wall and was captured, probably
by the Confederates who poured down to overwhelm Company F. Bushell was
30 or 31 years old. Born in Tipperary, Ireland, he had emigrated to
this country and settled in Philadelphia, where he worked as a laborer.
On May 28, 1853, he married Mary McSwiggen at St. Paul's Church. Two
years later their first daughter, Mary Jane, was born, followed by Ellen
in 1858. In August, 1861, one month after the Union defeat at First
Manassas, Edward Bushell enlisted in the 69th
Pennsylvania. [25]
Bushell's life began to unravel with his capture at
Gettysburg. He and the other men from the regiment who were taken
prisoner were marched to Staunton, Virginia. The privations that Bushell
and the other prisoners from the 69th suffered was related by Patrick
Lester, a private from F Company. Lester wrote his wife on August 31,
1863, that for two months "we got only five ounses of bread to live on
dayly and that the worst part we had to march 8 days on 18 ounses of
flour Dear wife I cant tell you what we suffered." Bushell was
eventually taken by rail from Staunton to Richmond, where he remained,
presumably at Belle Isle, until he was paroled, on August 31, 1863. A
likely reason for his parole was his health. Surgeons diagnosed him with
"typhoids," and "hyper-trophy of heart." While he fought the illness
brought on by his imprisonment and exposure, his wife Mary fell ill and
died on November 5, 1863. Bushell left his young children in the care of
his father, Patrick. On December 31, 1863, he returned to his regiment,
but his health remained poor. At some time in the spring of 1864 he
deserted and returned to Philadelphia, where on April 14, he married
Margaret Gormly. Possibly Bushell hoped Margaret would provide a home
for his two children. If he did he was mistaken, for she would have
nothing to do with them and they remained in the uncertain care of their
grandfather. [26]
|
George Deichler's Pension Examination Record showing some of his
wounds. (click on image for a PDF version)
|
Bushell never recovered from his capture and
imprisonment. He reported sick on June 9, 1864, and from then on he
continued to decline in health. In September, physicians reported he
suffered from rheumatism. Probably the typhoid fever contracted during his
imprisonment contributed to his condition. He worsened and was transported
to King Street Hospital in Alexandria, Virginia. There, at 10
p.m. on Sunday November 7, he died, one year and two days after his
first wife Mary had passed away. Although it cannot be proved, it is
highly likely that Bushell's death was directly linked to his capture on
the slopes of Cemetery Ridge at Gettysburg, and his subsequent
imprisonment. His daughters, Mary Jane and Ellen, age 9 and 6
respectively, were now orphans in the care of a grandfather who had
little interest in their welfare. In either 1865 or 1866 he turned them
from his house onto the street. [27]
Fortunately for the children, their mother's sister,
Rosa Gallagher, took them in. In November 1866, probably soon after
throwing his grandchildren out of his home, Bushell's father applied
for a pension, claiming that since his son's death, "he has clothed and
fed his wards (the children) and provided them with all the necessaries
of life." For the next three years Pat Bushell pocketed the pension
meant to provide for his grandchildren. Then, on August 20, 1869, the
sisters of the dead children's mother struck a blow. They set the record
straight with the Pension Office, testifying that the children had lived
with Rosa Gallagher, not Pat Bushell "nearly ever since the death of
their Father." Furthermore, they avowed that Mr. Bushell, "has never
appropriated to them, or for their support one cent of said sum,
either for board clothing, or otherwise." And, as if to underscore his
unfitness to care for the children, they related that the grandfather
"was a drinking man, has turned his wife out of doors once or twice -
That she is not living with him now." Mary Bushell's sisters won their
point. On October 7, 1869, Patrick Bushell's pension was
stopped. [28]
Mary Jane and Ellen apparently lived out relatively
normal lives. Ellen married twice. There is no record whether Mary Jane
did. Both of them were still living in Philadelphia in 1920, when Ellen
wrote the Pension Office and attempted to re-activate her father's
pension. "Please try & see what you can do for two old sisters &
God will bless you," she wrote. [29]
Moments after Edward Bushell was seized by Pickett's
Virginians as a prisoner of war, Company F was overrun. Both
lieutenants, John Ryan and John Eagan were captured, along with eleven
enlisted men. One of them was 31-year old Patrick Lester. Two weeks
earlier, on June 19, he had written his wife, Jane, from Centreville,
Virginia:
Dear wife and children I take this opportunity of
writing these few lines to you to let you know that I am well after a
hard days march but we have about 80 miles more to go I cant tell how
manny died on the road.
No more at present
but remain your affectionate
husband Patrick Lester [30]
Patrick and Jane had been married for eight years
when he was captured at Gettysburg. Their marriage took place on
February 11, 1855, at St. John's Church in Philadelphia. Ten months
later their first child, Mary Jane, was born. She was followed two years
later by Elizabeth Ann, and then in 1860 the couple's third child,
Jessie Louisa, was born. Why, with three very young children to support,
Patrick Lester decided to enlist in the army is unknown. A likely
reason, and one that applied to many men in the enlisted ranks in the
regiment, was that the army, despite its dangers, offered a more stable
income than work as a common laborer. A laborer probably made about
$16.00 a month. The army offered regular employment and a pension if
you were killed or badly wounded and discharged. For a family man like
Lester, this may have been an attractive inducement. Whatever the
reason, he enrolled on August 19, 1861. [31]
Jane Lester did not hear from her husband again until
August 31, 1863, when he wrote her from Camp Parole at Annapolis,
Maryland:
My Deer wife and children
I take this opportunity of writing these few lines to
you hoping to find you and the children in good health. I am in very
poor health myself but I am as well as I can espect after the treatment
I got this last two months. . . I cant tell you what we
suffered. I hadent a [] but what the tuck away I hadent a shurt or shoe
or stocking on me sence I was taking. . . Dear Wife we got new
close when we landed heer the ar plenty to eat but cant eat it My stomack
is to weak. [32]
Pat had contracted chronic diarrhea while held at
Belle Isle. It was one of the reasons he had been paroled. With young
children to care for, and little money, Jane Lester could not rush down
to Annapolis to care for her husband. He was moved to St. John's
Hospital in Annapolis. On October 1, 1863, at Patrick's request, Mrs.
Abby Welch, a nurse in Lester's ward, wrote to Jane about his condition.
"I wish he could be at home with you," she wrote; "for he needs good
nursing, better than we are able to give him here. I think he is a dear
good man, he is so patient and uncomplaining." Mrs. Welch inserted one
hopeful piece of news; she believed Patrick would soon be transferred to
Philadelphia. The next day, October 2, hope became reality. Patrick was
granted a medical furlough until October 20, and transported to his
home in Philadelphia to convalesce. The joy of returning home to his
wife and children was tempered by Lester's medical condition, which
continued to worsen. On October 19, the day before Lester's furlough would
expire, Jane went to see John W. Wilson, a man she knew who was chief
clerk at the Sanitary Commission office in the city, to see if he could
do anything about extending her husband's furlough. Wilson went that day
to visit Pat Lester and found him gravely ill. He returned and explained
Lester's situation to the medical director, who said that Lester would
have to be transported to some army hospital before his furlough
expired, or he would be marked as a deserter. In obedience to this
absurd bit of army bureaucracy, Lester moved to the U. S. General
Hospital at Broad and Pine Streets. There, in the unhappy, sterile halls of
an army hospital, Patrick Lester died of chronic diarrhea on November
15, 1863. [33]
Ten days after her husband's death, Jane Lester filed
for a widow's pension. She was awarded the standard $8 a month, for a
private's wife. Tragedy struck her life again on July 27, 1865, when her
youngest daughter, 5-year old Jesse, was killed in an accidental
shooting. These traumatic blows must have taken their toll on Jane
Lester, and on March 11, 1872, she passed away. Her surviving children,
Mary Jane and Elizabeth, were raised by their grandfather, James
Williamson. Although the Lester pension files reveal little information
about them, the two children survived the tragedies of their childhood
and apparently led normal lives in the Philadelphia area.
Of the 2 officers and 15 enlisted men taken prisoner
in the 69th on July 3, 12 died in captivity or, like Lester and Edward
Bushell, as a result of their captivity. Of the five survivors, only two
men, 2nd Lieutenant John Eagen (Lacy) and Private Michael Gorman, both
of Company F, seem to have had constitutions of iron and retained their
health. Eagen lived until 1918. Gorman returned to the regiment after
his parole in March, 1864, and served out the rest of his military
service, was discharged, and never applied for a pension. The other
three, 1st Lieutenant John Ryan, 1st Sergeant Robert Doake, and Private
James Hand, all of Company F, were not as fortunate. Although they
survived their bout with disease that killed many of their comrades,
they never fully recovered their health. After his parole in August,
1863, Doake was hospitalized until February, 1864, when he transferred
to the Veteran Reserve Corps. Even this light duty proved too much for
him and he had to be discharged from the army. James Hand received his
parole in September, 1863, and, although he subsequently returned to the
regiment, he was in and out of hospitals until his discharge in August,
1864.
The experience of 26-year old Lieutenant Ryan gives
us some sense of what Hand and Doake suffered. Ryan had been wounded at
the Battle of Fredericksburg, suffering a contused wound over the liver.
The blow reportedly affected his stomach and caused him to "reject a
great part of his food." Four months later he returned to the regiment.
For 18 days following his capture at Gettysburg, during the march from
the battlefield to Staunton, Virginia, he received little food and slept
in "wet fields at night without any shelter from the rain." From
Staunton, Ryan and the others in the regiment were trained to Richmond,
where he and John Eagen entered Libby Prison. Bad as it was, conditions
at Libby (for officers) were better than those at Belle Isle (for
enlisted men). Nevertheless, due to the shortage of vegetables and
adequate food, Ryan contracted scurvy and dysentery. By the time of his
parole from prison on March 7, 1864, he reported that there were sores
all over his body, and an ulcer on his left leg. Several months in the
hospital convinced doctors that Ryan could not return to the field, and
he was discharged from the army on July 9, 1864. [34]
|
1st Lieutenant John Ryan, Co. F (Rev. Roy
Frampton)
|
During his convalescence, following his parole in
March, Ryan managed to get a furlough to return to Philadelphia, where
he married Catherine Golden on April 12, 1864, at St. Patrick's Church.
After his discharge, Ryan took a job with the Philadelphia and Reading
Railroad as a brakeman. On a fairly regular occasion Ryan would be
assailed by intense attacks of pain in his side over the liver, and
sometimes in his back or head. In an affidavit to the Pension Office he
described them:
These pains come and pass away frequently, and are
very intense while they last. The pain in my head comes in the sockets
of my eyes and almost blinds me while it remains there. It seems as
though a sharp instrument was piercing my brain. The pain in my back
extends from my hips to shoulder blades, causing great distress when I
stoop - cough - or sneeze, and especially in the morning
when arising from bed. [35]
In July, 1866 Ryan was involved in some type of
accident at work, which required the amputation of his right leg at the
middle of his thigh. What Ryan did for the next five years is unknown,
but in 1871 he and Catherine moved to Washington, D. C., where he took
a position on the disabled soldiers roll as a messenger at the U. S.
House of Representatives. The intense attacks of pain continued
frequently, assailing and prostrating Ryan for days at a time, leaving
him unable to care for himself. Some joy entered his life in December,
1881, when his wife gave birth to a baby boy. But it could not have been
easy for Catherine to care for the young child and a husband whose
health was precarious at best. [36]
Ryan's health continually deteriorated through the
1880's. His teeth blackened and decayed, and he suffered from gum
disease, the result of scurvy. He also developed heart disease, and a
frequent, hacking cough. Finally, on August 10, 1896, at age 59, Ryan
succumbed to his ailments and passed away. [37]
Clearly, capture on a Civil War battlefield was not a
ticket to safety from the dangers of combat. For most of the seventeen
men captured in the 69th, it was passage to an early grave or
permanently broken health, as it probably was for a large percentage of the
over 10,000 POW's of the battle. [38]
Only one man, other than Captain Thompson, lost his
life in Company F on July 3. This was a 40-year old private named Neil
McCafferty. He had been married for twelve years by 1863, and he and his
wife Catherine had three daughters, ages 10, 8, and 4. Their oldest
daughter, Mary had celebrated her tenth birthday on June 6, while her
father marched north with the Army of the Potomac to find and fight the
Army of Northern Virginia. A younger cousin of McCafferty's, 20-year
old Joseph McKeever, marched in the ranks of Company E. McCafferty had
taken McKeever under his wing and looked out for him. "He was like a
father to me," recalled McKeever [39]
When the shooting ceased in the combat at the angle,
someone in the regiment made his way down to Company E, found McKeever
and told him, "Huey, Neil McCafferty is dead." McKeever found him lying
beside the stone wall. He buried his cousin later that evening. He may
have also written Catherine to break the sad news to her. Somehow she
found the means to have her husband's body retrieved from the
battlefield and returned to Philadelphia, where he was buried in
Cathedral Cemetery on July 18. Four days later she applied for, and
received, a pension. In 1865 her youngest daughter, Annie, then age 9,
began experiencing severe epileptic seizures. By some means, Catherine
McCafferty held her family together, raised her daughters, and provided
for Annie's special needs. Catherine died in 1907. Margaret, the
youngest of the three daughters, stepped forth to care for her helpless
older sister, providing for her needs until Annie's death in 1934.
[40]
The close-quarter conflict that spread down the line
of the 69th following the destruction of Company F, fell particularly
hard on immigrants from County Tyrone, Ireland. Company G had a large
number of men from this part of northern Ireland, but there were others
spread throughout the other companies. Most of the men were in their
late 20's or early 30's, and worked as laborers, shoemakers,
bricklayers, or similar occupations. Possibly one of the first to fall,
was John Harvey Jr., a 28-year old private in Company A, and former
waiter in Philadelphia. Harvey was unique in the regiment for two
reasons; one, his 46-year old father, John Harvey Sr., a lawyer by
occupation, was also in Company A as a private, and two, John Jr. stood
6 feet 4-1/2 inches tall, a huge man in that regiment. His height may
have worked to his disadvantage on July 3, for a shell fragment hit him
in the head, possibly during the cannonade. Apparently he did not die
immediately from this bloody wound, for during the infantry attack he
received a minnie ball through the arm. His father was probably beside
him when he received these wounds and may have watched him die at the
farm of Peter Frey. They buried John Jr. on the east side of Frey's
house. [41]
The death of his son evidently had a profound effect
upon John, Sr. He had always been with the regiment and performed his
duty from the time of enlistment on August 23, 1861, except one brief
period in 1862 when he was reported sick in the hospital. On July 17,
1863, while the regiment was near Harper's Ferry, Virginia, John, Sr.
slipped away, taking his rifle and accouterments with him. In the fall
of 1863 he turned up in an army hospital in Washington, D. C., minus his
weapon and equipment. He had probably sold them to get money for drink.
Between his date of desertion and November, 1863, John Harvey, Sr. drank
himself to death. He died on November 11, 1863, of chronic alcoholism,
leaving a widow behind in Philadelphia. [42]
Another of the County Tyrone men took a prominent
part in the savage battle between Company D and Armistead's men who
overran Company F. He was Hugh Bradley, 28 years old, 5' 8" tall, black
hair, brown eyes, dark complexion, and known in the regiment as "quite a
savage sort of fellow." In the desperate melee with Armistead's
Virginians, Bradley turned his rifle into a club, "striking right and
left," until a Virginian crushed his skull with the butt end of a rifle
and killed him. [43].
Despite his reputation as a "savage" individual,
Hugh Bradley had been the sole support of his mother, Jane Bradley,
since 1860. Jane had lost her husband in Ireland and in 1841 she
immigrated to America with her nine children, and settled in
Phoenixville, Pennsylvania. What ages all of the children were is
unknown, and what became of them all is likewise not indicated. But
Jane relied solely upon her sons Hugh and Charles for support. Around
1860, Charles fell ill, so Jane came to count upon whatever Hugh could
send her of his $13 a month paycheck. One month after Hugh's death, his
mother applied for a pension. She received the standard $8 a month. The
sum of $96 a year could not sustain anyone, even in 1860's America, and
how Jane made ends meet is unknown. Somehow she did, until 1876, when
she stopped collecting her pension checks, probably because of
death. [44]
Ellen Mullin was another County Tyrone mother who
relied solely upon a son, 28-year old 2nd Lieutenant Michael Mullin, of
Company G, for her support. She had a sickly husband, James Mullin, who
suffered from heart disease, and since Michael had turned 17, Ellen
relied upon his income as a weaver or painter to support the
household. Michael's nomination by his commanding officer to fill a 2nd
Lieutenant vacancy in Company G in February, 1863, must have been
welcome news to the entire family, for it would more than double his 1st
Sergeant's salary, from $20.00 to $45.00 a month. His salary undoubtedly
was more than he had ever earned as a weaver/painter and would provide
the means to improve the standard of living of his mother and father.
There seems to have been some trouble with his confirmation at this
rank, but according to some records he received his commission on June
5, 1863. However, because the regiment was on the march after Lee, it
did not catch up to him before the battle. [45]
Whatever hopes his increased rank and pay may have
raised in Mullin and his parents died at Gettysburg. On July 3, a bullet
from one of Garnett's or Kemper's men hit the lieutenant in the left hip
and fractured it. He probably was carried first to the Peter Frey farm,
a 2nd Corps, 2nd Division hospital, but he was subsequently transported
to the Jacob Schwartz farm, which served as the 2nd Corps Field
Hospital. There, four days after his wound, Mullin died. Without the
means to remove her son's body, Ellen Mullin could only hope the army
would provide her son a proper burial. Initially he was buried with the
many others who died of their wounds at the makeshift hospital
cemetery, but later that fall or the next spring, his body was removed
to the Soldiers National Cemetery where he was laid to rest with his
comrades in the 69th. [46]
Ellen Mullin did not apply for a pension for her dead
son until June, 1864. By that time, her husband had been sick in bed
since January. He died on August 1. She received her pension, but the
Pension Office could not find any confirmation that her son had been
commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant, so they paid her at his last reported
rank - that of 1st Sergeant. Like most of the Irish wives and mothers of
men in the 69th, Ellen could not read or write, but she fought to get
what she knew was due her. Eventually, the truth was discovered, i.e.,
that Mullin's commission had not caught up to him before his death - a
trivial error in an army of over 90,000 men, but a matter of supreme
importance to a woman for whom $5 a month made a significant
difference in her life. She eventually won her struggle to get her
pension set at the rate paid to the mother of a 2nd Lieutenant. However,
when she called at the office of Dr. F. F. Burmeister, the pension
agent in Philadelphia and former surgeon of the 69th, she was informed
that she could not draw the pension as the rolls indicated she was dead.
Her attorney, Joseph E. Devitt wrote the Commissioner of Pensions to
state the situation and advise the commissioner, "She still
lives," then added, "Will you be good enough to have the roll
corrected as the claimant is very needy." Someone in the Pension Office
attended to the claim, and Ellen Mullin finally received her pension at
the rate to which she was entitled. [47]
The bloody conflict of July 3 felled all three field
officers of the 69th. Colonel O'Kane died that night from a wound he
received in the chest. Lieutenant Colonel Tschudy, who could have left
the field with an honorable wound on July 2, died with the men of
Company D in their hand-to-hand conflict. On the left of the regiment,
Major James Duffy took an ugly and intensely painful wound in the right
thigh from an exploding bullet. Following initial treatment on the
battlefield, the 25-year old Duffy was evacuated to Philadelphia,
accompanied by Private George H. Haws, a 29-year old plumber who was
detailed from Company A to serve as Duffy's personal servant. They
reached Duffy's home in the city on July 5. Haws said his goodbye
and vanished into the city. The regiment never saw him again, and the
last reported word on him was that he "went to sea." [48]
For Duffy's young wife, Catherine, his appearance
must have been shocking, for not only was the young major suffering
terribly from his wound, he was also tormented by sunstroke, which he
probably received during the march to Gettysburg. Catherine and James
had been married two years on April 11, 1863. The month of their happy
union had been the month the Union was shaken apart by events at Fort
Sumter, South Carolina. Duffy enjoyed a comfortable occupation as a
tavern keeper at Duffy's hotel, located near the corner of
Philadelphia's South Broad and Locust Streets. The tavern, no doubt, was
a lively place that spring of 1861, with the war as the main topic of
discussion. Duffy was caught up in the initial war euphoria, and he
secured a commission as captain in the 90-day 24th Pennsylvania
Infantry. When the regiment's enlistment ran out, Duffy went to work
recruiting what became Company A of the 69th Pennsylvania Volunteer
Infantry. [49]
For nearly two years Catherine Duffy lived with the
uncertainty and fear that only the wife of a soldier at war knows. The
news of every battle probably sent a shiver through her, until a letter
from James arrived to allay her worst fears. James apparently returned
home in February or March, 1862, on a furlough, for nine months later,
on November 19, 1862, the couple's first child, Margaret, was born. Four
months later, James had more good news. He had been promoted to major
on March 31. In addition to the increased salary, Catherine may have
been encouraged that the new position would place her husband in less
danger. On July 3, 1863, a Confederate bullet brought the family's good
luck to an end, but Catherine may still have counted herself fortunate.
Although badly wounded, James had been spared and was home. She would
have known that dozens of other wives and mothers of soldiers in the
69th were not so lucky [50]
The bullet that struck Duffy's thigh, or fragments
of it, remained lodged in his leg, and Catherine sent for James's
father, who brought Dr. William H. Pancoast and Professor J. Pancoast.
Dr. Pancoast operated on Duffy and removed the bullet. Duffy, according
to Pancoast, "suffered severely and for some time," and that he
"recovered slowly and with difficulty." By late September or early October,
1863, Duffy felt ready to return to the regiment. It proved to be a
premature decision for the wound had not healed properly, and the
exertions associated with the army's active operations at Bristoe
Station and Mine Run proved too much for Duffy. On December 18, 1863,
while the regiment was in winter quarters at Brandy Station, he received
his discharge from the army for medical disability [51]
James returned to civilian life, probably to his
former occupation as a tavern keeper. In October, 1866, Catherine gave
birth to their second child, a boy, whom they names James. But James,
Sr. continued to suffer the effects of his Gettysburg wound, and on
January 28, 1867, he applied for a pension. Former 69th Pennsylvania
regimental surgeon, F. F. Burmeister, examined him and rated him
one-half disabled, which qualified Duffy for $12.50 a month. Three
months later, Duffy applied for an increase to his pension and was
examined by a different surgeon, Philip Leidy. He reported that Duffy's
right leg was very weak, and that any amount of exertion or sitting for
long periods caused the former major pain. Changes in temperature also
affected the leg, at times rendering Duffy unable to work. Leidy
recommended Duffy's rating of disability be increased to 2/3's.
[52]
On October 10, 1868, Catherine gave birth to their
third child, a girl whom they named Catherine. Two months later, Duffy,
whose health continued to be poor, fell ill. His wound continued to
cause him trouble and probably contributed to the neuralgia (acute pain
that follows the course of a nerve) and anemia that the visiting
physician diagnosed. The next few months must have been unpleasant ones
in the Duffy household. Duffy's condition continued to worsen.
Catherine, with two young children and an infant to care for, had her
hands full. She probably had help from her family or James', for one
thing nearly all the pension files of soldiers in the 69th reveal is
that in most cases family members or friends looked after those in need.
What pension files do not reveal is the toll James' degenerating health
took upon Catherine Duffy. By June 7, 1869, Duffy's condition grew
serious. In addition to his suffering from his wound, neuralgia, and
anemia, Duffy developed chronic diarrhea. For nine days he suffered in
agony, until he died on June 16, another fatality of the Battle of
Gettysburg. [53]
Catherine Duffy raised her three children, ages 6, 2,
and 8 months old at the time of their father's death, until 1883. How
difficult this was for her is unknown. Probably her family, or James'
family, or friends, gave her assistance. She collected a widow's
pension, but it must have been hard for a widowed woman to raise young
children in that day. On November 11, 1883, Catherine Duffy died. James
and Maggie were over 16 and considered old enough to take care of
themselves. Young Catherine, almost 15 years old, was placed in the care
of Bernard McCaul, who was probably Catherine's brother. The single
bullet fired from an Enfield or Springfield Rifle that struck James
Duffy on July 3, 1863, at Gettysburg had brought much sorrow and
hardship to his family. One can only wonder what his children thought
about the battlefield that had ultimately robbed them of their father at
age 31? In 1887 the 69th raised a monument to mark their position at
Gettysburg, paid for by contributions by friends and former members of
the regiment. On the list of contributors published in the back of the
69th's regimental history is the name of James Duffy, Duffy's 21-year
old son, who gave $2.00. It was probably all he could afford, but it was
his way of saying that he had not forgotten the life his father had
sacrificed at Gettysburg many years before. [54]
Not all of the men lost by the 69th Pennsylvania as
a result of Gettysburg fell into the category of killed, wounded, or
captured. There is another group of casualties produced by war -
deserters. Often, these were chronic hard-cases, or regimental rif-raf,
who butted heads with army regulations and discipline until they decided
they had enough. But the eleven men who deserted from the 69th soon
after the battle, between July 5 and July 14, were not this brand of
soldiers. The military records of all but one of them indicate that they
were good soldiers and had always been present for duty, unless sick in
the hospital. [55]
The first soldier of the regiment to desert after
the battle, was George Haws, of Company A, whose story has already been
related. On July 6, while the regiment was near Sandy Hook, Maryland,
Patrick Harvey, of Company F, one of the few members of that company who
had come through the battle unscathed, deserted. The next day John
Cronin, of Company C, slipped away. On the 11th, two company A men left,
and Patrick Conuff, of Company D, who had been wounded on July 3,
deserted from the hospital. Thomas Lundy, 44, was listed as a deserter
on the 12th, and on the 13th, Corporal William Farrell, of Company C,
deserted from a hospital in Philadelphia, where he was recovering from
a wound received in the battle. Two more men, James Dolan and Edward
O'Brien, of Company H deserted on the 14th. The last of the eleven to
desert was John Harvey, Sr., whose circumstances have already been
told. [56]
Why had these men, all average soldiers who did their
duty, deserted their comrades? In fact, not all of them had deserted.
Thomas Lundy apparently straggled from the march on July 12, was
captured by Mosby's partisan cavalry, and then was re-captured by Union
cavalry. In the skirmish that ensued during his re-capture, Lundy lost
two fingers and ended up at Carver Hospital in Washington, D.C., where,
on August 5, he wrote his lieutenant to explain his whereabouts and have
his name removed from the rolls of the deserters. But the others had
deserted. John Eckard, a 27-year old private in Company A, was one of
two men who deserted from the regiment on the 11th. Eckard had deserted
once before, on August 28, 1862, but had returned to the regiment under
a presidential pardon to deserters on April 29, 1863. Except for the
period of his absence, Eckard had been in every battle and skirmish in
which the regiment had participated, but, according to his own account,
he had not seen his family for two years. After Gettysburg he decided to
leave, slipped away and somehow made his way back to Philadelphia.
Sometime in September, he was found and arrested and hauled back to the
regiment in the field. On October 1, 1863, Eckard was court-martialed
and ordered to forfeit all back pay, dating from the time of his
desertion, and to be charged $10 per month for nine months. Eckard had
been a common laborer before the war and his family evidently was quite
poor, so his court-martial sentence imposed a considerable hardship
upon him. In March, 1864, he appealed to the Secretary of War to be
allowed to re-enlist as a veteran volunteer, which he had not been
allowed to do because he remained under a sentence of court martial. "By
complying with my request you will be rendering a service to my family
as well as conferring a never to be forgotten favor on [me]," wrote
Eckard. Stanton granted Eckard permission to re-enlist. Five months
later he was captured at Ream's Station, Virginia, on August 25, 1864.
On October 9, 1864, he was sent to Salisbury Prison in North Carolina.
Slightly over two weeks later he died of disease. [57]
Two other deserters also returned to the regiment.
Patrick Harvey came back on September 27, 1863, bringing his rifle and
accouterments with him. Edward O'Brien was apprehended in Baltimore on
September 17. Both men were court martialed and docked pay, but both
remained with the regiment and served out the remainder of their
enlistments. Harvey even collected a pension after the war for
disability. The remaining six deserters, Corporal William Walton, of
Company A, Haws, Farrell, Conuff, Cronin, and Dolan, eluded capture and
never returned to the regiment. Walton had been promoted to corporal on
June 1, 1863, indicating that his company commander must have considered
him a good soldier. Farrell apparently had some trouble with Colonel
O'Kane, the nature of which is not specified. Whatever his situation, on
July 13, he left the hospital in Philadelphia where he was recovering
from his wound at Gettysburg, and walked into the United States Marine
Corps recruiting office to enlist under the name "William Giblin." He
served his six-year hitch honorably and received his discharge in 1869.
In the 1890's he applied for a pension. The pension examiners eventually
discovered that Farrell had been a deserter, but he had received an
honorable discharge from the Marine Corps, and for this service was
awarded a pension. [58]
A likely reason why most of these men deserted was
self-preservation. They had passed unscathed through battles like
Glendale, Savage Station, Antietam, Fredericksburg, and
Chancellorsville. Then came Gettysburg. Who knows what close calls or
other experiences each of these deserters had in that close-quarter
engagement, but they may have questioned whether they could or would
survive another such bloodbath. Or some of them may have simply reached
the limit of their tolerance for combat with Gettysburg. For the men who
never returned to the regiment, the war had permanently altered their
lives. At least for the duration of the war they could not return to the
life they had led previous to their enlistment, and for some they could
never go back.
This has been the story of only a handful of lives
that were abruptly, and permanently altered by the Battle of Gettysburg.
To learn what they endured gives us some slight idea of the awful
reality of what that battle really meant to tens of thousands of men,
woman and children. There was no pomp and circumstance, or bright flags,
or bayonets glistening in the sun - no glory to be won. There were
merely common people struggling with the harsh blows war had dealt
them. Most of the stories have unhappy endings: Susan Kelly, her two
cherished sons dead, left alone and dependent upon a government pension
to survive; George Deichler dying alone and unhappy; Jane Lester,
finding her joy at having her husband return from prison crushed by his
death from a hideous disease; Catherine Duffy, widowed at a young age
with three children ages six and under. Hopes and lives shattered - this
was the bitter fruit of that terrible battle. Yet, there is a quiet
heroism about them all; Henry Murray, with his eyes shot out, finding a
reason to live after all; George Deichler, who probably could have
sought and received a medical discharge for his Gettysburg wound, but
did not, returned, and paid a terrible price; Rosa Gallagher, who took
in the children of Edward Bushell when their grandfather turned them
from his house and then had the courage to stop him from collecting a
fraudulent pension; Catherine McCafferty, holding her family together
after her husband's death and raising their three daughters alone; and
there are many more whose stories will never be known. Theirs was a
different courage than that shown on the battlefield; it was the courage
to face life, when it would have been easier to give up and die.
NOTES
Using pension files at the National Archives is a
tedious process. I would like to thank Eric Campbell, Tom Desjardin, and
Justin Shaw for their help in this important part of the research. My
thanks also to Mike Musick, of the Archives staff who facilitated my
limited research time by pulling the regimental books and the military
records of the entire regiment for my use.
1 Anthony McDermott, A Brief
History of the 69th Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers,
(Philadelphia: D. J. Gallagher & Co., 1889), 28. U. S. War
Department, The War of the Rebellion: The Official Records of the
Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Vol. XXVII, pt. 1, 430-431,
(hereafter cited as OR). Pennsylvania at Gettysburg, Vol. 1, 379.
Anthony McDermott to John Bachelder, 6/2/1886, Bachelder Papers, New
Hampshire Historical Society (NHHS), copy GNMP Library (hereafter cited
as Bachelder). Twenty-eight year old Alexander Webb assumed command of
the Philadelphia Brigade on June 28, 1863. He was a professional
soldier, but previous to taking command of the 2nd Brigade had served
strictly as a staff officer. He had a reputation of being a good
disciplinarian however, and since corps headquarters thought discipline
in the brigade had slipped under its previous commander, he was assigned
to its command. The combat experience of the 69th Pennsylvania at
Gettysburg was the subject of an article titled, "It Struck Horror to Us
All," that the author wrote for The Gettysburg Magazine, No. 4,
(January, 1991), 89-100.
2 For an account of this action see,
Harry Pfanz, Gettysburg, The Second Day, (Chapel Hill: Univ. of
North Carolina Press, 1987). OR, Vol. XXVII, Pt: 1, 431.
According to McDermott, no report of casualties was made on July 2. A
report was made up on the night of July 3 that attempted to break down
casualties by day. Mistakes, under these circumstances, were inevitable.
A roster of those present at Gettysburg in the 69th was included in
Russell W. Wylie, ed., The Case For a Meritorious Unit Citation For
the 69th Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry - Battle of Gettysburg: July 3,
1863, 1995, (hereafter referred to as Roster of 69th
Pennsylvania). The roster indicates only 6 killed and 12 wounded on
July 2. Company B suffered the greatest loss with 3 killed and 6
wounded. McDermott, History of the 69th, 28-29. McDermott to
Bachelder, 6/2/1886, Bachelder.
3 McDermott to Bachelder, 6/2/1886,
Bachelder. For a more detailed description of this phase of the battle
see the author's article, "It Struck Horror to Us All."
4 See, "It Struck Horror to Us All,"
96-98.
5 Hartwig, "It Struck Horror to Us
All," 98. McDermott to Bachelder, 6/2/1886, 1/27/1887, 10/21/1889,
Bachelder.
6 McDermott to Bachelder, 10/10/1889,
10/21/1889, Bachelder. Hartwig, "It Struck Horror to Us All," 98. Joseph
McKeever testimony, Survivors of the Seventy Second Regiment of
Pennsylvania Volunteers vs. Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial
Association. Testimony in the Court of the Common Pleas of Adams
County. In Equity, No. 1, January Term, 1889 (hereafter referred
to as Trial of the 72nd Pennsylvania), 267.
7 Hartwig, "It Struck Horror to Us
All," 98-100. Anthony McDermott, who became the regimental adjutant
after Gettysburg, made a conscientious effort to record the 69th's
casualties accurately. However, even his casualty list has errors in it
when matched against military and pension records. He wanted the 69th's
regimental monument to give the regiment's casualties as 45 killed, 88
wounded, and 18 missing. A check of the regiment's roster present at
Gettysburg does not agree with McDermott's figures. Therefore, I
accepted the figures that General Alexander Webb reported, which were
adjusted from the initial casualty report filed by Captain Davis. For
McDermott's record of casualties see McDermott to Bachelder, January 27,
1887, Bachelder. The number of mortally wounded in the regiment is from
John Busey, These Honored Dead, (Longstreet House: Hightstown,
NJ, 1988), 203.
8 Roster of 69th Pennsylvania. Samuel
P. Bates, History of the Pennsylvania Volunteers, (Reprint,
Broadfoot Publishing Co., 1993), Vol. IV, 711. Nicholas Farrell Pension
File, National Archives.
9 Nicholas Farrell Pension File,
NA.
10 Henry W. Murray Pension File, NA.
The statement Murray signed is dated July 31, 1874. John Buckley to
Bachelder, No Date, 1886, BP, NHHS. Buckley Testimony, Trial of the
72nd Pennsylvania, 135. I did not learn whether Murray and Hannah
ever had children.
11 There were daughters in the family,
but their names, and the number is not stated. Charles F. Kelly Pension
File. Bates, History of the Pennsylvania Volunteers, Vol. IV,
731. Roster of 69th Pennsylvania. Bates does not list Charles as a
sergeant, but the roster in the latter document does. Pay for the
various ranks in the U. S. Army is listed in a table in The Revised
Regulations for the Army of the United States, 1861, 351.
12 Thos. Willett to Susan Kelly, 9
June 1864, Charles F. Kelly Pension File.
13 Charles F. Kelly Pension File.
14 Edward D. Harmon Pension File, NA.
Bates, History of the Pennsylvania Volunteers, 734.
15 Harmon Pension File.
16 Ibid.
17 Thomas to Mother, 11 June 1862,
Thomas Diver Pension File. Jane Diver's birthplace was not in her
pension file. Her husband died in New York in 1840, so I suspect that
she and her husband were from Ireland. I found in looking through
pension files that very few wives or mothers of soldiers in the 69th
could read or write. The majority of them were from Ireland. However,
nearly all of the children of men in the regiment could read and write,
which indicates that the emigrants from Ireland understood the value of
an education and saw to it that their children received one.
18 Thomas to Mother, 11 June, 2
February, 5 December 1862, 30 April 1863, Thomas Diver Pension File.
19 Thomas Diver Pension File. There is
a document in the file dated June 30, 1896 that states Jane Diver has
been dropped from the pension roles, and that she was last paid on
February 4, 1893. I have presumed this was due to her death.
20 George P. Deichler Pension File. I
have followed Deichler's military record as recorded in Bates,
History of the Pennsylvania Volunteers, Vol. IV, 734.
21 Deichler Pension File.
22 Ibid.
23 Ralph Rickaby Pension File. Bates,
p. 697, 708.
24 Rickaby Pension File.
25 Edward Bushell Pension File.
26 Bushell pension file. Patrick
Lester Pension File.
27 Bushell Pension File. Bushell's
father signed his son's pension documents with an 'X'.
28 Ibid.
29 Ellen to Secretary Baker, October
1, 1920, Bushell Pension File. I could not find any record that Ellen
and Mary Jane received a pension, but they probably did since they were
unmarried at the time of their re-application.
30 Patrick to Jane, June 19, 1863,
Patrick Lester Pension File.
31 Patrick Lester pension file. In
1854 an unskilled factory worker, which would be similar employment to a
common laborer, made 78 cents a day. By 1861 I have estimated that they
probably earned 80 cents a day, although it may have been more. See
Russell F. Weigly, ed., Philadelphia: A 300 Year History, 1982,
355.
32 Patrick Lester to Jane, 31 August
1863, John Lester Pension File.
33 Patrick Lester Pension File.
34 John Ryan Pension File.
35 Affidavit of John Ryan, 14 March
1882, Ryan Pension File.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid. Ryan received $7.50 a month
pension starting 10 July 1864. By 1889 he received $17. This was
increased to $24 in 1890 and $30 in 1896.
38 There were 10,810 reported MIA. See
John Busey and David Martin, Regimental Strengths and Losses at
Gettysburg, 239, 280.
39 Neil McCafferty Pension File.
Trial of the 72nd Pennsylvania, 264.
40 Trial of the 72nd
Pennsylvania, 268-269. Neil McCafferty Pension File. Annie was
incapable of taking care of herself or performing any work. Roster of 69th
Pennsylvania Infantry.
41 69th Pennsylvania Regimental and
Company Books, NA. John Harvey Sr. and John Harvey Jr. Military Service
Records, NA. John Jr. was later re-buried in the Soldier's National
Cemetery.
42 John Harvey Sr. Military Service
Record.
43 Hugh Bradley Military Service
Record. Descriptive Books, Company D, 69th Pennsylvania Infantry, NA.
Anthony McDermott to Bachelder, 2 June 1886, BP, NHHS.
44 Hugh Bradley Pension File. There is
no record of where Bradley is buried. Presumably his mother or one of
his brothers or sisters had his body returned home for burial.
45 Descriptive Books of Company G,
69th Pennsylvania Infantry. Michael Mullin Pension File. Mullin's
occupation was listed as either painter or weaver depending upon the
source.
46 Michael Mullin Military Service
Record. Busey, These Honored Dead, 204.
47 Michael Mullin Pension
File.
48 James Duffy Pension File. Company
A, 69th Pennsylvania Infantry Descriptive Books, NA.
49 James Duffy Pension File.
Descriptive Roster of 69th in Case for a Meritorious
Citation.
50 James Duffy Pension File.
Descriptive Roster.
51 James Duffy Pension File.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid. Anthony McDermott, 69th
Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers, 102.
55 John Eckard of Company A had
deserted on August 28, 1862, but returned under a presidential pardon
to deserters on April 29, 1863.
56 The military service records of all
deserters, and the descriptive books of the 69th's ten companies were
pulled at the National Archives.
57 Eckard to Stanton, 31 March 1864,
in John Eckard Military Service Record. Considering the clear
handwriting, the regimental adjutant, or a company officer probably
wrote the letter for Eckard.
58 William Farrell (alias William
Giblin) Pension File.
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