1. Standard works on the Coronado expedition are Herbert E. Bolton, Coronado, Knight of Pueblos and Plains (Albuquerque, 1949); George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, Narratives of the Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542 (Albuquerque, 1940); and George Parker Winship, "The Coronado Expedition," Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, 1892-1893, Part 1 (Washington, D.C., 1896), pp. 329-613. See also A. Grove Day, Coronado's Quest (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1940).

2. Informes de tos conquistadores y pobladores de México y de otras partes de la Nueva España, México, folio 203, Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Spain (AGI), Audiencia de México (Mex.) legajo 1064. Francisco A. de Icaza, Conquistadores y pobladores de Nueva España: diccionario autobiográfico, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1923), II, p. 289. Hammond and Rey, Narratives, p. 88.

3. Informes de los conquistadores, if. 179, 190, Icaza, Conquistadores, II, pp. 222, 254-55. Hammond and Rey, Narratives, p. 90. Pascual Madoz, Diccionario geográfico-estidístico-histórico de España y sus posesiones de ultramar, 16 vols. (Madrid, 1845-1850), VIII, pp. 34-35.

4. Juan Troyano to the king, México, Dec. 20, 1568, AGI, Mex., 168. Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, Epistolario de Nueva España, 1505-1818, 16 vols. (México, 1939-1942), X, pp. 262-77.

5. For the earlier career of Padilla in New Spain and a lively characterization, see Fray Angelico Chávez, Coronado's Friars (Washington, D.C., 1968), pp. 14-27, 46-47. This study cuts through "the pious imaginings" of the later chroniclers to get at what can be known of the sixteenth-century Franciscans brought together by the Coronado expedition. See also Chávez, ed., The Oroz Codex (Washington, D.C., 1972), p. 94n.

6. The earliest use of the name Pecos by Spaniards occurs in the testimony of Castaño de Sosa's soldiers in 1591. See below, p. 48.

7. An enlightening discussion of how news traveled during this period is Carroll L. Riley, "Early Spanish-Indian Communication in the Greater Southwest," New Mexico Historical Review (NMHR), vol. 46 (1971), pp. 285-314.

8. Coronado's testimony, Sept. 3. 1544, Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 324-25. Pedro de Castañeda, Relación de la jornada de Cíbola, 1:12. The entire Relación was transcribed and translated in Winship, "Coronado Expedition." A more recent English rendering is in Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 191-283. Riley, "Communication," pp. 303-04.

9. Father Padilla's brief but graphic account of the trip as far as the Rio Grande pueblos is translated in Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 182-84. Chávez, Coronado's Friars, pp. 49-53, offers a somewhat revised translation.

10. Castañeda, II:5.

11. Between 1915 and 1929 archaeologist Alfred Vincent Kidder supervised extensive excavations at Cicuye-Pecos and its environs. The publications that resulted, a number of which appear in the Bibliography, were many, and included An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology with a Preliminary Account of Excavations at Pecos, rev. ed. (New Haven, 1962), first published in 1924. After nearly twenty-five years away from the Southwest in the Maya field, Kidder returned to pull together Pecos, New Mexico: Archaeological Notes (Andover, 1958). In conclusion (pp. 307-22), he mused about the decline of Pecos and hinted at "some inner defect" which he believed might have been factionalism, a condition endemic in Pueblo society. Kidder also pointed out, as others had, that Pecos and Jémez, despite their common language, were "extraordinarily unlike" (p. 320).

12. Castañeda, 1:12. Kidder, The Artifacts of Pecos (New Haven, 1932) contains excellent descriptions and photographs of bird-bone flageolets and other musical instruments and of various items of personal adornment.

13. Padilla as quoted in Chávez, Coronado's Friars, pp. 51-52.

14. The text of the requerimiento is published in English in Charles Gibson, ed., The Spanish Tradition in America (New York, 1968), pp. 58-60. For background, see Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Philadelphia, 1949), pp. 31-36.

15. The manuscript reads "ocho patios grandes coda uno con su corredor." Relación del suceso, AGI, Patronato, 20, and translated in Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 284-94. The outstanding discussion of Pecos architecture is Kidder's Pecos, New Mexico.

16. Castañeda, 11:4-5. The author of the Relación del suceso, who was with Álvarado, if not Álvarado himself, said that the people of Cicuye "neither plant cotton nor have turkeys because it is fifteen leagues east of the river [the Rio Grande] close to the plains where the cattle roam." Another account claimed that the Pecos had "plenty of maize, beans, and frijoles and some turkeys." Relación postrera de Cíbola, Spanish text and translation in Winship, "Coronado Expedition," also translated in Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 308-12.

17. Ibid. Relación del suceso. Castañeda, 1:12-13, 15. Bolton, Coronado, pp. 179-91. Declarations of Juan Troyano, México, June 9, 1544, and Melchior Pérez, Guadalajara, Aug. 12, 1544, AGI, Justicia, 1021, pieza 4, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (BL), Bolton Research Papers (BRP), no. 393. Once the Spaniards had learned from the Arawak Indians in the Caribbean the word cacique, meaning chief, they spread it all over the Americas. In New Mexico it is still used by non-Indians to distinguish a pueblo's "chief priest," the final authority in all matters, from its governor, the "front man" who deals with outsiders. It is most unlikely (Bolton, Coronado, pp. 179-80) that Cacique, a leader of the conservative agrarian establishment at Cicuye, accompanied Bigotes and the delegation to Hawikuh.

18. Castañeda, 1:13. Castañeda alone among the chroniclers says that Coronado at this point ordered Álvarado back to Cicuye to get the gold bracelet or bracelets. When Bigotes and Cacique denied their existence, the captain arrested the two. Coronado's testimony of September 3, 1544, makes it appear that Álvarado was already at Tiguex with the prisoners when the general arrived from Zuñi. Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 326-27.

19. Bolton, Coronado, pp. 201-30. Chávez, Coronado's Friars, pp. 52-54. Riley, "Communication," pp. 303-06.

20. Castañeda, II:5. Coronado's testimony Sept. 3, 1544. Hammond and Rey, Narratives. There is still disagreement among anthropologists concerning the identity of the Teyas. The recent interpretation of Dolores A. Gunnerson, The Jicarilla Apaches: A Study in Survival (DeKalb, Ill., 1974), pp. 12-74, making them ancestors of the Eastern or Plains Apaches, has been roundly challenged by Morris E. Opler in a review article in Plains Anthropologist, vol. 20 (1975), pp. 150-57. It would appear that Baltazar de Obregón, writing in 1584, had got the allusion to the Teya seige of Cicuye mixed up with one of the actions of the Coronado expedition. He had Coronado attacking Cicuye with artillery for eighty days (elsewhere over forty)! Still, the pueblo held out, compelling the Spaniards to leave the land of this "valiant and indomitable people." Historia de los descubrimientos antiguos y modernos de la Nueva España y Nuevo México, 1584, AGI, Patronato, 22, ramo 7, BL BRP, no. 406, translated by Hammond and Rey as Obregón's History of 16th Century Explorations in Western America (Los Angeles, 1928), pp. 18, 335.

21. Coronado's testimony, Sept. 3, 1544, Hammond and Rey, Narratives, p. 331.

22. Relación del suceso. Bolton, Coronado, pp. 230-35.

23. Castañeda, 1:19, 21.

24. This is the interpretation of Albert H. Schroeder, "A Reanalysis of the Routes of Coronado and Oñate into the Plains in 1541 and 1601," Plains Anthropologist, vol. 7, no. 15 (Feb. 1962), pp. 2-23. Bolton thought the expedition built its bridge over the Pecos River near Anton Chico.

25. Waldo R. Wedel, An Introduction to Kansas Archeology, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 174 (Washington, D.C., 1959), pp. 60-65.

26. Castañeda, 1:21. Bolton, Coronado, pp. 238-304.

27. Juan de Contreras quoted by Bolton, Coronado, p. 303. Pérez denied that he was present. Pérez, Aug. 12, 1544, AGI, Justicia, 1021.

28. Castañeda, 1:22. Bolton, Coronado, pp. 305-12. A native of Borobia, east of Soria, Tristán de Luna y Arellano, by his own admission "the friend and associate of viceroys and principal men in New Spain," in 1559 led a large, ill-fated sea expedition to colonize La Florida. See Herbert Ingram Priestly, Tristán de Luna, Conquistador of the Old South (Glendale, 1936).

29. Chávez, Coronado's Friars, pp. 41-43, 58-62.

30. Jaramillo's narrative, Hammond and Rey, Narratives, pp. 295-307. Jaramillo stated further that some Indians from New Spain stayed because Brother Luis did. Two blacks, one named Sebastián who belonged to Jaramillo and the other owned by Melchoir Pérez, also remained behind. None of the other chroniclers mention them. In 1583 Antonio de Espejo met one of the Mexican Indians still living at Cicuye. See below, p. 43.

31. Castañeda, 111:4. Chávez, Coronado's Friars, pp. 28-29, 55, 62-72. As an explanation of Fray Luis de Úbeda's choice of Cicuye, Chávez suggests that the elderly lay brother might have stayed there previously in 1541 while the army was off exploring.

32. Ibid., pp. 73-74.

1. Troyano to the king, México, Dec. 20, 1568, AGI, Mex., 168. Paso y Troncoso, Epistolario, X, pp. 262-77.

2. For a lucid treatment of the Chichimeca War and what it meant to subsequent Spanish expansion northward, see Philip Wayne Powell, Soldiers, Indians, and Silver: The Northward Advance of New Spain 1550-1600 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1952), and on Zacatecas, Peter John Bakewell, Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico, Zacatecas, 1546-1700 (Cambridge, 1971).

3. Fray Cintos de San Francisco to Philip II, México, July 20, 1561, Joaquín García Icazbalceta, ed., Códice franciscano, Nueva Colleción de documentos para la historia de México, vol. 2 (México, 1941), pp. 217-28. See the editor's introduction to Alonso de Zorita, Life and Labor in Ancient Mexico, ed. Benjamin Keen (New Brunswick, N.J., 1963), pp. 46-50. Chávez, Oroz Codex, pp. 273-76. In 1585, the Third Mexican Provincial Council of the Church, which heard a renewed Franciscan plea for peaceful persuasion, roundly condemned war by fire and blood. Stafford Poole, "'War by Fire and Blood,' The Church and the Chichimecas 1585," The Americas, vol. 22 (1965), pp. 115-37.

4. Kieran R. McCarty, "Los franciscanos en la frontera chichimeca," Historia Mexicana, vol. 11 (1962), pp. 321-60. Powell, "Franciscans on the Silver Frontier of Old Mexico," The Americas, vol. 3 (1947), pp. 295-310. J. Lloyd Mecham, Francisco de Ibarra and Nueva Vizcaya (Durham, N.C., 1972). Hammond and Rey, Obregón's History. Robert C. West, The Mining Community in Northern New Spain: The Parral Mining District, Ibero-Americana, vol. 30 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1949).

5. Viceroy Conde de Coruña to the king, México, Nov. 1, 1582, Hammond and Rey, The Rediscovery of New Mexico, 1580-1594 (Albuquerque, 1966), pp. 123-24. Testimonies of Pedro Bustamante and Hernán Gallegos, México, May 16, 1582, ibid., pp. 127-38.

6. Chávez, Oroz Codex, pp. 336-40. Chávez argues that Brother Rodríguez was a dupe of the mercenary soldiers from the beginning. See also his article "The Gallegos Relación Reconsidered," NMHR, vol. 23 (1948), pp. 1-22. Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, p. 8, aver that "these men . . . were moved by a spirit of Christian idealism and sacrifice in bringing the light of civilization to new lands and peoples, a desire to serve both God and king, and the hope of bettering their own fortunes." Baltazar de Obregón said that Rodríguez was from Ayamonte and Santa María from Valencia. Hammond and Rey, Obregón's History, pp. 268-69.

7. Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, summarize the expedition of 1581-1582 in their introduction, pp. 6-15, 51-63, and publish the documents in translation, pp. 67-150. Another account is in the same editors' Obregón's History, pp. 268-313.

8. The Franciscan chronicler Fray Pedro Oroz credited the three friars with naming New Mexico. Chávez, Oroz Codex, pp. 337-38. Cf. Lansing B. Bloom, "Who Discovered New Mexico?," NMHR, vol. 15 (1940), pp. 105-07.

9. For a discussion of the identity of Nueva Tlaxcala, see Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 59-60. Schroeder does not agree that Gallegos' Nueva Tlaxcala was Cicuye, or Pecos. He opts for the pueblo of Gipuy on Galisteo Creek. Schroeder and Dan S. Matson, eds., A Colony on the Move: Gaspar Castaño de Sosa's Journal, 1590-1591 (Santa Fe, 1965), p. 158. Even though the rest of the details are inconclusive, the alleged size of the pueblo would seem to favor Pecos. Gallegos claimed that the natives of this pueblo communicated by signs, while Pedro de Bustamante mentioned "an interpreter of these natives." This interpreter may have been the Mexican Indian from Coronado's expedition mentioned at Pecos in connection with the visit of Espejo in 1583.

10. Chávez, Oroz Codex, p. 338, and "Gallegos Relación," pp. 9-15, follows Adolph Bandelier in fixing the place of Santa María's death just south of Paa-ko pueblo. Marjorie F. Lambert, Paa-ko, Archaeological Chronicle of an Indian Village in North Central New Mexico (Santa Fe, 1954) pp. 5-7, believes that the friar had traveled well south of this Tano pueblo into the territory of the eastern Tiwas or the Tompiros. Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, p. 222.

11. Rodrigo del Río de Losa. before Nov. 1, 1582, quoted in Bloom, "Who Discovered New Mexico," p. 106.

12. For summary and documents of the 1582-1583 expedition, see Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 15-28, 153-242, and Obregón's History, pp. 315-39.

13. Report of Antonio de Espejo. Santa Bárbara, Oct. 1583, Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 213-31.

14. Pérez de Luján's account, ibid., p. 204. Neither Espejo nor Obregón mentions this event.

15. Obregón, Historia, Hammond and Rey, Obregón's History, p. 335.

16. Ibid., pp. 335-36. Pérez de Luján's account.

17. Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, p. 236. See the editor's introduction in Chávez, Oroz Codex.

18. Ibid., p. 62.

19. Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians (Bloomington, Ind., 1959), pp. 74-88.

20. Philip II to Viceroy Conde de Coruña, Madrid, Apr. 19, 1583, AGI, Mex., 1064. François Chevalier, Land and Society in Colonial Mexico: The Great Hacienda, trans. Alvin Eustis, ed. Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966), pp. 46-47, 148-84.

21. Excerpt of Marqués de Villamanrique to Luis de Velasco, Texcoco, Feb. 14, 1590, Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 296-98. Hammond and Rey (ibid., pp. 28-48), basing their summary on "Castaño's Memoria" and other primary sources (pp. 245-320), present the Castaño entrada in a less favorable light than do Schroeder and Matson in their edition of the Memoria alone. The Memoria was printed twice in the Colleción de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organización de las antiguas posesiones españolas de América y Oceanía (DII), 42 vols. (Madrid 1864-1884), IV, pp. 283-354, and XV, pp. 191-261.

22. Testimony of Cristóbal Martín, Las Milpas, Aug. 24, 1591, et al., AGI, Mex., 220.

23. Castaño's Memoria. Schroeder and Matson, in Colony on the Move, pay particular attention to the expedition's route and provide photographs and excellent maps of the country traversed.

24. The first use of the name Pecos by Europeans is usually attributed to the Oñate expedition of 1598.

25. Castaño's Memoria, DII, XV, pp. 221-22.

26. Martín. Aug. 24, 1591, AGI, Mex., 220. Alonso Jáimez, who commented on the ignominious return of Heredia and company, corroborated Martín's account, adding that the Spaniards had left their gear in certain rooms of the pueblo. Testimony of Jáimez, Siete Martires, July 10, 1591, ibid.

27. Castaño's Memoria, DII, XV, pp. 223-41. Schroeder and Matson comment (Colony on the Move, pp. 81-103) at length on the description of Pecos as it relates to the archaeological work of Kidder and others. The testimonies of Martín and Jáimez, both participants confirm the Memoria's account of the battle, though they are far less detailed. They mention seeing for certain only one dead Pecos. AGI, Mex., 220.

28. Castaño's Memoria, DII, XV, pp. 252-53.

29. Velasco to Morlete, México, Oct. 1, 1590, Hammond and Rey, Reconquest, pp. 298-301.

30. See Powell, Soldiers, Indians, and Silver, pp. 181-223.

31. Velasco to the king, México, Feb. 23, 1591, Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 301-03.

32. Castaño to Velasco, "the Río del Norte route," July 27, 1591, et al., ibid., pp. 305-20.

33. Velasco to the king, México, Feb. 28, 1592, ibid., pp. 312-14.

1. Chevalier, Land and Society, pp. 148-84. The remarkable 1589 contract between Villamanrique and Lomas is in AGI, Patronato, 22, and printed in DII, XV, pp. 54-80. A historical novel by Philip Wayne (Powell), Ponzoña en Las Nieves (Madrid, 1966), captures the bitterness of the Lomas-Urdiñola rivalry.

2. Hammond and Rey have published in translation most of the Oñate documents along with an editorial summary in Don Juan de Oñate, Colonizer of New Mexico, 1595-1628, 2 vols. (Albuquerque, 1953). Some of the same documents, and some others, were published earlier in both Spanish and English by Charles Wilson Hackett in Historical Documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773. Collected by Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier, 3 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1923-1937), I, pp. 193-487. For a prose translation of Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá's epic Historia, covering events through the battle of Ácoma, see History of New Mexico by Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá, Alcalá, 1610, trans. Gilberto Espinosa (Los Angeles, 1933).

3. Appointment of Oñate, Velasco, México, Oct. 21, 1595, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 59-64. Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 48-50, 323-26.

4. Monterrey to the king, México, Feb. 28, 1596, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 82-85.

5. Oñate to Monterrey, Río de las Nazas, Sept. 13, 1596, Hackett, Documents, I, pp. 352-66. Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 169-79. The documents concerning the Ulloa inspection are in ibid., pp. 94-168.

6. Monterrey to the king, México, Nov. 15, 1596, and the king to Monterrey, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1597, et al., ibid., pp. 183-96. Hackett, Documents, 1, pp. 376-95, and for the Ponce de Leoón, ibid, pp. 280-349.

7. The record of the second inspection is in Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 199-308.

8. Velasco to the king, México, May 26, 1592, Hammond and Rey, Rediscovery, pp. 314-16.

9. See Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico, trans. Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966); Chávez, Oroz Codex; McCarty, "Los franciscanos;" and France V. Scholes, "Problems in the Early Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico," NMHR, vol. 7 (1932), pp. 32-74. Volume 3 of Agustín de Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano: descripción breve de los sucessos exemplares de la Nueva-España en el nuevo m undo occidental de las Indias, 4 vols. (Madrid, 1960-1961), is a history and description of the province of the Holy Gospel, first published in 1697, by its official chronicler.

10. Monterrey to the king, México, May 11, 1596, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I. pp. 92-93. Ricard, Spiritual Conquest, pp. 239-63.

11. Memorial to the viceroy, n.d., Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 77-80. Monterrey to the king, México, May 1, 1598, ibid., pp. 386-89.

12. Act of taking possession, Apr. 30, 1598, and Itinerario, 1596-1598, AGI, Patronato, 22, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 329-36, 309-28.

13. Relación de la jornada y descubrimiento de las vacas de Cíbola, San Juan Bautista, Feb. 23, 1599, AGI, Patronato, 22, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 398-405. Itinerario, 1596-1598.

14. Relación de como los padres de San Francisco se encargan de las provincias del Nuevo México, San Juan Bautista, Sept. 8, 1598, AGI, Patronato, 22. It is strange that Hammond and Rey did not publish this important document.

15. Itinerario, 1596-1598, AGI, Patronato, 22; Villagrá, History, 147-54.

16. Obediencia y vasallaje a su magestad, San Juan Bautista, Sept. 9, AGI, Patronato, 22, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 342-47.

17. Relación de la jornada y descubrimiento de las vacas, and Itinerario, 1596-1598, AGI, Patronato, 22.

18. Declaration of San Miguel, San Gabriel, Sept. 7, 1601, AGI, Mex., 26, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 673-75.

19. Fray Francisco Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa, Becerro general menológico y cronológico de todos los religiosos que de las tres parcialidades conviene, a saber Padres de España, Hijos de Provincia, y Criollos, ha habido en esta Santa Provincia del Santo Evangelio desde su fundación hasta el presente año de 1764, Newberry Library, Chicago, Ayer Collection. Another less orderly version of essentially the same thing, with some added notes on later friars, is the Prontuario general y específico y colectivo de nomenclaturas de todos los religiosos que han habido en esta Santa Provincia del Santo Evangelio desde su fundación, University of Texas Library, Austin, Latin American Manuscripts. Cited hereafter as Becerro and Prontuario. Declaration of San Miguel, Sept. 7, 1601, AGI, Mex., 26. Vetancurt does not even mention Father San Miguel.

20. See Stanley A. Stubbs, Bruce T. Ellis, and Alfred E. Dittert, Jr., "'Lost' Pecos Church," El Palacio (EP), vol. 64 (1957), pp. 67-92; Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 329-32; and Alden Hayes, The Four Churches of Pecos (Albuquerque, 1974). No certain documentary reference to this "lost" Pecos church has yet turned up. It is most unlikely that Fray Luis de Úbeda, the simple lay brother left at Pecos by Coronado in 1542, built it. None of the subsequent sixteenth-century visitors mentioned a church. The first missionary regularly assigned to the pueblo was San Miguel, who stayed only three months late in 1598. For twenty years after that, Pecos had no resident missionary. The consensus today is that the friars next assigned to the pueblo, between 1617 and 1621, built this first Pecos church. But this theory does not square with a telling statement by Fray Andrés Juárez, builder of the massive "second" Pecos church. Writing in October 1622, Juárez emphasized the pueblo's dire need for the church he was erecting, saying that until it was finished the only place he had to say Mass was a jacal, or adobe hut, in which not half the people would fit. Juárez to the viceroy, Pecos, Oct. 2, 1622, AGN, Civil, 77. Presumably by then San Miguel's 1598 structure was a ruin, having been stripped of its roof and many of its adobes by the Indians after the friar's hasty departure. Admittedly this too is conjecture.

21. The documents concerning the Ácomas' defiance and their defeat are translated in Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 425-79. See also Villagrá, History, pp. 164-268.

22. Oñate to the viceroy, Mar. 2, 1599, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 480-88.

23. Declaration of Jusepe Gutiérrez, San Juan Bautista, Feb 16, 1599, ibid., pp. 416-19, and Rediscovery, pp. 323-26.

24. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629," NMHR, vol. 19 (1944), pp. 320-30.

25. Declaration of Bartolomé Romero, San Gabriel, Oct. 3, 1601, AGI, Mex., 26, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 708-11. Romero also mentioned a church built at one of the Jémez pueblos under the supervision of Fray Alonso Lugo, originally assigned there in September 1598. These early references to New Mexico churches affirm the possibility that San Miguel did indeed build the first Pecos church.

26. Declaration of Ginés de Herrera Orta, México, July 30, 1601, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 643-57.

27. Declaration of San Miguel, San Gabriel, Sept. 7, 1601, et al., ibid., pp. 672-91.

28. Escalona to the viceroy, San Gabriel, Oct. 1, 1601, and to his prelate, same date, ibid., pp. 692-700. Fray Pedro de la Cruz, et al., to the viceroy, Cuernavaca, Nov. 13, 1602, ibid., pp. 980-83.

29. Investigation of conditions in New Mexico, México, July 1601, ibid., pp. 623-69. Report of the colonists who remained in New Mexico, San Gabriel, Oct. 1601, ibid., pp. 701-39. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," pp. 323-27.

30. Oñate to the viceroy, San Gabriel, Aug. 24, 1607, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 1042-45.

31. Montesclaros to the king, México, Mar. 31, 1605, ibid., pp. 1001-05. The king to Montesclaros, Madrid, June 17, 1606, ibid., pp. 1036-38. Velasco to the king, México, Dec. 17, 1608, et al., ibid., pp. 1067-74.

32. Velasco to the king, México, Feb 13, 1609, et al., ibid., pp. 1075-1105. Scholes, "Royal Treasury Records Relating to the Province of New Mexico, 1596-1683," NMHR, vol. 50 (1975), pp. 10-13.

33. See Scholes' vivid studies "Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650," NMHR, vol. 11 (1936), pp. 9-76, 145-78, 283-94, 297-349, vol. 12 (1937), pp. 78-106, and "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," ibid., pp. 134-74, 380-452, vol. 13 (1938), pp. 63-84, vol. 15 (1940), pp. 249-68, 369-417, vol. 16 (1941), pp. 15-40, 184-205, 313-27. Both were published separately by the Historical Society of New Mexico (Albuquerque, 1937, 1942). Because the separates are long out of print and scarce, I will cite the instalments in NMHR with volume and page. Another seminal study by Scholes is "Civil Government and Society in New Mexico in the Seventeenth Century," NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 71-111.

34. Velasco's instructions to Peralta, México, Mar. 30, 1609, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 1087-91.

35. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," pp. 330-36. Father Peinado entered the Franciscan novitiate at the Convento Grande in Mexico City on June 15, 1574, and professed on June 26, 1575. Libro de entradas y profesiones de novicios de este convento de Padre San Francisco de México, 1562-1680, BL, Mexican Manuscripts (M-M) 216-18. This useful source, cited hereafter as LEP, includes only those friars who entered the Order at the Convento Grande, not those invested in Spain or elsewhere.

36. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 30-50.

37. Fray Francisco de Velasco to the king, Apr. 9, 1609, Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 1093-97.

38. Excerpts from pertinent articles of the 1573 ordinances were included in the discussion about modifications of Oñate's contract. Ibid., pp. 585-607, 744-45, 958-66.

39. Scholes, "Civil Government," pp. 78-79, 102.

40. Witnesses in the 1601 Valverde investigation claimed that Oñate had not yet allotted any pueblos in encomienda. Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 630, 641. Evidently he began doing so not long afterward, although details are scarce. In 1606 Oñate attested that he had previously granted the pueblo of Santiago de Jémez to Juan Martínez de Montoya, Scholes, "Juan Martínez de Montoya, Settler and Conquistador of New Mexico," NMHR, vol. 19 (1944), p. 340.

41. Working backwards hypothetically from the early 1660s when Francisco Gómez Robledo held the entire pueblo of Pecos in encomienda, we may assume that he inherited it from his father Francisco Gómez, one of New Mexico's most prominent soldier-colonists. The elder Gómez, who had previously served the Oñate family, had come to the colony midway through don Juan's governorship. For a sketch of the Gómez clan, see Chávez, Origins of New Mexico Families (Santa Fe, 1954), pp. 35-37. Describing an event that took place about 1621, Capt. Francisco Pérez Granillo alluded to the Pecos encomendero without saying who he was. Declaration of Pérez Granillo, Santa Fe, Jan. 27, 1626, AGN, Inquisición (Inq.) 356, ff. 264v-65.

1. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," pp. 332-36.

2. Scholes, "Early Ecclesiastical History."

3. The saint with the flowing white beard, whose appearance at Ácoma was described by the soldier-poet Pérez de Villagrá, has been identified as either St. Paul or St. James. Villagrá, History, pp. 264-65. Alonso de Benavides, Fray Alonso de Benavides' Revised Memorial of 1634 eds. Frederick Webb Hodge, George P. Hammond, and Agapito Rey (Albuquerque, 1945), pp. 126-27, 166, 196-97.

4. Pedro Zambrano Ortiz, was the son of Tomé Ubero and Juana García Zambrano, also natives of the Canary Islands. LEP, no. 565. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro. Testifying in 1621 Zambrano stated that "two years before, a little more or less," he had been guardian of the convento at Pecos. Declaration of Zambrano, Sandía, Aug. 18, 1621, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 282v-83v. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," NMHR, vol. 20 (1945), pp. 58, 66.

5. Fr. Andrés Juárez to the viceroy, Pecos, Oct. 2, 1622, AGN, Civil, 77, exp. 14. Francisco J. Santamaria, in his Diccionario de Mejicanismos (México, 1959), defines the word jacal (from Nahuatl xacalli) as "a hut, commonly made of adobe, with a roof of straw or tajamanil [strips of wood]." It is also used in New Mexico for log and adobe construction. For a summary of the South Pueblo puzzle to 1958, see Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 106-09, 121. He came to believe that neither Coronado's men nor those of Castaño had mentioned this South Pueblo because "low and perhaps discontinuous structures would have failed to impress them." Schroeder and Matson, Colony on the Move, p. 93, do not think the South Pueblo was there at all in 1540 or 1590.

6. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, p. 146.

7. Eleanor B. Adams and John E. Longhurst, "New Mexico and the Sack of Rome: One Hundred Years Later," NMHR, vol. 28 (1953), pp. 243-50.

8. Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 282v-83v. Scholes catalogues the friars' manifold charges against Eulate in "Church and State," XI, pp. 146-51.

9. Three examples of these vales are in AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 275-76. Fray Pedro de Ortega, Zambrano's successor at Pecos, claimed that three or four such permits were used in the pueblo while he was there. Declaration of Ortega, Sandía, Sept. 2, 1621, ibid., ff.288-89.

10. Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 282v-83v. Zambrano to the viceroy, Galisteo, Oct. 7, 1622, AGN, Civil, 77, xp. 14. Declarations of Zambrano, Santo Domingo, Apr. 20, 1626, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 261-61v, 277-81. Zannbrano to the viceroy, Nuevo Mexico, Nov. 6, 1636, AGN, Provincias Internas (PI), 35, exp. 3.

11. Benavides, Revised Memorial, p. 97. LEP, no. 605. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro.

12. Declaration of Ortega, Santa Fe, Jan. 27, 1626, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 265-65v. Ortega, Sept. 2, 1621, ibid., ff. 288-89.

13. "In view of the extreme rarity of stone 'idols' in the Southwest, it is remarkable that no less than four should have been found in the comparatively small amount of digging done at Pecos." Kidder, Artifacts of Pecos, p. 86. This work by Kidder contains excellent illustrations and descriptions of a variety of Pecos ceremonial objects. See also Lambert, "A Rare Stone Humpbacked Figurine from Pecos, New Mexico," EP, vol. 64 (1957), pp. 93-108, and Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 233-35. On the basis of his excavations of Pecos kivas—meticulously detailed in the latter volume—Kidder believed that the missionaries "in the early 1600's" may have ordered one prominent kiva burned and at least five others filled with refuse. Ibid., pp. 236-40. This, too, may have been part of Father Ortega's campaign.

14. Gómez, a leader of the New Mexico encomendero class, and an encomendero himself, almost certainly bequeathed his encomiendas to his son, Francisco Gómez Robeldo, later the Pecos encomendero of record. That the elder Gómez who became, in the words of Chávez, "the most outstanding military official in New Mexico during his lifetime" should have held the Pecos encomienda, considered the richest in the province, stands to reason. Chávez, Families, pp. 35-36.

15. Declaration of Pérez Granillo as recorded and affirmed by Ortega, Santa Fe, Jan. 27, 1626, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 264v-65. Ortega, Sept. 2, 1621, ibid., ff. 288-89. Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621, ibid., ff. 282v-83. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, p. 169. Since Pérez Granillo, testifying in January 1626, stated that the incident had taken place about five years before, and since the customary time for collecting tribute was either May or October, the date was probably October of 1620 or the following May.

16. Mrs. Edward E. Ayer translated Benavides' words in The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630 (Chicago, 1916), p. 22, as follows: "a monastery and a very splendid [luzido] temple, of distinguished workmanship and beauty." The Spanish (p. 103) reads "an Convento y Templo muy luzido, de particular hechura y curiosidad." Peter P. Forestal, Benavides' Memorial of 1630 (Washington, D.C., 1954), p. 23, has it "a friary and a very magnincent church of unique architecture and beauty." In his revised manuscript Memorial of 1634, Benavides wrote, "un convento y iglesia de particular hechura y cariosidad may capaz en que cabe toda la gente del pueblo," which Hodge, Hammond, and Rey, Benavides' Revised Memorial, p. 67, rendered "a convent and church of peculiar construction and beauty, very spacious, with room for all the people of the pueblo."

17. See the discussion of church placement with regard to native resistance, mutual distrust, room for development, and other factors in George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico, 4th ed. (Albuquerque, 1972), pp. 15-23.

18. Chávez, "The Carpenter Pueblo," New Mexico Magazine, vol. 49, nos. 9-10 (1971), pp. 27-28.

19. Hayes, Four Churches, p. 20.

20. Declarations of Fr. Pedro Haro de la Cueva, Fr. Andrés Juárez, and Fr. Andrés Bautista, Sandía, Aug. 22, 1621, and Sept. 2, 1621, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 286-88, 289v-90. Ortega, Sept. 2, 1621, ibid., ff. 288-89. Chávez, Families, pp. 63, 95, 105.

21. Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 282v-83.

22. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 150-56.

23. LEP, no. 554. Madoz, Diccionario, VIII, pp. 230-33.

24. The play, probably written several years before, first appeared in print in volume twelve of the author's works published in Madrid in 1619.

25. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," XIX, pp. 330-31. The friar signed his name in only one way. It looks like Juárez but could as easily be Suarez. The mark that appears above the signature could be a dot of the J or an accent on the a. Contemporaries also wrote his name Xuárez or Zuárez. All are variant spellings of a surname derived from the word suero (serum) extended to mean blood, family, or race. Benavides, in his 1634 Memorial, used the Portuguese spelling, Soares.

26. For a glimpse of Archbishop-Viceroy García Guerra and the world he lived in, see Irving A. Leonard, Baroque Times in Old Mexico: Seventeenth-Century Persons, Places, and Practices (Ann Arbor, 1966), pp. 1-20.

27. A listing of the supplies procured by Ordóñez, with prices and names of merchants and craftsmen from whom he bought them, is in AGI, Contaduría, 714-15. A reimbursement voucher in Romero's favor is in ibid., 850.

28. Pérez Huerta, Relación verdadera, AGN, Inq., 316. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 30, 58-59, which includes a transcription of the pertinent passage.

29. Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 282v-83. Pérez Huerta, Relación verdadera, AGN, Inq., 316. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 44-45.

30. Ibid., pp. 151-60.

31. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 97-98.

32. Juárez to the viceroy, Oct. 2, 1622, AGN, Civil, 77, exp. 14. This statement all but rules out the possibility that Juárez' immediate predecessors, Zambrano or Ortega, built the "lost" church northeast of the pueblo. Even though it was small, he would not have described it—had it been standing or in use—as a jacal.

33. Ibid.

34. Peinado to the viceroy, Chililí, Oct. 4, 1622, et at., AGN, Civil, 77, exp. 14.

35. The dimensions are from Hayes, Four Churches.

36. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer), p. 121.

37. Such complaints were common in sixteenth-century New Spain where the friars were accused of building overly sumptuous and costly structures to the detriment of the Indians. See Ricard, Spiritual Conquest, pp. 170-75.

38. Declaration of Juárez, Santo Domingo, June 13, 1626, AGN, Inq., 356, ff. 273v-74. Declaration of Alonso Varela, Santa Fe, May 19, 1626, ibid., ff. 269-69v.

39. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer), p. 103.

40. Benavides referred to church and convento as one. There is no reason to believe that Father Juárez after he completed the church waited long to lay up the convento (Hayes, Four Churches, Pp. 23-28) or that he was not the builder of the two-story west side mentioned in the 1660s. Francisco de Madrid et al., Santa Fe, Apr. 22, 1664, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 343v-46.

41. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, III, p. 277.

42. Kubler, Religious Architecture, P. xii. Jean Pinkley, rediscoverer of the Juárez church, died before the project was finished. Roland S. Richert and Alden C. Hayes carried on. Hayes's Four Churches is a summary of "the archeology of the historic structures at Pecos."

43. Benavides, Revised Memorial, p. 67.

44. Ibid., pp. 100-02. See Ricard's Spiritual Conquest for a detailed analysis of the sixteenth-century missionary regime in New Spain, of which the later New Mexican experience was, in most respects, an offshoot.

45. On the basis of fragmentary evidence, archaeologists venture for the South Pueblo "a late occupation with considerable repair and remodeling." Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 108. Considerable adobe construction, potsherds, and other refuse indicate that it was lived in during the seventeenth century, but precisely when is still in doubt. Benavides wrote of intra-pueblo civil wars between "warriors" and "sorcerers," which Hodge discounted completely as a Mexican characteristic wrongly ascribed to the Pueblos. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 42-43, 238.

46. Chávez, "Carpenter Pueblo," pp. 32-33, ranks the emigration of Pecos carpenters in third place behind Comanche hostility and disease as a probable cause of the pueblo's drastic eighteenth-century decline. He does not mention internal dissension.

47. Benavides, Revised Memorial, p. 67. Hammond and Rey, Oñate, II, pp. 994-1000. The names of the master carpenters who taught the Pecos are unknown. An entry-by-entry reading of the seventeenth-century section of Chávez' Families failed to turn up a single carpenter.

48. See the lists of items shipped with Benavides in 1625. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 117-18.

49. Visitation of Gov. Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, Pecos, July 28, 1733, Spanish Archives of New Mexico, State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe (SANM), Series II, no. 389. See also nos. 323 and 470.

50. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer), pp. 55-56, 80.

51. Hammond and Rey, Oñate, I, pp. 400-01. A preliminary report on Apache camp sites near Pecos is James H. and Dolores A. Gunnerson, "Evidence of Apaches at Pecos," EP, vol. 76, no. 3 (1970), pp. 1-6.

52. Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 313-14, and Artifacts, pp. 42-44. Dolores A. Gunnerson, "The Southern Athabascans: Their Arrival in the Southwest," EP, vol. 63 (1956), pp. 346-65. See also Charles L. Kenner, A History of New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations (Norman, 1969), pp. 4-12. In the words of Dolores Gunnerson, Jicarilla Apaches, p. 18, Pecos "seems to have been the most important center for trade with the Plains Apaches even before Coronado's time."

53. Juárez to the viceroy, Oct. 2, 1622, AGN, Civil, 77, exp. 14.

54. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer), pp. 55, 153. Robert H. Lowie, Indians of the Plains (Garden City, N.Y., 1963), p. 67. As used in New Mexico, the Spanish terms for hides and skins referred more to the quality of the piece than to the animal from which it came. The word gamuza (Spanish for the small goat-like European antelope, or chamois), which I have translated "buckskin," was used for the tanned skin of either antelope or deer. The buckskin became a standard unit of trade, valued at one peso in the seventeenth century, like the Anglo-American "buck" for a dollar. The cuero de Cíbola was a buffalo rawhide. Anta (Spanish for elk, moose, and sometimes buffalo) referred to the tanned skin of a buffalo or elk. For lack of a better phrase, I have translated it "buffalo or elkskin" I have rendered the terms anta gorda and anta delgada, indicating thickness, "heavy" and "light." Anta blanca, which I have left "white buffalo or elkskin," had a particular meaning in New Mexico, according to Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez. It meant a large, specially prepared buffalo (or elk?) skin used as a "canvas" for a painting. Adams and Chávez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776, A Description by Fray Francisco Atanasio Domínguez, with Other Contemporary Documents (Albuquerque, 1956), pp. 17, 252. A tecoa, which I have made a "fine tanned skin," was of good enough quality for use as tipi material. Testimonio de las demandas, Santa Fe, Oct. 29, 1661, AGN, Tierras, 3286.

55. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 91-92.

56. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer), pp. 56-57, 155-57.

57. Fr. Alonso de Posada, who resided at Pecos between 1663 and 1665, described briefly the 1634 Alonso Baca expedition in a report he was asked to prepare during the LaSalle scare. Posada, Informe, ca. 1686, AGN, Historia, 3. This document, printed in various places, appeared most recently in Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo México (Madrid, 1962), pp. 460-84. S. Lyman Tyler and H. Darrel Taylor edited and translated it as "The Report of Fray Alonso de Posada in Relation to Quivira and Teguayo," NMHR, vol. 33 (1958), pp. 285-314.

58. Trial of Diego Pérez Romero, 1662-1665, AGN, Inq., 586; summarized by Scholes in "Troublous Times," XV, pp. 392-98. Chavez, Families p. 87. For the volatile Gaspar Pérez' own brush with the Inquisition, see Scholes, "First Decade of the Inquisition in New Mexico," NMHR, vol. 10 (1935), pp. 226-28. Cf. below, pp. 194-96.

59. Scholes, "Church and State," Xl, pp. 162-64, and "First Decade of the Inquisition," pp. 201-06.

60. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," XX, pp. 72-80. Benavides, Revised Memorial.

61. Ibid., pp. 97-98. The appointment of Ortega as notary of the Holy Office as well as his account of Benavides' grand entrance into Santa Fe are included as appendices on pp. 125-29.

62. Ibid., pp. 89-90. Gunnerson, Jicarilla Apaches, pp. 70-74, 78-79.

63. Bloom, ed., "Fray Estevan de Perea's Relación," NMHR, vol. 8 (1933), p. 226.

64. Benavides, Revised Memorial, p. 90.

65. Ibid., pp. 92-95. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, III, pp. 260-61. For a discussion of the various striped peoples called Jumanos by the Spaniards, see Scholes and H. P. Mera, "Some Aspects of the Jumano Problem," Contributions to American Anthropology and History, vol. 4, no. 34 (1940), Carnegie Institution Publications, no. 523, pp. 265-99. The Jumanos of the plains may have been Coronado's Teyas. Schroeder, "Re-Analysis," p. 20.

66. Benavides, Revised Memorial, p. 99. Account of the conversion of New Mexico presented to the Sacred Congregation of the Propagation of the Faith, Apr. 2, 1634, ibid., p. 164.

67. Posada, Informe, says that Ortega, whose first name he had wrong, stayed six months "and no harm befell him." Although Benavides implies that Fray Pedro met his end on the plains, it is possible that Ortega took over from Fray Francisco de Letrado at the pueblo of Las Humanas and died there in 1632 or soon after. That could account, at least in part, for the long interruption of missionary activity at that pueblo. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 71, 96, 99. Account of the conversion, ibid., p. 164.

68. Benavides, Revised Memorial, p. 69. Bloom, "Perea's Relación," pp. 226-34.

69. Benavides, Tanto que se sacó de una carta, May 15, 1631, Revised Memorial, pp. 135-49. For a convincing account of how the enraptured and enthusiastic Benavides used María de Ágreda, unwittingly bringing her to the attention of the Inquisition, see T. D. Kendrick, Mary of Ágreda: The Life and Legend of A Spanish Nun (London, 1967), pp. 28-45.

70. Again Scholes is the authority. See his "The Supply Service of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," NMHR, vol. 5 (1930), pp. 93-115, 186-210, 386-404, which includes the text of the 1631 contract.

71. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 10-17, 76-80.

72. Chávez, "The Unique Tomb of Fathers Zárate and de la Llana in Santa Fe," NMHR, vol. 40, pp. 105, 113-14 n. 6. This is Fray Angelico's interpretation, which he admits is a guess.

73. See Kendrick, Mary of Ágreda, and Carlos Seco Serrano, ed., Cartas de Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda y de Felipe IV, in Biblioteca de Autores españoles, vols. 108-09 (-Madrid, 1968).

74. Perea quoted by Scholes, "First Decade of the Inquisition," p. 217.

75. Ibid., pp. 214-26.

76. Declaration and ratification of Tomé Domínguez, Quarai, May 26-27, 1633, AGN, Inq., 380, exp. 2, ff. 250-50v. Scholes, "First Decade of the Inquisition," p. 228.

77. Ratifications of Nicolás Ortiz, Adrian Gutiérrez, and Nicolás de Ávila, Quarai, Apr. 11, 1634, AGN, Inq., 380, exp. 2, ff. 238-39v. Scholes, "First Decade of the Inquisition," p. 229.

78. Declaration and ratification of Yumar Pérez de Bustillo, Santa Fe, Feb. 19, 1635, AGN, Inq., 380, exp. 2, ff. 254v-55.

79. Scholes thinks this one mention of Fray Martín del Espíritu Santo might refer instead to the martyr Martín de Arvide. Benavides, Revised Memorial, pp. 83, 251.

80. Scholes, "Church and State," IX, pp. 293 n. 14, 316. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," XIX, pp. 332n, XX, 66n. Scholes, "Supply Service," p. 209. Domingo del Espíritu Santo does not appear in the LEP or elsewhere under that name.

81. Antonio was the son of Juan de Ibargaray and Elvira (illegible). LEP, no. 840. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro. Ratifications of Alonso Martín Barba and Inés Montoya, Santa Fe, Feb. 18-19, 1635, AGN, Inq., 380, exp. 2, ff. 243v-44v. Ibargaray to the viceroy, Pecos. Nov. 20, 1636, AGN, PI, 35, exp. 3

82. Perea quoted by Scholes in "Church and State," XI, pp. 284-86.

83. Ibargaray to the viceroy, Nov. 20, 1636, AGN, PI, 35, exp. 3. The letter was published in Autos sobre quejas de los religiosos franciscanos del Nuevo México, 1636, ed. Vargas Rea (México, 1947), pp. 25-28. Fernando Ocaranza, Establecimientos franciscanos en el misterioso reino de Nuevo México (México, 1934), pp. 57-62, summarized the several friars' letters. Scholes, "Church and State," XI pp. 286-90.

84. Declaration of Fr. Juan de San José, Quarai, July 28, 1638, AGN, Inq., 385, exp. 15, ff. 5-6. Declaration of Cristóbal Enríquez, Sandía, Sept. 11, 1638, ibid., ff. 16-16v. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 297-302. Chávez, Families, pp. 28, 97.

85. Declaration of Francisco de Salazar, Santa Fe, July 5, 1641, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, p. 327. Jack D. Forbes, Apache, Navaho, and Spaniard (Norman, 1960), p. 132, mistakenly had Rosa taking the priest of Pecos as a captive to Santa Fe. The name of Fray Antonio Jiménez was supplied by witnesses testifying before Fray Tomas Manso in August 1644. AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7. He may have been one of two unidentified lay brothers in New Mexico at the end of 1629. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," XX, p. 72. Nothing else is known about him.

86. Declarations of Pedro Varela, Agustín de Carbajal, and Alonso Baca, Santo Domingo, Aug. 19 and 20, 1644, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7.

87. Salazar, July 5, 1644, ibid.

88. Francisco Gómez to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Oct. 26, 1638, AGN, PI, 34.

89. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 302-22. Salas et at., Santo Domingo, Mar. 16, 1640, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7. A number of documents, including the cabildo's report to the viceroy, Feb. 21, 1639, have been translated in Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 47-74.

90. Declaration of Carbajal and Baca, Aug. 19 and 20, 1644, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7. In September 1638, Juárez was described as "preacher and guardian of the convento of San Francisco de Nambé and definitor of the custody, fifty-nine years old or a little more or less." Declaration of Juárez, Sandía, Sept. 11, 1638, AGN, Inq., 385, exp. 15, f. 7v. That made him three years older than he would have been had he really been twenty-six at his investiture on Deceber 4, 1608.

91. Scholes, "Church and State," XI, pp. 322-25.

92. Luis de Rosas to Juan de Palafox, Santa Fe, Sept. 29, 1641, BL, M-M 1908.

93. Scholes, "Church and State," XII, pp. 78-87.

94. Gov. Alonso Pacheco y Heredia, Santa Fe, July 21, 1643, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7.

95. Gov. Pacheco, Santa Fe, July 26, 1643, ibid.

96. Scholes, "Church and State," XII, pp. 87-98.

97. Fr. Juan de Salas et at. to Fr. Juan de Prada, Santo Domingo, Sept. 10, 1644, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7. Antonio de Ibargaray and Domingo del Espíritu Santo were among the twenty-one friars who signed. Andrés Juárez, perhaps too ill to travel, did not.

98. This letter, summarized by Scholes in "Church and State," XII, pp. 98-100, is cited as Juárez to the king, Oct. 23, 1647, AGN, Reales Cédulas, 3, no. 103. The noncommittal royal decree in response is there but the letter is not.

99. Declaration of Diego López Sambrano, Hacienda de Luis Carbajal, Dec. 22, 1681, Hackett and Shelby, eds., Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermín's Attempted Reconquest, 1680-1682, 2 vols. (Albuquerque, 1942), II, pp. 298-99. Declaration of Juan Domínguez de Mendoza, Río del Norte, Dec. 20, 1681, ibid., p. 266.

100. Scholes, "Supply Service," pp. 192-96. Charles W. Polzer, "The Franciscan Entrada into Sonora, 1645-1652: A Jesuit Chronicle," Arizona and the West (AW), vol. 14 (1972), pp. 253-78.

101. Both Ibargaray and González served terms as custos, the first from sometime in 1654 until April 1656, and the second from some time after that until the summer of 1659. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 141-42. It is not known how long after 1636 Ibargaray remained at Pecos or how long before 1660 González arrived.

102. Certificación de las noticias, Madrid, May 24, 1664, AGI, Mex., 306. For a translation and corrected dating of the document, see Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," NMHR, vol. 4 (1929), pp. 46-51, and "Correction," NMHR, vol. 19 (1944), pp. 243-46. The Spanish reads: "tiene may buena iglesia, culto divino, órgano, y cap.a de música.

103. See Lincoln Bunce Spiess, "Church Music in Seventeenth-Century New Mexico," NMHR, vol. 40 (1965), pp. 5-21. Cf. below, p. 176.

104. Juárez to the viceroy, Oct. 2. 1622, AGN, Civil, 77 exp. 14. Fr. Diego Zeinos to Fr. Francisco de Vargas, Pecos, Dec. 28, 1694, Biblioteca Naciónal, México, New Mexico Documents (BNM), leg. 3, no. 6.

105. Kidder, Artifacts of Pecos, p. 4.

1. Scholes describes the tribulations and the trials of both men in "Troublous Times" and "Supply Service."

2. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro. Fr. Juan de Salas et at. to Fr. Juan de Prada, Santo Domingo, Sept. 10, 1644, AGI, Patronato, 244, ramo 7. Father Gonzélez took office as custos sometime between 1656 and 1659. Scholes, "Troublesome Times," XII, p. 141. Inquisition testimony places him at Pecos as early as June 1660 and as late as July 1662. AGN, Inq., 587, exp. 1, ff. 168-69, and 586, exp. 1, ff. 41-42.

3. Fr. Nicolás del Villar to Fr. Juan Ramírez, Galisteo, June 14, 1660, ibid., 587, exp. 1, ff. 29-30. Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 151-52.

4. Gov. Luis de Guzmán y Figueroa, Santa Fe, June 30, 1648, quoted in a decree of Gov. Diego de Peñalosa, Santa Fe, Nov. 4, 1661. The document is fully transcribed by Scholes in "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 170-74.

5. Villar to Ramírez, June 14, 1660, AGN, Inq., 587, exp. 1, ff. 29-30. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 418-19.

6. Declaration of González Lobón, Santa Fe, June 14, 1660, AGN, Inq., 587, exp. 1, ff. 168-69. Chávez, Families, p. 39. Scholes, "Troublous Times," pp. 422-27.

7. Scholes, "Civil Government," pp. 91-93.

8. Letters of López de Mendizábal to González Bernal, Santa Fe, May 1660-July 1661, AGN, Tierras, 3286. Scholes, "Church and State," XII, p. 90. See the testimony of Nicolás de Aguilar before the Inquisition as translated in Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 169-71. Chávez, Families, p. 40.

9. Declarations of González and Villar, Santa Fe, Sept. 26 and 27, 1661, AGN, Inq., 593, exp. 1, ff. 52-53v, 59v-61. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 407-09.

10. Ibid., pp. 161-64, 434-41.

11. Ibid., pp. 441-47, and XIII, pp 63-66. The complete record of López' residencia, the only one come to light for a pre-1680 New Mexico governor, is the third part of a three-volume López-Peñalosa collection, the Concurso de Peñalosa, in AGN, Tierras, 3268, 3283, and 3286.

12. Descargos de López de Mendizábal, Santa Fe, Oct. 29, 1661, AGN, Tierras, 3286. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 194. Chávez, Families, p. 100.

13. Declarations of Carvajal, Santa Fe, Sept. 28, 1661, AGN, Inq., 593, exp. 1, f. 62v, and Cerrillos, May 26, 1664, ibid., 507, ff. 286-86v. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 136-38. Chávez, Families, p. 15.

14. Carvajal, Pecos, Sept. 30, 1661, AGN, Tierras, 3286.

15. Testimonio de las demandas, Santa Fe, Oct. 29, 1661, ibid. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 394-96.

16. Scholes neatly summarizes charges and countercharges in "Troublous Times," XIII, pp. 66-79. Father San Francisco claimed that López had cost fourteen missions nearly 9,000 head of livestock. Pecos was not one of the fourteen. Diego González Bernal, former alcalde mayor of the Tanos-Pecos jurisdiction, fled New Mexico shortly after presenting the charges against López. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 138.

17. López de Mendizábal to Posada, Santa Fe, Apr. 14, 1662, AGN, Inq., 587, exp. 1, ff. 198-99. Declaration of González, Santa Fe, Sept. 26, 1661, ibid., 593, exp. 1, ff. 137v-38v.

18. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 447-50.

19. Juan Manso, Writ of arrest, Santa Fe, May 4, 1662, et al., AGN, Tierras, 3268.

20. Proceso contra Gómez Robledo, AGN, Inq., 583. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XII, pp. 439-41. Gómez the younger was described in 1681 as fifty-three years old, "married, of good stature and features with red hair and mustache, and partly gray." Chávez, Families, p. 36.

21. Juan Manso, Inventory, Santa Fe, May 4, 1662, et al., AGN, Tierras, 3268. Declaration of Lucero de Godoy, Pecos, June 29, 1663, ibid.

22. A complete accounting of Gómez' assets and expenses during his bout with the Inquisition, 1662-1665, is in ibid.

23. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XV, pp. 249-54. Declaration of Peñalosa, México, June 30, 1665, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 442v-46. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 258.

24. Declaration of Gómez Robledo, México, Apr. 24, 1663, AGN, Tierras, 3268. Testifying in 1661, Carranza said he was a native of Valladolid in Michoacán, about fifteen years old, and an aide and servant of Peñalosa Declaration of Carranza, Santa Fe, Nov. 1, 1661, AGN, Inq., 593, exp. 1. Indictment of Peñalosa, México, Oct. 7-8, 1665, ibid., 507, ff. 454-56v.

25. Gómez Robledo, Apr. 24, 1663, AGN, Tierras, 3268.

26. Posada, Santo Domingo, July 15, 1662, ibid.

27. Lucero de Godoy, June 29, 1663, ibid. Carvajal, May 26, 1664, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 286-86v. Articles 150-52 of the indictment of Peñalosa, México, Oct. 7-8, 1665, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 498-99. Hackett, Documents, III, p. 260.

28. Gómez Robledo, Apr. 24, 1663, AGN, Tierras, 3268.

29. AGN, Tierras, 3268. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XV, pp. 254-66.

30. Ibid., pp. 410-14. Proceso contra Gómez, AGN, Inq., 583.

31. AGN, Tierras, 3268

32. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XV, pp. 369-417.

33. Proceso contra Romero, AGN, Inq., 586. Article 17 of charges and Romero's reply, México, Sept. 19, 1663, ibid., ff. 93, 97v-98.

34. Declaration of Romero, México, Aug. 29, 1663, ibid., f. 86v. The document has Antonio Baca, which may be a slip for his brother Alonso. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XV, p. 394, has Alonso.

35. Declarations of Juan de Moraga, Bartolomé de Ledesma, and Felipe de Albizu, who were with Romero, et al., AGN, Inq., 586. Declaration of Romero, México, Oct. 12, 1663, ibid., f. 110.

36. Segunda causa contra Diego Romero, 1676-1678, ibid., 629, exp. 2. Kessell, "Diego Romero, the Plains Apaches, and the Inquisition," The American West, vol. 15, no. 3 (May-June 1978), pp. 12-16.

37. LEP, no. 1027. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," XX, pp. 77n, 82n. Madoz, Diccionario, VI, pp. 563-64.

38. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XV, pp. 260-62, 266-68, and XVI, pp. 15-32. Publication of testimony against Peñalosa, Mexico, Nov. 23, 1666, AGN, Inq., 507, f. 632v. Posada had heard belated testimony against ex-governor López de Mendizábal at Pecos early in August. Declaration of Francisco Ramírez, Pecos, Aug. 3, 1663, ibid., 587, exp. 1, ff. 236-37v.

39. Francisco de Madrid et al. to Gov. Juan de Miranda, Santa Fe, Apr. 22, 1664, ibid., 507, ff. 343v-46.

40. Declaration of Posada, certified copy, Santa Fe, May 24, 1664, ibid., ff. 347-58v.

41. Peñalosa's defense, México, Oct-Dec. 1665, ibid., ff. 565-65v. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 196-97

42. Posada, May 24, 1664, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 347-58v. Madrid et al., Apr. 22, 1664, ibid., ff. 343v-46.

43. Enríquez to Ibargaray, Santa Fe, Oct. 1, 1663, ibid., f. 99.

44. Ibargaray to the Holy Office, Galisteo, Oct. 1, 1663, ibid., ff. 98-99v. López de Mendizábal's defense as extracted in Hackett, Documents, III, p. 215. Old Ibargaray was still guardian at Galisteo late in 1667. Ratification of Fr. Fernando de Velasco, Sandía, Nov. 13, 1667, AGN, Inq., 608, exp. 6, f. 388.

45. Declaration of Fr. Nicolás de Echavarría, Santo Domingo, Mar. 1666, ibid., 507, f. 763. Virtually nothing is known about Fray Juan de la Chica, save that he was a priest, that he had arrived in New Mexico before 1659 and was still there in 1665, that he spent some time in Santa Fe, and that he was at Pecos when Governor Peñalosa arrested Posada. See Scholes, "Supply Service," pp. 209, 403.

46. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 28-35. Posada to the Holy Office, Santo Domingo, June 8, 1664, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 105-08.

47. Declaration of Margarita Márquez, Cerrillos, May 26, 1664, ibid., ff. 288v-89v. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 35-38.

48. Posada to the Holy Office, Santo Domingo, July 14, 1665, AGN, Inq., 666, exp. 10, ff. 536-36v. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XV, pp. 407-10, and XVI, pp. 314-15, 319. There is an April 1664 reference to Posada as "present guardian" at Pecos. Madrid et al., Apr. 22, 1664, AGN, Inq., 507, ff. 343v-46.

49. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 184-205.

50. Posada, Informe, ca. 1686, AGN, Historia, 3. See also Tyler and Taylor, "Report of Fray Alonso de Posada," and Hackett, ed., Pichardo's Treatise on the Limits of Louisiana and Texas, 4 vols. (Austin, 1931-1946), I, pp. 155-59.

51. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 313-20.

52. The cabildo of Santa Fe to the Holy Office, Santa Fe, Oct. 25, 1667, AGN, Inq., 610, ff. 123-24v.

53. Nicolás de las Infantas y Venegas, México, Apr. 11, 1668, ibid., f. 121.

54. The son of Juan de Echevarría and María Ramírez, Nicolás entered the Franciscan Order with eighteen others on May 25, 1637, at the Convento Grande. He was twenty-one. By 1644, he had made it to New Mexico. His name did not appear on a 1659 roster: he had either left temporarily or been overlooked. In 1663, he served at Picurís; in 1665, he was a definitor of the custody; by March 1666, he had been named guardian at Pecos; and in 1668, he was at Sandía. Declaration of Echevarría, Santo Domingo, Mar. 1666, AGN, Inq., 507, f. 763. LEP, no. 954.

55. Nicolás de Enríquez was a transfer from the Franciscan province of Jalisco. At the foot of the declaration he gave at Santo Domingo, Dec. 13, 1666—when he was described as guardian of Pecos and a little over forty-four—a note was added early in 1669 explaining that he had not ratified his testimony because he had died. AGN, Inq., 666, exp. 10, ff. 556-58. The other Enríquez was a definitor and guardian at Pecos as of Nov. 13, 1667, when he acted as a ratifying witness. Ibid., 608, exp. 6, ff. 388-88v.

56. Quoted by Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 319-20.

57. Appointment of notary, and inventory of Inquisition papers, Pecos, Jan. 19 and 21, 1669, AGN, Inq., 608, exp. 6, ff. 411, 400-03v. Gómez de la Cadena, who was forced because of illness to give up his post as notary in February 1670, had served in Santa Fe between 1665 and 1670. In 1671-1672 he was at Tajique and Chililí, in 1672 at Isleta, and in 1679-1680 back in Santa Fe. He survived the Pueblo revolt of 1680.

58. LEP, no. 1099.

59. Bernal to the Holy Office, Santo Domingo, Apr. 1, 1669, AGN, Inq., 666, exp. 5, ff. 373-74. A translation of the letter, along with excerpts of other documents in the Gruber case, is in Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 271-77. Scholes, "Troublous Times." XVI, pp. 320-21.

60. Holy Office to Bernal, México, Oct. 20 and 25, 1669, quoted by Scholes, ibid. Bernal to the Holy Office, Sandía, July 8, 1670, and appointment of notary, Pecos, Feb. 4, 1670, AGN, Inq., 614, ff. 280-80v, 283-83v. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, IV, pp. 286-87.

61. The Tremiño case is in AGN, Inq., 616, exp. 1. Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 278-79. Chávez, Families, p. 8. Bernal to the Holy Office, July 8, 1670, AGN, Inq., 614, ff. 280-80v.

62. Declaration of Ortega, Pecos, June 30, 1670, et al., ibid., 666, exp. 5.

63. Bernal to the Holy Office, July 8, 1670, ibid., 614, ff. 280-80v.

64. Francisco del Castillo Vetancurt to Juan de Ortega, Parral, Sept. 1, 1670, translated in Hackett, Documents, III, p. 277. Chávez, "La Jornada del Muerto," New Mexico Magazine, vol. 52 (Sept.-Oct. 1974), pp. 34-35.

65. Bernal, Pecos, Nov. 10, 1670, et al., AGN, Tierras, 3286.

66. Although Bernal may have continued as guardian at Pecos as late as the 1672 chapter meeting, the last positive reference to him at that mission concerns the playing cards and is dated November 1670. See Bloom and Lynn B. Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections in 1672," NMHR, vol. 13 (1938), pp. 111, 113.

67. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, IV, pp. 286-87. Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 197n. Excavating in 1966 within the old church at neighboring Halona, today's Zuñi, National Park Service archaeologists came upon a headless skeleton presumed to be that of Ávila y Ayala. A badly crushed skull, also thought to be his, had been unearthed in 1917 near the altar steps at Hawikuh. Louis R. Caywood, The Restored Mission of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Zuni, Zuni, New Mexico (St. Michaels, Ariz., 1972), pp. 39-40.

68. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro. Scholes, "Mission Supply," p. 404. Bloom and Mitchell, "Chapter Elections in 1672," p. 113.

69. Scholes, "Troublous Times," XVI, pp. 321-27.

70. Gov. Villanueva, Santa Fe, Feb. 18, 1668, et at., BNM, leg. 1, no. 29.

71. Gov. Medrano y Mesía to Custos Talabán, Santa Fe, June 16 and 19, 1669, et al., ibid., no. 32. Frank D. Reeve, History of New Mexico, 2 vols (New York, 1961), I, pp. 239-41.

72. See Forbes, Apache, Navaho, and Spaniard, pp. 156-76.

73. López claimed that during the month of August 1660 Apaches killed 27 Christian Indians in their fields and carried 2 away alive—17 from the Piro pueblos, 5 from Ácoma, 2 from Santo Domingo, 3 from Jémez, 1 from Taos, "and another from a bit beyond the pueblo of the Pecos." López to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Oct. 24, 1660, AGN, Tierras, 3286.

74. Fr. García de San Francisco et al. to the viceroy, Santo, Domingo, Sept. 8, 1659, AGN, Inq., 593, exp. 1, ff. 249-56v. Gunnerson, Jicarilla Apaches, pp. 92-95.

75. Scholes, "Mission Supply," pp. 386-403.

76. A file of documents dealing with Ayeta's aid to New Mexico, 1677-1680, is translated in Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 285-326. See also Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. lxxix-lxxxvi.

77. Declaration of Diego López Sambrano, Hacienda of Luis de Carbajal, Dec. 22, 1681, ibid., II, pp. 292-303.

78. Ibid. Declarations of Luis de Quintana and Fr. Francisco de Ayeta, Hacienda of Luis de Carbajal, Dec. 22 and 23, 1681, ibid., II, pp. 285-92, 305-18.

79. Velasco was the son of Fernando de Velasco and Ángela Grozo, both natives of Cádiz. LEP, no. 1154. He had apparently also served at Sandía in 1659. Scholes and Bloom, "Friar Personnel," XIX, pp. 334n, 335n, XX, 81n. For his involvement with the notorious Nicolás de Aguilar, see Hackett, Documents, III. Testifying at Santo Domingo on November 7, 1667, he said he was minister at Ácoma and about forty-nine years old. AGN, Inq., 608, exp. 6, ff. 386v-88.

80. A son of Nicolás de la Pedrosa and Antonia Cárdenas, both of Mexico City, Juan was eighteen years and one month old at his investiture. LEP,

81. Otermín, Santa Fe, Aug. 9 and 10, 1680, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. 3-7. Otermín to Ayeta, near Socorro, Sept. 8, 1680, ibid., pp. 94-105.

1. For the career and writings of the remarkable Silvestre Vélez de Escalante, see Adams, "Fray Silvestre and the Obstinate Hopi," NMHR, vol. 38 (1963), pp. 97-138, and "Letter to the Missionaries of New Mexico," NMHR, vol. 40 (1965), pp. 319-35. The lengthy introduction to Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, based on the documents published therein, chronicles events from 1680 to 1682.

2. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto de noticias, BNM, leg 3, no. 1. After a brief, unfinished survey of the discovery and conquest of New Mexico from secondary sources, Vélez de Escalante covered in considerable detail the period from the administration of Governor Otermín to that of Félix Martínez, from 1678 to 1717, basing his study on the documents he examined in Santa Fe between 1776 and 1779, some of which have since been lost. Unfortunately, his numerous other duties and his worsening health cut short the project. An inaccurate copy of the second half of the study was published initially in 1856 and most recently in Documentos para servir a la historia del Nuevo México, pp. 324-459. Eleanor B. Adams has prepared the entire original manuscript for publication.

3. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto. Otermín, Santa Fe, Aug. 9-13, 1680, and Otermín to Ayeta, near Socorro, Sept. 8, 1680, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. 3-13, 94-105. A list of the friars killed, compiled in 1680, has Taos as the scene of Fray Juan de la Pedrosa's death, evidently an error. Ibid., p. 110. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, III, p. 273, IV, p. 227.

4. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto. Otermín, Santa Fe, Aug. 13-21, and Otermín to Ayeta, Sept. 8, 1680, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. 12-19, 94-105. The accounts, which vary in other small details, do not make clear whether the battle with the Pecos and Tanos was fought on the thirteenth or the fifteenth.

5. Otermín, Aug. 24, 1680, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. 21-22. Chávez, Families, pp. 4-5, 125.

6. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto. Otermín, Aug. 24-26, 1680, and Declaration of Pedro García, Aug. 25, 1680, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. 22-26. Confusing the Tano Pedro García with a Tewa captured August 23, Vélez de Escalante calls him Antonio.

7. Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I. Declaration of Pedro Nanboa, Alamillo, Sept. 6, 1680, ibid., pp. 60-62. Scholes, "Civil Government and Society," p. 91. Henry Warner Bowden, "Spanish Missions, Cultural Conflict and the Pueblo Revolt of 1680," Church History, vol. 44 (1975), pp. 217-28, agrees with Pedro Nanboa. "The cultural antagonism between Spaniard and Pueblo had fundamentally religious roots, and an adequate understanding of the 1680 hostilities must give them priority" (p. 227).

8. Chávez, "Pohé-yemo's Representative and the Pueblo Revolt of 1680," NMHR, vol. 42 (1967), pp. 85-126.

9. Declarations of Juan of Tesuque, Pedro Naranjo, and of Juan Lorenzo and Francisco Lorenzo, Río del Norte, Dec. 18-20, 1681, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, II, pp. 233-38, 245-53. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto.

10. Fr. Francisco de Vargas to Diego de Vargas, Santa Fe, July 1696, SANM, II, no. 60b. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, III, p. 278.

11. Hayes, Four Churches, pp. 22-23, 32-35.

12. Declaration of Josephe, Río del Norte, Dec. 19, 1681, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, II, pp. 238-42. Evidently paraphrasing, Vélez de Escalante, Extracto, says that the traitor came among the Pecos, was recognized, and was immediately executed by them.

13. Declaration of Ayeta, Hacienda de Luis de Carvajal, Dec. 23, 1681, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, II, pp. 305-18. Alonso Catiti, who lived as an Indian at Santo Domingo, was a natural son of Capt. Diego Marquez of Los Cerrillos, one of the Spaniards beheaded in the wake of Governor Rosas' murder. Chávez, Families, p. 69.

14. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto. Diego de Vargas, Sept. 16, 1692, J. Manuel Espinosa, ed., First Expedition of Vargas into New Mexico, 1692 (Albuquerque, 1940), p. 106.

15. See Espinosa's narrative, patently pro-Vargas Crusaders of the Río Grande (Chicago, 1942), pp. 25-59. Another, less satisfactory account, relying on Espinosa's earlier doctoral research, is Jessie Bromilow Bailey, Diego de Vargas and the Reconquest of New Mexico (Albuquerque, 1940).

16. Vargas, Sept. 22-27, 1692, AGN, Historia, 37, and as translated by Espinosa, First Expedition, pp. 119-35. Chávez, Families, pp. 4, 47-48. Vargas later distinguished between "the short road through the mountains" from Santa Fe to Pecos, used by the Indians on foot and by persons on horseback, and "the wagon road" via Galisteo. Vargas to the viceroy, El Paso, Jan. 12, 1693, AGI, Guad., 139, and Espinosa, First Expedition, pp. 278-89.

17. Vargas to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Oct. 16, 1692, SANM, II, no. 53. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 76-83, and First Expedition, pp. 158-65.

18. Vargas, Oct. 16-18, 1692, SANM, II, no. 53, and Espinosa, First Expedition, pp. 166-70. Vargas described in detail the ceremonies performed at Santa Fe on September 14 and at Tesuque on September 29. Thereafter, as at Pecos, he simply referred to his previous descriptions, saying "in the same manner I reclaimed, revalidated, and proclaimed possession, in behalf of His Majesty, of both this pueblo and its land as well as its natives, his vassals." Father Corvera, who had professed at the Convento Grande on February 8, 1684, was ministering in the El Paso area by 1691. His companion, Father Barroso, a native of Lisbon, professed March 5, 1685, also at the Convento Grande. He too was at El Paso by 1691, and served at Socorro del Sur at least as early as April 1692. Both worked in New Mexico after the recolonization. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro. Chávez, Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900 (Washington, D.C., 1957), pp. 9, 10, 16.

19. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 82-111.

20. Vargas to the viceroy, Jan. 12, 1693, AGI, Guad., 139.

21. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 112-35.

22. Vargas to Luis Granillo, Nov. 14, 1693, SANM, II, no. 54a. Both the SANM original and the AGI copy read that Vargas intended, according to Tapia's lie, to put everyone to the sword, sparing only those twelve to fourteen and older. This must be a slip.

23. Vargas, Nov. 24-25, 30, 1693, SANM, II, no. 54b. Vargas to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Jan. 20, 1694, AGI, Guad., 140. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 136-42.

24. Vargas, Dec. 5 and 9, 1693, SANM, II, no. 54b. Espinosa, Crusaders, p. 147, incorrectly has Roque de Madrid leading the food detail to Pecos.

25. Since none of the documents of 1680 identify the Pecos governor or individual who warned Gómez, there really is no evidence to dispute the friars' claim that it was Juan de Ye. Fr. Salvador de San Antonio et at. to Vargas, Dec. 18, 1693, AGI, Guad., 140. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto, transcribed the complete petition and Vargas' courtly reply. Vargas, Dec. 17-18, 1693, SANM, II, no. 54b. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 149-52. Espinosa appended Pacheco to Fray Fernando de Velasco's name apparently mistaking P.e (Padre) for P.o (Pacheco).

26. Vargas, Dec. 21, 23, and 29, 1693, and Vargas to the viceroy, Jan. 20, 1694, AGI, Guad., 140. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 152-62.

27. Vargas, Jan. 4-5, 1694, AGI, Guad, 140. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto, suggests that the Pecos may have been testing the Spaniards, turning in a false alarm to see if they would come to their aid.

28. Vargas, Mar. 27, 1694, SANM, II, no. 55d.

29. Vargas, May 2, 1694, ibid. Espinosa (Crusaders, p. 183) assumes that the Apache capitan of the rancherías of the plains and the captain of the Apaches Faraones were one and the same, and he may be right. It is hard to tell from Vargas' journal.

30. Vargas, May 4, 1694, SANM, II, no. 55d. Surely Vargas would have sent someone or gone himself to investigate this "white iron" if, as Espinosa says, it was a day's journey from Santa Fe.

31. Vargas, Aug. 26-28, 1694, SANM, II, no. 55h.

32. Vargas to the viceroy, Santa Fe, June 2, 1694, BL, New Mexico Originals (NMO).

33. Vargas, July 3-7, 17, 1694, SANM, II, no. 55g-55h. Vargas to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Sept. 1, 1694, SANM, II, no. 55j. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 184-98.

34. Vargas, Apr. 28, 1694, SANM, II, no. 55d. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 178-82, 213n. Chávez, Archives, p. 18.

35. Fr. Antonio Carbonel et al. to Muñoz de Castro, Santa Fe, Sept. 22, 1694, BNM, leg. 4, no. 7.

36. Zeinos sometimes signed Diego de la Casa Zeinos. Rosa Figueroa does not seem to have included him in the provincial Becerro.

37. Vargas, Sept. 24, 1964, Huntington Library, San Marina, Calif., Ritch Collection (HL, Ritch). There had been two reconquerors named Francisco de Anaya Almazán, the old sargento mayor and a young aide-de-camp, presumably uncle and nephew. The latter had drowned in the Rio Grande. Chávez suggests that this unfortunate youth was the son of Cristóbal de Anaya rescued at Pecos in 1692. Families, pp. 4, 125.

38. Hayes, Four Churches, pp. 23, 35, 50-51.

39. Other godparents with Spanish surnames were Antonio de Almazán, Francisco Madrid, Sebastiana Madrid, Antonio Montaño, and Diego Romero. Although the marriage and burial entries for Zeinos' administration are missing, the record of Pecos baptisms, marriages, and burials is nearly complete from the reconquest to abandonment, from 1694 to 1838, except for a hiatus in burials between 1706 and 1727 and another in baptisms between 1700 and 1725. This record the richest single documentary source for the period, is preserved in the Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe (AASF), now housed in Albuquerque. All the extant books of baptisms (B), marriages (M), and burials (Bur) have been numbered. Those for Pecos are B-19 (Box 22); B-20 (Box 22); M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a); M-18 (Box 11); M-19 (Box 11); M-20 (Box 11); Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a); Bur-18 (Box 9).

40. Zeinos to Gov. Vargas, admitted in Santa Fe, Oct. 14, 1694, et al., and Opinion of the fiscal, México, Nov. 20, 1694, AGI, Guad., 140.

41. Zeinos to Custos Vargas, Pecos, Dec. 28, 1694, and Custos Vargas to the missionaries, Santa Fe, Dec. 20, 1694, BNM, leg. 4, no. 8. Muñoz de Castro to Custos Vargas, Santa Fe, Jan. 4, 1695, BNM, leg. 3, no. 6. Vargas, Noticias ciertas, Dec. 1694, BNM, leg. 4, no. 6. Zeinos confirmed that he had baptized seventy children to date, which accords with the baptismal book and shows that the extant record of his baptisms at Pecos is complete. According to a list compiled by a successor, Zeinos celebrated 36 marriages during his year at Pecos. AASF, M-18 Pecos (Box 11).

42. Zeinos to Gov. Vargas, admitted in Santa Fe, Oct. 27, 1695, and Gov. Vargas, certification, Santa Fe, Oct. 27, 1695, SANM, II, no. 58. Santa Fe cabildo to the viceroy et al., Santa Fe, Nov. 8, 1695, BNM, leg. 4, no. 11. Espinosa's statement (Crusaders, p. 229) that the shooting incident at Pecos "fanned smouldering embers" of insurrection in New Mexico seems unfounded.

43. Between November 18, 1695, and April 29, 1696, Alpuente performed 28 baptisms at Pecos. He married five couples. On December 5, 1695, during a visitation by Custos Vargas, he began a new book of burials. By May 1, 1696, he had recorded ten burials, the last two of which he seemed to enter twice. All were buried in the church. According to Alpuente, one died of a cough, four of a cough with pain in the side, and five of a fever. AASF, M-18, Pecos (Box 11). Alpuente to Custos Vargas, Zia, Dec. 28, 1694, BNM, leg. 3, no. 6.

44. Michael B. McCloskey, The Formative Years of the Missionary College of Santa Cruz of Querétaro, 1683-1733 (Washington, D.C., 1955), pp. 70-71. See also Isidro Félix de Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide de la Nueva España, ed. Lino Gómez Canedo (Washington, D.C., 1964), pp. 227, 491-95. If Domingo de Jesús María was the José de Jesús María on the list, and apparently he was, he crossed the Atlantic in 1692 in a mission of twenty-eight Spanish friars recruited for the college by Fray Pedro Sitjar. The record is in AGI, Contratación, 5545A. Friars of the Querétaro college wore gray habits, not the blue of the Holy Gospel province.

45. Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Mar. 8, 1696, SANM, II, no. 59. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 228-43. La Piedra Blanca, or sometimes La Peña Blanca, evidently somewhere above the mother pueblo, may be the Arrowhead Ruin (LA:251), a fourteenth-century offshoot of Pecos up Glorieta Canyon some five miles to the northwest. For a description see Jane Holden, "A Preliminary Report on Arrowhead Ruin," EP, vol. 62 (1955), pp. 102-19, and Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 49-51.

46. Custos Vargas to the missionaries, Santa Fe, Mar. 9, 1696, and replies, BNM, leg. 4, no. 24e.

47. Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Mar. 14, 1696, and Custos Vargas to Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Mar. 13, 1696, SANM, II, no. 59.

48. Custos Vargas et al. to Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Mar. 22, 1696, ibid.

49. Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Mar. 22, 1696, ibid.

50. Gov. Vargas to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Mar. 28, 1696, ibid. Vélez de Escalante, in his Extracto, quoted from this letter when condemning the governor for his cavalier attitude.

51. Fr. Pablo Sarmiento, Querétaro, Jan. 17, 1696, and Custos Vargas to the Father Commissary General, Santa Ana, May 17, 1696, and Fr. Diego de Salazar, Querétaro, Aug. 21, 1696, BNM, leg. 4, nos. 19, 23, and 22. McCloskey, Formative Years, pp. 73-74. Whether or not the trio traveled together some of the way, Fray Domingo arrived at the college on August 19, the other two on August 21.

52. I. F. de Espinosa, Crónica, p. 494. J.M. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 244-71.

53. Vargas, June 4-7, 1696, SANM, II, no. 60a. Twichell translated the entries about the revolt from Vargas' journal, June 4-17, in "The Pueblo Revolt of 1696," Old Santa Fe, vol. 3 (1916), pp. 333-73. A Spaniard, García Marín was recruited from the Franciscan province of Burgos for the Querétaro college. He, like Trizio and Domingo de Jesús María, crossed in the mission of 1692. Espinosa, who must have misread indiano for indigno, is wrong that García was American born (Crusaders, p. 213n). García to Custos Vargas, Santa Clara, Dec. 31, 1694, BNM, leg. 3, no. 6.

54. Vargas, June 8, 1696, SANM, II, no. 60a.

55. Vargas, June 11-12, 1696, ibid. Testifying in Santa Fe, Diego Xenome told how the Pecos had tied him up and taken him down into the kiva where Governor Felipe informed him that they "had already killed those who were partisans of the Tewas." Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 250-54.

56. Custos Vargas said that there were at Pecos 66 pack sacks of maize, 8 fanegas of wheat, and a number of the 74 head of sheep he had placed there. Custos Vargas to Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, admitted July 6, 1696, and Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, July 6-8, 1696, SANM, II, no. 60b. Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Nov. 23, 1696, AGI, Guad., 141. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 260-61. Among the Pecos assets Father Alpuente had turned over to Father García Marín in May were half a dozen pigs (four boars and two sows), plus the increase of another boar and sow and seven young. AASF, M-18, Pecos (Box 11).

57. Gov. Vargas, July 19-20, 1696, and Anaya to Vargas, Pecos, July 17 and 19, 1696, SANM, II, no. 60b.

58. Gov. Vargas, Aug. 30, 1696, SANM, II, no. 60c.

59. Gov. Vargas, Santa Fe, Nov. 23, 1696, AGI, Guad., 141. Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 281-88. Vargas' journal for Oct. 22-Nov. 9, 1696, has been translated by Alfred Barnaby Thomas in After Coronado, Spanish Exploration Northeast of New Mexico, 1696-1727, 2nd ed. (Norman, 1966), pp. 53-59.

60. For details of the struggle, on both the local and national levels, and the eventual restoration of Diego de Vargas, see Espinosa, Crusaders, pp. 307-62.

61. There are four pages from the Pecos account book sewn in at the end of the baptisms, marriages, and burials found in AASF, M-18, Pecos (Box 11). They give the dates, between 1697 and 1699, on which each friar signed in receipt. The six who served the mission between 1697 and 1700 are as follows (the first and last entries by each in the extant, incomplete books of baptisms, marriages, and burials appear in parenthesis):

Fr. Alonso Jiménez de Cisneros took over in March 1697 and surrendered his accountability for the mission on February 6, 1698. (June 14, 1697-Jan. 24, 1698)

Fr. Miguel de Trizio signed in receipt on March 1, 1698. (Mar. 7, 1698-Aug. 29, 1698)

Fr. Francisco Farfán on October 13, 1698, signed for everything in the account book plus 30 fanegas of wheat, some more not yet reaped because it was not ripe, 50 sacks of maize, and some on the ear. On July 4, 1699, he left everything including the keys in the charge of Damián, convento interpreter, evidently for Fray Diego de Chavarría. (Nov. 20, 1698-July 4, 1699)

Fr. Diego de Chavarría never did sign in receipt, though he baptized four persons at Pecos on September 6, 1699.

Fr. Miguel Muñiz de Luna on September 18, 1699, received "this convento and everything attached to it" from Damián and interpreter Rafael. (Nov. 3, 1699-June 27, 1700, including 34 marriages)

Fr. José de Arranegui. (Aug. 12, 1700-Aug. 28, 1708) For more on these friars see Appendix III.

62. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto. Vélez' brief account of factionalism at Pecos, written over seventy years after the fact on the authority of documents since lost, is translated in full at the beginning of this chapter. Because the population figures for these years are so scattered or unreliable, no exodus from Pecos around the turn of the century is evident. See Appendix I. Pecos families, who according to tradition came directly from Pecos pueblo, did show up in other communities. See, for example, Charles H. Lange, Cochití, A New Mexico Pueblo, Past and Present (Carbondale, 1968), p. 407, and Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 317.

63. Declarations of Felipe Chistoe, et al., Santa Fe, Mar. 3, 1702, BL, NMO.

64. Vargas, Mar. 27-Apr. 2, 1704, SANM, II, no. 99. Espinosa, Crusaders, PP. 356-62. See Oakah L. Jones, Jr., Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest (Norman, 1966), pp. 65-68. In the document, don Felipe was listed first among the Pueblo auxiliaries and identified as governor of the Pecos. Next came chief of scouts José de Naranjo, who was not, as Jones says, from Pecos.

1. Certificación de las mercedes, limosnas, consignaciones de misiones, pensiones, y ayudas de costa, México, Dec. 22, 1763, BL, M-M, 339. For the development of the frontier military in the eighteenth century, see Max L. Moorhead, The Presidio: Bastion of the Spanish Borderlands (Norman, 1975).

2. Estado que muestra las jurisdicciones, 1799, BNM, leg. 10, no. 74. Chávez, Families, pp. x-xiv.

3. Fr. Carlos José Delgado, Informe, Santa Bárbara, Mar. 27, 1750, Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 425-30. Richard E. Greenleaf, "The Mexican Inquisition and the Enlightenment, 1763-1805," NMHR, vol. 41 (1966), pp. 181-96. Adams, Bishop Tamarón's Visitation of New Mexico, 1760 (Albuquerque, 1954), pp. 1-33, provides a summary of the jurisdictional dispute between the bishops of Durango and the Franciscans of New Mexico.

4. Alfonso Rael de Aguilar et al., Santa Fe, Jan. 10, 1706, AGI, Guad., 116, and Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 366-69.

5. Fr. Juan Álvarez to Gov. Cuervo y Valdés, admitted in Santa Fe, Jan. 7, 1706, and Álvarez, Informe, Nambé, Jan. 12, 1706, AGI, Guad., 116, and Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 369-78.

6. AASF, M-18, M-19, Pecos (Box 11). Chávez, Archives. Rosa Figueroa, Becerro.

7. Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 209. The manuscript record of the entire Domínguez visitation is in BNM, leg. 10, no. 43. For an interesting and detailed account of the construction of a contemporary church in Santa Fe, for which Pecos carpenters supplied boards and planks, see Kubler, The Rebuilding of San Miguel at Santa Fe in 1710 (Colorado Springs, 1939). Perhaps Andrés González, the master builder, a native of Zacatecas who had come to New Mexico in 1693, was also employed on the Pecos project.

8. The next marriage entry after Delgado's last is dated May 6, 1718. AASF, M-19, Pecos (Box 11), and Patentes, Book II (Box 2), Pecos. For a brief sketch of his career see Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 331-32. Probably the outstanding Franciscan to serve in eighteenth-century New Mexico, the enduring Delgado deserves a biographer.

9. With his estimate of 1,000 Christian Indians at Pecos in 1706, probably on the high side by 200 or 300, Álvarez made it the largest pueblo in New Mexico, except for Halona at Zuñi with 1,500. Álvarez, Informe, Jan. 12, 1706, AGI, Guad., 116. Fr. Juan Miguel Menchero, Informe, Santa Bárbara, May 10, 1744, BNM, leg. 8, no. 17, and Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 395-413.

10. Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 208-14. Kubler, Religious Architecture, pp. 85-87. Hayes, Four Churches. Both Hayes and Kubler reproduce the 1846 Stanley sketch.

11. Estado de las misiones, Santa Fe, July 16, 1792, BNM, leg 10, no. 83. My Appendix I shows clearly the relentless decline in the pueblo's population. For a complete listing of Pecos friars see Appendix III. Chávez, Archives, cites repeated warnings to the missionaries not to come to Santa Fe without permission. These, of course, did not apply to friars on the staff of the Santa Fe convento who visited Pecos periodically when there was no resident.

12. Custos Peña had reported the destruction of kivas to his superiors on July 31, 1709. Chávez, Archives, p. 23. Only the day before, he had inspected the Pecos books, probably in Santa Fe, AASF, M-19, Pecos (Box 11).

13. Declaration of Juan Tindé et al., Santa Fe, July 8, 1711, BNM, leg. 6, no. 4.

14. Gov. Peñuela to Fr. Luis Morete y Teruel, Santa Fe, May 25, 1712, BNM, leg. 6, no. 3. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto, cited a similar scathing letter to the viceroy, date May 30, which was later referred to the Franciscan commissary general for appropriate action. Father Diego de Padilla had begun administering the mission of Pecos and the visita of Galisteo in 1709. Only his marriage entries survive in the Pecos books, the earliest dated June 11, 1709, and the last April 9, 1711. The entries of Father Cepeda, his successor, run only from April 19, 1712, to August 21, 1712. AASF, M-19, Pecos (Box 11).

15. Fr. José de Haro to Gov. Penuela, n.d. and Mar. 5, 1712, BNM, leg. 6, no. 3.

16. This is the earliest specific reference I have to the casas reales. or casa de comunidad, at Pecos, not to be confused with the government buildings in Santa Fe. Such community houses, built in many pueblos during the seventeenth century, were New Mexico's inns. Here outsiders could transact business or find lodging without invading the Indians' homes. A 1680 document drawn up in El Paso refers to "the casas reales, which the common people call casas de comunidad." See Hackett and Shelby, Revolt, I, pp. 36, 201.

17. From Rael's description, this could be the restored kiva between the south and north pueblos at Pecos National Monument, Kiva 16, which, reckoned Kidder, "had had to be given up, perhaps because of ecclesiastical pressure, either before 1680 or, more probably, soon after the reconquest. Glaze VI and modern sherds testify to the lateness of its abandonment. Whatever the cause, the kiva roof was removed. . . . Those parts of the structure that remained protruding were thoroughly robbed of stone (absence of building stones in the fill)." Pecos, New Mexico, p. 202. One discrepancy is that Rael said this kiva was filled with "rock," and the archaeologists found earth.

18. Gov. Flores Mogollón, Santa Fe, Jan. 20, 1714, and Rael de Aguilar, Pecos, Jan. 23, 1714, BL, NMO. The reports of all but one of the other alcaldes are appended. Alfonso Rael de Aguilar, who accompanied Vargas in both 1692 and 1693, had a soldier son of the same name, also active in New Mexico in 1714. From the signature on this document, it is clear that Alfonso the elder was the alcalde mayor. No mention was made of Fray Lucas de Arévalo, the Pecos missionary at this time, or of Custos Tagle.

19. Gov. Flores Mogollón to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Sept. 14, 1714, BNM, leg. 6, no. 16. The viceregal fiscal in his opinion of November 2, 1714, and a junta general on January 22, 1715, upheld Governor Flores' action, further instructing him to inventory the purchased weapons and to hand them out only "for necessary engagements in the royal service." Ibid. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto. Jones' statement that the viceroy supported the view of the friars and reversed Flores' decision (Pueblo Warriors, p. 90) would seem to be in error. Certainly, in practice, the prohibition was soon relaxed.

20. Gov. Flores Mogollón, Santa Fe, July 5, 1714, et al., SANM, II, no. 207. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto.

21. Junta general, Mexico City, Jan. 22, 1715, BNM, leg. 6, no. 16. Flores to the viceroy, Sept. 14, 1714, BNM, leg. 6, no 16.

22. Vélez de Escalante, Extracto.

23. Miranda to Flores, Ácoma, [July 1714), SANM, II, no. 207. Vélez de Escalante copied Father Miranda's entire letter into his Extracto.

24. Fr. Andrés Varo, Informe, El Paso, Jan. 29, 1751, BNM, leg. 9, no. 17. Henry W. Kelly quotes this passage from Varo (NMHR, vol. 16, p. 178) in his "Franciscan Missions of New Mexico, 1740-1760," NMHR, vol. 15 (1940), pp. 345-68, and vol. 16 (1941), pp. 41-69, 148-83 (also Albuquerque, 1941). Kelly pulls together an account of the vehement church-state conflict at mid-century.

25. Declaration of Juan Tindé et al., July 8, 1711, BNM, leg. 6, no. 4.

26. Antonio Becerra Nieto, judgment of Pecos claims, Janos, Aug. 16, 1723, SANM, II, no. 323. For some idea why Martínez had enemies among the Spaniards of New Mexico see Ted J. Warner, "Don Félix Martínez and the Santa Fe Presidio, 1693-1730," NMHR, vol. 45 (1970), pp. 269-310.

27. Valverde visitation, Pecos, Aug. 21, 1719, SANM, II, no. 309. For a brief archaeological description of the Pecos casas reales, which measured 145 feet long by 30 to 40 feet wide, see Hayes, Four Churches, pp. 53-58.

28. Pérez de Mirabal, whose earliest entries in the Taos books date from 1722, later served at Pecos during 1738-1739. Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 337.

29. Cruzat y Góngora visitation, Pecos, July 28, 1733, SANM, II, no. 389. Valverde y Cosío visitation, Pecos, Aug. 21, 1719, SANM, II, no. 309.

30. Codallos y Rabal visitation, Pecos, Aug. 27, 1745, SANM, II, no. 470. When Gov. Enrique de Olavide y Michelena visited Pecos on September 5, 1738, none of the Indians presented claims, but they heard the same old exhortation. BL, NMO.

31. Declaration of Fr. Pedro Antonio Esquer, Santa Fe, after June 10, 1731, BNM, leg. no. 38. Fr. Juan Antonio Sánchez to the Father Provincial, México, c. 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 25. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22); M-20, Pecos (Box 11); Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

32. Declaration of Antonio Sidepovi, Santa Fe, June 26, 1731, BL, NMO. In the residencia of Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza (1739-1743), two Pecos testified, giving brief, uninformative, and always favorable answers: Antonio de los Ángeles, "a Tano" and governor of the pueblo, and Miguel, the cacique Declarations, Santa Fe, Dec. 29, 1743, BL, NMO. There are several other residencias from the first half of the eighteenth century at which Pecos Indians either did not testify or joined in the whitewash.

33. Fr. Andrés Varo, Carta diaria, July 5-Sept. 27, 1730, BNM, leg. 7, no. 24. For some reason, Father Pino used consistently the English form George instead of the Spanish form Jorge.

34. Bishop Crespo to the Viceroy Marqués de Casafuerte, Bernalillo, Sept. 8, and El Paso, Sept. 25, 1730, translated by Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 95-106. See also pp. 13-16. Fr. Francisco de Lepiane, Informe, México, 1728, BNM, leg. 7, no. 14. Fr. Juan Antonio Sánchez to the Father Provincial, c. 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 25.

35. John Augustine Donahue, After Kino, Jesuit Missions in Northwestern New Spain, 1711-1767 (Rome and St. Louis, 1969), pp. 17-18. A good example of the friars' impassioned defense of the custody is Sánchez to the Father Provincial, c. 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 25.

36. Fr. Juan Miguel Menchero, Patente, El Paso, July 3, 1731, AASF, Patentes, Book II (Box 2), Pecos. Chávez, Archives, p. 32. By the later 1740s, when Menchero was again functioning as comisario visitador, the missionaries of New Mexico still had not improved their knowledge of the native languages. It deeply pained their superiors in Spain and Mexico that "in the more than one hundred and fifty years since its conquest there has not been an assiduous friar who was stimulated by zeal and superior conduct to compose a grammar of the many and varied languages of this Holy Custody." Fr. Juan José Pérez de Mirabal, Patente, Santa Fe, Jan. 5, 1748, BNM, leg. 8, no. 36.

37. Fr. Pedro Antonio Esquer, Receipt, Santa Fe, Aug. 21, 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 56. Exactly nineteen years later, another Pecos missionary, along with a number of his brethren, accused Menchero of mismanaging the funds, charging for goods not sent, and inflating the statements with items not for their use. Declarations of Fr. Francisco de la Concepción González, Pecos, Aug. 21, 1750, BNM, leg. 8, no. 80.

38. Menchero, Visitation, Pecos, Aug. 24, 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 44a. The same day Menchero, with his secretary Fray Antonio Gabaldón, made the usual notation in each of the mission books stating that it conformed to the dictates of the Council of Trent.

39. Menchero, Patente, Santa Fe, Sept. 4, 1731, AASF, Patentes, Book II (Box 2), Pecos.

40. Notice of visitation, Aug. 29, 1737, signed by Elizacoechea and his secretary Pedro de Echenique, AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22).

41. See Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 16-19; Kelly, "Franciscan Missions;" and Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 388-501.

42. Codallos y Rabal to Father Commissary General, Santa Fe, June 4, 1744, BNM, leg. 8, no. 10.

43. The number of helpers in the convento, ten, had remained the same for over a century, while the population of Pecos had dropped by two thirds or more. Fr. Manuel de San Juan Nepomuceno y Trigo, Visitation, Pecos, Aug. 21, 1750, BNM, leg. 8, no. 80. Trigo, Informe, Istacalco, July 23, 1754, BNM, leg. 9, no. 30, and Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 459-68. When Custos Jacobo de Castro visited Pecos on June 26, 1755, the Pecos told him essentially the same thing about Fray Miguel Campos, who had even exempted them from growing the wheat and maize for his table. BNM, leg. 9, no. 31.

44. Declaration of Fr. José Irigoyen, Tlatelolco, Oct. 24, 1748, BNM, leg. 8, no. 38. On Moreau see Hackett, Pichardo's Treatise, III, p. 352, and Documents, III, pp. 391, 401, and Chávez, Families, p. 239.

45. Padrones de las misiones que tiene la custodia de la Nueva México formados el año 1750, BNM, leg. 8, no. 81. Kelly, "Franciscan Missions, XV, pp. 362-63, reproduces these figures with some apparent typos. The González census of Pecos is undated. His first and last entries in the mission books are dated August 3, 1749, and August 25, 1750. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22), and Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9). Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 327, who appears to arrive at totals of 450 and 448, figures the average number of children per couple at 1.86. For a tentative correlation of González' house blocks and those described by Domínguez in 1776, see below, pp. 345-46.

46. Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 17n, 19-33.

47. Ibid., p. 21.

48. Ibid., pp. 48-50, 78-79. Notice of Tamarón's visitation in Pecos book of baptisms, May 29, 1760, AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22). On DÁvila see Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 163-64, 331.

49. The page on which the record of Agustín's burial must have appeared was removed from the Pecos book before the folio numbers were added. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9). Perhaps Agustín Guichí, principal man and carpenter, was the cacique Agustín of the González census in 1750.

50. Bishop Tamarón extracted this account from the record of his visitation and had it published as Relación del atentado sacrilegio, cometido por tres indios de un pueblo de la provincia del Nuevo México; y de el severo castigo, que executó la divina justicia con el fautor principal de ellos (México, 1763). Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 50-53.

51. Fr. Francisco Atanasio Domínguez to Fr. Isidro Murillo, Santa Fe, June 10, 1776, Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 277-80. Pecos books, AASF. An introduction to the visitation, the superiors' instructions, and Domínguez letters are all included in Adams and Chávez, Missions.

52. Domínguez did not say that former alcalde Armijo still lived at Pecos, rather that "he is still alive, but he is no longer alcalde."

53. The word lienzo can mean the face or front of a building, a stretch of wall, or the curtain of a fortification, i.e., the part of the wall between bastions. Domínguez seems to be using it to mean a more-or-less linear section of house block, in the sense of one side of a quadrangular building. Following Adams and Chávez, I have translated it "tenement" for lack of a better word.

54. This short sentence is omitted in Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 213.

55. See particularly figures 21 and 22 (pp. 64, 67) in Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, and his discussion of the South Pueblo, pp. 106-09.

56. Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 208-14, 181, and BNM, leg. 10, no. 43.

57. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22). In an impassioned plea of 1780 begging Mendinueta to return and save New Mexico from Juan Bautista de Anza, his successor, two disgruntled New Mexicans claimed that the Pecos and Galisteos were crying out for their former benefactor. The people of Galisteo wanted to abandon the pueblo for a place where they could live without suffering such hunger. Vicente de Sena and José Miguel Pena to Mendinueta, Arizpe, June 21, 1780, BNM, leg. 10, no. 60.

58. Domínguez to Murillo, Aug. 16, 1777, Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 297-300, and BNM, leg. 10, no. 46. The day after Dominguez compiled this list, evidently at El Paso, the earnest young Fray Silvestre Vélez de Escalante, whom he had left upriver as vice-custos, addressed an official letter to the brothers admonishing them to mend their ways. See Adams, "Letter to the Missionanes."

59. Documents relating to the mission of 1777-1778 conducted from Spain to the Holy Gospel province by Fr. Juan Bautista Dosal are in AGI, Contratación, 5546, and AGI, Mex., 2732. At least six friars later assigned to Pecos were among this group: Fathers Hozio, Bermejo, Carral, Martin Bueno, Fernández de la Sierra, and Muñoz Jurado. See Appendix III. Estado en que se hallan las misiones, 1778-1813, BNM, leg. 10, no. 52. Colocaci&eocute;n de los religiosos misioneros, c. 1779, BNM, leg. 10, no. 56.

60 Simmons, "New Mexico's Smallpox Epidemic of 1780-1781," NMHR, vol. 41 (1966), pp. 319-26. The Pecos burial book is missing for this period. The following year, 1782, the Galisteo books of burials and marriages were assigned to Pecos. AASF, Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a), M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a). Evidently the smallpox epidemic was the final blow to Galisteo, which was not mentioned as a living pueblo after 1782. Although most of the survivors emigrated to Santo Domingo, some Tano families turned up at Pecos in the 1790s. Estado actual de las misiones, Belen, Sept. 1, 1794, BNM, leg. 10, nos. 70 and 82.

61. Anza had first suggested reducing the number of missions as an economy measure in a report of November 1, 1779. Croix to Anza, Chihuahua, Sept. 15, 1781, and Pedro Galindo Navarro, Dictamen, Arizpe, Aug. 6, 1781, SANM, II, nos. 831 and 832. Conde de Revillagigedo, Informe sobre las misiones, 1793, e instrucción reservada al Marqués de Branciforte, 1794, ed. José Bravo Ugarte (México, 1966), pp. 52-53. Resumen de los padrones, Nov. I, 1779, BNM, leg. 10, no. 59. Fernando de la Concha visitation, Pecos, Oct. 28, 1789, HL, Ritch.

62. AASF, M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a), and B-20, Pecos (Box 22). A table reflecting Anza's consolidation shows Pecos still appended to Santa Fe in 1788 under Father Hozio and its statistics combined with the villa's. Galisteo is no longer listed. Estado actual de las misiones, Mar. 19, 1789, BNM, leg. 10, no. 85.

63. Croix to Anza, Arizpe, Aug. 12, 1781, and Jan. 22, 1783, SANM, II, nos. 827, 828, and 850b. Chávez, Archives, p. 41. During his visitation of Pecos on August 22, 1782, Governor Anza served as a witness to a marriage performed by Custos Bermejo. AASF, M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a).

64. See Chávez, Archives, pp. 41-45. Estado en que se hallan las misiones, 1778-1813, BNM, leg. 10, no. 52.

65. Concha visitation, Pecos, Oct. 28, 1789, HL, Ritch. Concha cosigned and appended to the record of his visitation church inventories. The rather cursory one for Pecos, dated November 1, 1789, was compiled by Fr. Francisco Martin Bueno, minister of Santa Fe and Pecos.

66. Revillagigedo, Informe, p. 53. Concha to Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola, Santa Fe, Nov. 12, 1790, SANM, II, no. 1096. Plan a que me parece indispensable en el día se extiendan las misiones, Concha, Santa Fe, Nov. 1, 1790, AGN, PI, 161. Cf. Estado actual de las misiones, Mar. 19, 1789, BNM, leg. 10, no. 85.

67. Padrón de los indios de Pecos, Patero and Ortiz, Santa Fe, Nov. 9, 1790, SANM, II, no. 1096a. Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 327-28. José Mares seems to have been the 24-year-old José Julián Mares who enlisted in 1746 as a soldier in Santa Fe and the uncle of the Juan Domingo Mares who acted as godfather to a child at Pecos on January 6, 1765. Chávez, Families, p. 220. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22). In 1787-1788 he had explored a route via Comanche and Taovaya villages to San Antonio in Texas and back. Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century (Austin, 1970), pp. 129-30. See below, pp. 407-09. In his 1790 compilation, Concha made the population of Pecos 152 Indians, evidently leaving Mares and his son off. Plan a que me parece indispensable, Nov. 1, 1790, AGN, PI, 161.

68. Estado actual de las misiones, Sept. 1, 1794, BNM, leg. 10, nos. 70 and 82.

69. Revillagigedo, Informe, p. 55. Cf. Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 254-58.

70. Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 258.

71. San Miguel del Vado Grant, Surveyor General of New Mexico, State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe (SGNM), no. 119. Estado actual de las misiones, Sept. 1, 1794, BNM, leg. 10, nos. 70 and 82.

1. Lista de los naturales, [Santa Fe, Aug. 1714,] SANM, II, no. 209. SANM, II, no. 99. AASF, M-18, Pecos (Box 11). For an interesting, if confused, note on the 1702 expedition see Thomas, After Coronado, p. 14.

2. El Cuartelejo, on the basis of archaeological evidence, seems to have been located in Scott County, Kansas. Wedel, Introduction to Kansas Archeology, pp. 467-68. Thomas, After Coronado, pp. 16-22, interpreted Ulibarri's route, opting instead for east-central Colorado, and published the diary, pp. 59-80. See also Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations, pp. 24-27, Jones, Pueblo Warriors, pp. 73-77, and Gunnerson, Jicarilla Apaches, pp. 170-79. Ulibarri, Appointment of José Trujillo, Santa Fe, July 11, 1706, HL, Ritch. Evidently some of the Picurís caught by Vargas in 1696 settled at Pecos. Some of those returned by Ulibarri may also have done so. Several likely candidates identified in the extant Pecos books were Antonio Tigua (1702), Bernabe Picuri (1702, 1722), Miguel Tupatu (1714), and Lorenzo Picuri (1728). AASF, M-18 and M-19, Pecos (Box 11), and Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

3. Declaration of Juan Tindé et al., Santa Fe, July 8, 1711, BNM, leg. 6, no. 4. AASF, M-18, Pecos (Box 11).

4. Auto y diligencias que se han seguido contra unos indios gentiles apaches faraones, Santa Fe, Aug-Sept. 1714, SANM, II, no. 210.

5. Juan Páez Hurtado, Diario, Aug. 30-Sept. 18, 1715, et al, BL, NMO. Thomas has translated the diary and most of the related documents in After Coronado, pp. 80-98. Jones, Pueblo Warriors, pp. 90-94, discusses the campaign. The Faraones, later pushed southward, eventually became a component of the Mescaleros. For a full discussion of the process, see Schroeder, A Study of the Apache Indians, Part III "The Mescalero Apaches" (New York, 1974).

6. Declaration of Juan Tindé et al., July 8, 1711, BNM, leg. 6, no. 4.

7. Declaration of Sebestián de Vargas, Santa Fe, [Aug. 1711,] et al., BNM, leg. 6, no. 4.

8. Peñuela, Santa Fe, Aug. 5, 1711, BL, NMO. Peñuela to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Oct. 20, 1711, BNM, leg. 6, no. 4.

9. Bustamante, Santa Fe, Sept. 17, 1725, SANM, II, no. 340.

10. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22). Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 314. "The term 'genizaro' has been derived from the Turkish yeni, new, and cheri, troops; hence the English 'Janizary,' a member of a body of Turkish infantry made up of slaves, conscripts, and subject Christians. In Spanish, the word came to be applied specifically in different periods and situations to various non-typical groups or blood mixtures. In New Mexico, it was used to designate non-Pueblo Indians living in more or less Spanish fashion. Some of them were captives ransomed from the nomadic tribes, and their mixed New Mexico-born descendants inherited the designation." Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 42 n. 72.

11. Custos Juan García, Patente, Isleta, June 27, 1738, AASF, Patentes, Book II (Box 2), Pecos. See Chávez, Archives, pP. 21, 27, 157, 161, 164.

12. Custos Andrés Varo, Informe, Santa Bárbara, Jan. 29, 1749, BNM, leg. 8, no. 57.

13. Capt. Manuel Tenorio de Alba, Pecos, Aug. 3, 1726, et al., SANM, II, 340a. The record of the 1724-1728 general military inspection and the Reglamento that resulted are in Pedro de Rivera, Diario y derrotero de lo caminado, visto y observado en la visita que hizo a los presidios de la Nueva España septentrional ed. Vito Alessio Robles (México, 1946). See also Moorhead, The Presidio, pp. 27-46. A little over a month after Tenorio's troubles with the traders, Fray José Irigoyen baptized at Pecos a little Panana, or Pawnee, girl. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22).

14. Fr. Juan Antonio Sánchez to the Father Provincial, México, c. 1731, BNM, leg. 7, no. 25. Ocaranza, Establecimientos franciscanos. pp. 179-91.

15. Fr. Lorenzo de Saavedra, Breve noticia, n.d., BNM, leg. 7, no. 14. Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road: Trade and Travel on the Chihuahua Trail (Norman, 1958), pp. 41-54.

16. Thomas, After Coronado, pp. 26-33, and documents, pp. 99-133. Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations, pp. 28-30.

17. Rivera, Diario y Derrotero, p. 55. On the ways of the Comanches, see Ernest Wallace and E. Adamson Hoebel, The Comanches, Lords of the South Plains (Norman, 1952).

18. Two very different explanations of the displacement of Jicarillas, Cuartelejos, Faraones, and others by Comanches are advanced by Schroeder, Apache Indians, and Gunnerson, Jicarilla Apaches.

19. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22), Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

20. Viceroy Juan Francisco de Güemes y Horcasitas to Codallos y Rabal, México, Oct. 26, 1746, BL, NMO. The Pecos burial book shows only six deaths in 1746, none of them attributed to Comanches. A folio could be missing. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9). Chávez, Families, p. 277.

21. Codallos y Rabal to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Mar. 4, 1748, enclosing the declaration of Father Estremera, Santa Fe, Jan. 28, 1748, SANM, Series I, no. 1328. Charles F. Lummis published both friar's account and governor's letter in Spanish and English as "Some Unpublished History: A New Mexico Episode in 1748," Land of Sunshine, vol. 8 (Jan. 1898), pp. 74-78, and (Feb. 1898), pp. 126-30. Inexplicably, Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of Mexico, 2 vols. (Cedar Rapids, 1914), I, pp. 148-51, includes Lummis' translation of the letter not under no. 1328 but under no. 499, which has absolutely nothing to do with it. Two other accounts are in Menchero to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Apr. 24, 1748, BNM, leg. 8, no. 47, and Fr. Andrés Varo quoted by Fr. Pedro Serrano, Informe, 1761, BNM, leg. 9, no. 53, Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 479-501. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

22. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9), and Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a). Chávez, Archives, pp. 231-40.

23. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico 1530-1888, (San Francisco, 1889), pp. 249-50.

24. Vélez Cuchupín to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Mar. 8, 1750, AGN, PI, 37, exp. 2, and translated in Hackett, Pichardo's Treatise, III, pp. 325-29. There is no mistaking what the governor said: he wrote out the number ciento y cincuenta, a hundred and fifty. Perhaps that was the number killed in all New Mexico during Codallos' rule. From 1743 to 1749 inclusive, the Pecos book shows a total of 112 deaths, only 15 of which are blamed on Comanches. No entry for the 12 killed during the June 1746 attack is included. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

25. Sanz de Lezaun and Bermejo, Informe, Zia and Santa Ana, Oct. 29, 1750, BNM, leg. 8, no. 67. For an idea of the basis of the two friars' bias, see Kelly, "Franciscan Missions," XVI, pp. 61-67.

26. Ibid., pp. 181-82. Chávez, Archives, p. 31. There is a passing reference in the record of Codallos' 1745 visitation to a buffalo hunt led by don José Moreno (alcalde mayor of Pecos and Galisteo, 1744-1748) during the administration of Governor Cruzat y Góngora. See above, p. 322.

27. Trigo, Informe, Istacalco, July 23, 1754, BNM, leg 9, no. 30, and Hackett, Documents, III, pp. 459-68. If Governor Vélez Cachupín's figures are correct for 1752, a much greater drop in Pecos' population, from 449 in 1750 to 318 in 1752, occurred during his own administration. Estado general y particular, Vélez Cachupín, 1752, AGN, PI, 102.

28. Kelly, "Franciscan Missions," XVI, pp. 181-82, relates the story as the friars told it, "one last and dramatic episode . . . to illustrate the seriousness of the Indian menace and the culpable failure of the governors to protect the Kingdom." Others, e.g. Chávez, "Carpenter Pueblo," p. 32, have retold it as fact. Hayes, Four Churches, p. 14, follows Kelly but judiciously substitutes "many" for the "more than 150" Pecos killed. Kidder, Southwestern Archaeology, p. 86, basing his account in 1924 on "stories still current among the Mexicans in the valley," called the ambush "the death blow." By 1958, however, in Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 313, 316-17, he was no longer willing "to assign full responsibility for Pecos' extinction to Comanche hostility." The "legendary ambush," he had concluded, must have been exaggerated in the retelling and probably "dealt with a somewhat lesser disaster which may have overtaken some party of Pecos buffalo hunters who had ventured too far or too incautiously into Comanche country."

29. Vélez Cachupín to the viceroy, Mar. 8, 1750, AGN, PI, 37, exp. 2. See also the documents cited above in note 21. Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, pp. 219-26. Hayes, Four Churches, pp. 53-55. Squad leader Bartolomé Maese was present at Pecos, along with Alcalde mayor Tomás de Sena, in December 1750 when a blind and venerable Carlana Apache man begged for baptism. AASF, B-19, Pecos (Box 22).

30. Noticia del armamento, pertrechos, y municiones, Dec. 30, 1778, SANM, II, no. 751. Razón de los pertrechos de guerra, Feb. 4, 1762, AGN, PI, 102. Estado general y particular, Vélez Cachupín, 1752, AGN, PI, 102.

31. Vélez Cachupín to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Nov. 27, 1751, Thomas, The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778 (Albuquerque, 1940), pp. 68-76, who translated this document and others related, mistakenly made Pecos, not Galisteo, the scene of the November 3 assault (p. 68).

32. Vélez Cachupín, Instructions to Francisco Marín del Valle, Aug. 12, 1754, Thomas, Plains Indians, pp. 129-43. Vélez Cachupín to the viceroy Santa Fe, Sept. 29, 1752, ibid, pp. 118-25. See also Robert Ryal Miller, ed., "New Mexico in Mid-Eighteenth Century: A Report Based on Governor Vélez Cachupín's Inspection," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, vol. 79 (1975-1976), pp. 166-81.

33. Miera y Pacheco, Mapa que mandó hacer el Señor Don Francisco Antonio Marín del Valle, c. 1758, AGN, Californias, 39, and reproduced below, Appendix V. pp. 510-11. Chávez, Families pp. 229-30. The death of Juan Diego, a Pecos buried January 1, 1758, was attributed to Comanches. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

34. Miera y Pacheco, Mapa del reino del Nuevo México, c. 1760, Dirección General de Geografín y Meteorolgía, Tacubaya, D.F., Colección de Orozco y Berra, no. 1148, and reproduced above following p. 166. Bolton, Pageant in the Wilderness: The Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776 (Salt Lake City, 1950), pp. 11-13.

35. For background see Thomas, After Coronado, and Henry Folmer, Franco-Spanish Rivalry in North America, 1524-1763 (Glendale, Calif., 1953).

36. Folmer, "Contraband Trade between Louisiana and New Mexico in the Eighteenth Century," NMHR, vol. 16 (1941), pp. 262-63, quotes Roybal's letter. Declaration of Pierre Mallet et al., Hackett, Pichardo's Treatise, III, pp. 349-52. Gunnerson, Jicarilla Apaches, pp. 222-25, discusses the French diplomacy that opened the way to New Mexico.

37. Diligencias judiciales en orden a la averiguación de la persona de Santiago Belo, 1744, SANM, II, no. 456. Codallos y Rabal to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Mar. 4, 1748, SANM, I, no. 1328. Folmer, "Contraband Trade," pp. 264-65.

38. Bolton, "French Intrusions into New Mexico, 1749-1752," in John Francis Bannon, ed., Bolton and the Spanish Borderlands (Norman, 1964), pp. 154-63.

39. The documents concerning the return of Mallet are translated in Hackett, Pichardo's Treatise, III, pp. 333-63.

40. At Pecos on May 3, 1757, Fray Juan José Hernández baptized María Andrea, an adult of the so-called A or Aa tribe, with Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco's wife and his son Manuel serving as godparents. Simmons, "The Mysterious A Tribe Of the Southern Plains," The Changing Ways of Southwestern Indians: A Historic Perspective, ed. Albert H. Schroeder (Glorieta, N.M., 1973), pp. 73-89, has concluded that the Aa Indians were Skidi Pawnees.

41. Testimonio de los autos . . . sobre haber Ilegado dos franceses cargados de efectos que conducián de la Nueva Orleans, AGN, PI, 34, exp. 3. Both Hackett, Pichardo's Treatise, III, pp. 363-70, and Thomas, Plains Indians, pp. 82-110 (including the invoices), have translated documents relating to poor Chapuis and Feuilli.

42. Pedro Fermín de Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Mar. 30, 1772, AGN, P1 103. For the background, enactment, and functioning of the General Command, see Luis Navarro García, Don José de Gálvez y la Comandancia General de las Provincias Internas del Norte de Nueva España (Sevilla, 1964).

43. Portillo Urrisola to Bishop Tamarón, Santa Fe, Feb. 24, 1762, Adams, Tamarón's Visitation, pp. 58-62. Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 4, 251-52.

44. Thomas, Plains Indians, pp. 33-48, 148-56. Jones, Pueblo Warriors, pp. 131-47. Navarro García, Gálvez, pp. 244-50.

45. Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, May 11, 1771, AGN, PI, 103.

46. Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Apr. 27, 1769, ibid.

47. Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Apr. 27, 1769, Jan. 18, May 11, Aug. 18, 1771, and Jan. 4, 1772, ibid. The governor reported similar raids in his letters to the viceroy of March 30, 1772, May 14, 1773, and October 16, 1773. Ibid.

48. Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, June 20, 1774, ibid., and Sept. 30, 1774, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 10. Thomas, Plains Indians, pp. 169-73, translated the latter from an AGI copy.

49. Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Oct. 20, 1774, ibid., pp. 173-77. The Fernández victory, basis of the New Mexico folk drama "Los Comanches," has been somewhat confused over the years. See Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations. p. 29n.

50. Mendinueta to the viceroy, Santa Fe, Mar. 30, May 12, and Aug. 18, 1775, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 10. The last two are in Thomas, Plains Indians, pp. 179-84. Adams and Chávez, Missions, pp. 213-14. During these years the Franciscans recorded in the Pecos book only four burials. One of them was for José Antonio, September 19, 1772, killed by Comanches. AASF, Bur-18, Pecos (Box 9).

51. Navarro García, Gálvez, pp. 275-81. See also Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier of New Spain, 1776-1783 (Norman, 1941) and Moorhead, The Presidio.

52. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787 (Norman, 1932), pp. 64-71, along with a translation of Anza's diary, Aug. 15-Sept. 10, and his covering letter to Croix, Nov. 1, 1779, pp. 121-42.

53. In April, June, October, and November 1783 the minister of Santa Fe noted in the Pecos book the burials of Francisco Pancho Pamie, José Francisco Aguilar, Lucas Ponhana, and Andrés Tonui, all "killed by Comanches," AASF, Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a).

54. On the Comanche peace, in addition to Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, pp. 71-83, 292-342, in which the documents are translated, see also Moorhead, The Apache Frontier: Jacobo Ugarte and Spanish-Indian Relations in Northern New Spain, 1769-1791 (Norman, 1968) pp. 143-69.

55. Relación de los sucesos ocurridos en la Provincia del Nuevo México con motivo de la paz concedida a la Nación Comanche, Nov. 17, 1785-July 15, 1786, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 2, and translated from an AGI copy by Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, pp. 294-324. Francisco Javier Ortiz to Anza, Santa Fe, May 20, 1786, ibid. Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, pp. 4-5. AASF, Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a).

56. Ugarte y Loyola to the Marqués de Sonora, Chihuahua, Jan. 4, 1787, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 2. Moorhead, Apache Frontier, pp. 156-59.

57. Artículos de paz concertados y arreglados en la villa de Santa Fe y pueblo de Pecos, 1786, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 2, and translation by Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, pp. 329-32.

58. Adams and Chávez, Missions, p. 252.

59. Relación de los sucesos, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 2. I have seen no specific documentation for an earlier Comanche trade fair at Pecos. Out of force of habit, Moorhead, Apache Frontier, p. 147, asserts incorrectly that this one too was held at Taos.

60. Relación de los sucesos, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 2. Moorhead, Apache Frontier, pp. 147-69. Ronald J. Benes, "Anza and Concha in New Mexico, 1787-1793: A Study in New Colonial Techniques," Journal of the West, vol. 4 (1965), pp. 63-76. Thomas, "San Carlos, A Comanche Pueblo on the Arkansas River, 1787," The Colorado Magazine, vol. 6 (1929), pp. 79-91. Simmons, Border Comanches: Seven Spanish Colonial Documents, 1785-1819 (Santa Fe, 1967), pp. 23-31.

61. Revillagigedo to Pedro de Nava, Apr. 30, 1793, as quoted in Noel M. Loomis and Abraham P. Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe (Norman, 1967), pp. 392-93. Not only does this work set these explorations in context but it also includes translations of the diaries. See also Nasatir's synthesis Borderland in Retreat: From Spanish Louisiana to the Far Southwest (Albuquerque, 1976).

62. Concha to Ugarte y Loyola, Santa Fe, Nov. 10, 1787, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 1.

63. Pedro de Nava to Revillagigedo, Chihuahua, June 24, 1791, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 16. Moorhead, Apache Frontier, pp. 166-69.

64. Nava to Revillagigedo, June 24, 1791, AGN, PI, 65, exp. 16. Simmons, ed., "Governor Anza, the Lipan Apaches and Pecos Pueblo," EP, vol. 77, no. 1 (1970), pp. 35-40.

1. San Miguel del Vado Grant, SGNM, no. 119. See Albert James Díaz, A Guide to the Microfilm of Papers relating to New Mexico Land Grants (Albuquerque, 1960). Estado actual . . . 1794, BNM, leg. 10, no. 82. Estado que muestra las jurisdicciones . . . 1799, ibid., no. 74.

2. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22), M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a), Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a). There are other scattered references to Pecos Indians living at San Miguel del Vado or at some other of the numerous satellite communities that sprang up in the valley, but they do not add up to a significant exodus. Fray Angelico Chávez' statement that El Vado was settled by Hispanos, genízaros, and "also by Indians of other pueblos, including more progressive Pecos Indians, who entered into a genízaro status and thus contributed to the depopulation of their pueblo" is too strong. Chávez, Archives, p. 205.

3. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, eds., Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque, 1942), pp. 8n, 215 n. 2. San Miguel del Vado Grant, SGNM no. 119. SANM, I, no. 887. Although Pino did not mention the five-year residency requirement, it applied to similar community grants made by Governor Chacón, for example the Cebolleta Grant at the foot of Mount Taylor. Reeve, "Navaho Foreign Affairs, 1795-1846," part I, 1795-1815, NMHR, vol. 46 (1971), pp. 108, 121. Juan de Dios Fernández, the former Pecos Indian, was not listed among the recipients of farming lands at either San Miguel or San José. One of the San Miguel genízaros, José María Garduno, who received 130 varas of land in the distribution, was arrested four years later in Chihuahua as a vagrant. SANM, II, no. 2043.

4. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22), M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a), Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a).

5. Estado en que se hallan las misiones . . . 1778-1813, et al., BNM, leg. 10, no. 52. Estado actual . . . 1974, ibid, no. 82

6. Fr. Buenaventura Merino, Santa Fe, June 10, 1801, Cathedral Archive, Durango. Merino, who signed the Pecos books between May of 1792 and February 1802, had entered the Order at the convento in Medina de Río Seco on October 18, 1759, had professed his religious vows there on October 19, 1760, and had studied philosophy for three years, sacred theology for three, and moral theology for a year and a half. Elected preacher in 1768, he served subsequently in the conventos of Almazán and Atienza. Nomina de los religiosos, June 28, 1803, BNM, leg. 10, no. 77. Chávez, Archives, p. 166. Merino and Fr. Severo Patero to the viceroy, Colegio de San Fernando de México, Mar. 30, 1790, et al., AGN, PI, 161, part 7.

7. Baptismal entry, Feb. 26, 1804, AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22).

8. Nomina de los religiosos, June 28, 1803, and Noticia de los religiosos, 1815, BNM, leg. 10, nos. 77 and 78.

9. Bragado y Rico to the bishop of Durango. Pecos, Dec. 11, 1804, license granted, Durango, Feb. 22, 1805, endorsed by Gov. Joaquín del Real Alencaster, Santa Fe, Apr. 30, 1805, AASF, 1804, no. 14. Bragado also stood by the El Vado settlers in a dispute over the ten pesos for the license which Governor Chacón apparently had misappropriated. Diego Manuel Baca et al. to alcalde de primer voto, Puesto del Vado, May 24, 1805, AASF, 1805, no. 6.

10. Noticia de las misiones, Chacón, Santa Fe, Dec. 31, 1804, AGI, Mex., 2737.

11. Bartolomé Fernández, San Miguel del Vado, July 28, 1805, et al., SANM, II, no. 1867.

12. Pereyro to Manrique, Santa Clara, Mar. 8, 1809, and Manrique to Pereyro, Santa Fe, Mar. 10, 1809, SANM, II, no. 2209.

13. Manrique to Nemesio Salcedo, Santa Fe, Mar. 19, 1810, SANM, II, no. 2302. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22), M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a), Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a).

14. Although García del Valle began on March 8, 1811, baptizing babies at the El Vado settlements, he did not mention a church there until late September. Up until then he had been burying El Vado people at Pecos. But on September 28, he buried a girl "in this chapel of San Miguel." On September 30, he baptized a child "in this parish church of San Miguel del Vado belonging to the mission of Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles de Pecos." He celebrated the first wedding "in the church of San Miguel" on October 14, 1811. Ibid.

15. Guerrero to the gobernador de la mitra, c. 1811, and response, M. Cosío, Durango, Feb. 6, 1812, AASF, 1812, no. 14.

16. Carroll and Haggard, Three New Mexico Chronicles, pp. 50-53. Pino's entire Exposicion is reproduced photographically on pp. 211-61.

17. Manuel Baca et al., San Miguel del Vado, Jan. 16, 1814, SANM, II, no. 2527.

18. Chacón to Pedro de Nava, Santa Fe, Nov. 18, 1797, SANM, II, no. 1404. Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations, pp. 56-57. On August 21-22, 1809, Gov. José Manrique was called down from Santa Fe to parley with Comanches at Pecos pueblo. SANM, II, no. 2237.

19. Salcedo to Chacón, Chihuahua, Jan. 16, 1804, SANM, II, no. 1703.

20. Chacón to Salcedo, Mar. 28, 1804, no. 75, SANM, II, no 1714. Alejandro Martin turns up again and again in the Pecos-El Vado books. Chacón identified Gurulé as an Indian of the Aa tribe.

21. Chacón to Salcedo, Santa Fe, Mar. 28, 1804, no. 73, SANM, II, no. 1714. AASF, Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a).

22. Juan Lucero, San Miguel del Vado, Dec. 16, 1808, SANM, II, no. 2193. See also nos. 2178 and 2194. Gov. Alberto Maynez had ordered a force to assemble at Pecos pueblo in July 1808. Maynez, Santa Fe, June 11, and Dionisio Valle to Maynez, Pecos, July 6, 1808, SANM, II, nos. 2111, 2136. Capt. Francisco Amangual, en route from San Antonio in Texas to Santa Fe, on June 17 reported that Capt. Dionisio Valle and his men were camped at Pecos mission. Next evening Amangual's party camped there too and found nearby a small spring in an arroyo of white sand. Loomis and Nasatir, Vial, pp. 507-08. For an informative treatment of comancheros and ciboleros, the plains traders and hunters, see Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations, pp. 78-114.

23. Declaration of Juan Luján, Santa Fe, Jan. 11, 1806, SANM, II, no. 1948.

24. Sumaria información indigatoria sobre covocatoria, conmoción, y escándalo cometido entre los vecinos de las jurisdicciones Tenencia de Pecos y Alcaldía de la Cañada, 1805, SANM, II, no. 1930. For the United States threat to New Mexico, and plains diplomacy during these years, see Loomis and Nasatir, Vial, and Nasatir, Borderland in Retreat.

25. Manuel Baca to Gov. José Manrique, San Miguel del Vado, June 1, 1813, SANM, II, no. 2492. Felipe Sandoval, Santa Fe, Aug. 17, 1814, SANM, I, no. 703. Maynez, Santa Fe, June 14, 1808, SANM, II, no. 2114.

26. Melgares to Alejo García Conde, Santa Fe, Oct. 8, 1818, Thomas, ed., "Documents Bearing upon the Northern Frontier of New Mexico, 1818-1819," NMHR, vol. 4 (1929), p. 156. García Conde to Melgares, Durango, Nov. 9, 1818, SANM, II, no. 2771. Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations, p. 63, says that "Melgares reported the arrival at Pecos of more than a thousand Indians under Chief Soguara, 'to trade in this province, according to custom'" (also p. 56). They probably did arrive at Pecos, although the documents do not specify the place.

27. Declaration of Manuel Antonio Rivera, Santa Fe, Oct. 8, 1819, SANM, II, no. 2850.

28. Manuel Durán to Melgares, El Vado, Aug. 21, 1821, and Melgares to the alcaldes, Santa Fe, Aug. 25, 1821, SANM, II, nos. 3008, 3010.

29. John Peabody Harrington, "The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians," Twenty-Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, D.C., 1916), p. 478.

30. Trujillo et al., Santa Fe, Aug. 21, 1813, SANM, I, no. 1005.

31. Gov. Domingo Jironza Petris de Cruzate, El Paso, Sept. 25, 1689 (spurious), SGNM, no. F. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 466-69, includes a transcription of the Spanish with several slips. The Pecos Pueblo grant, he says on page 478, "was surveyed in 1859 for a little over 18,763 acres and was patented in 1864." For the pueblo league see Myra Ellen Jenkins, "Spanish Land Grants in the Tewa Area," NMHR, vol. 47 (1972), pp. 114-16.

32. Felipe Sandoval, Santa Fe, Aug. 17, 1814, et al., SANM, I, no. 703.

33. Matías Ortiz, Santa Fe, June 30, 1815, et al., SANM, I, no. 18. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 193-96.

34. Villanueva to Melgares, El Vado, Aug. 19, 1818, and Juan de Aguilar, petition admitted, Santa Fe, Aug. 19, 1818, SANM, I, no. 56. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 30-31.

35. Los Trigos Grant, SGNM no. 8, and Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, pp. 296-97. Reportedly, about 1822 Vicente Villanueva was killed near Las Ruedas and the Los Trigos grant temporarily abandoned.

36. Esteban Baca et al., Santa Fe, Feb. 10, 1821, SANM, I, no. 130. A census dated December 31, 1821, showed Pecos with 26 men and 28 women. SANM, II, no. 3094.

37. Luis Benavides, Santa Fe, Mar. 8, 1825, SANM, I, no. 138. Rafael Benavides et al., Santa Fe, Mar. 1, 1825, SANM, I, no. 135. Also SANM, I, no. 388.

38. San Miguel del Vado, baptisms, 1829-1839, B-1 (box 40), marriages, 1829-1846, M-1, (box 20), and burials, 1829-1847, Bur-1 (box 18), AASF. These take up where the last Pecos mission books leave off. The two Roybal boys were 1) José Polonio, son of José María Roybal and Juana Sena, godparents Tomas Maese and Bárbara Aguilar, and 2) José Casildo, son of Miguel Roybal and Ignacia Herrera, godparents José Luis Armijo and Juana Armijo. From the Pecos and El Vado church records a fairly complete roster of the early families of the Cañon de Pecos area could be compiled.

39. Rafael Aguilar et al., Pecos, Mar. 12, 1826, SANM, I, no. 1370. Twitchell, Spanish Archives, I, p. 378.

40. Narbona to ministro de relaciones interiores y exteriores, Santa Fe, Oct. 14, 1826, SANM, I, no. 1371. A translation of this document is appended to Florence Hawley Ellis. A Reconstruction of the Basic Jémez Pattern of Social Organization, with Comparisons to Other Tanoan Social Structures (Albuquerque, 1964), pp. 59-61. José Ramon Alarid to Narbona, El Vado, Aug. 21, 1826, SANM, I, no. 62.

41. Aguilar and Cota to the governor, Santa Fe, Mar. 9, 1829, and Pedro González et al. to Santiago Ulibarrí, Ciénaga de Pecos, Mar. 1, 1829, SANM, I, no. 288.

42. Commission report by "Pino, Arce, Baca," n.d., Pecos Pueblo Grant, SGNM, no. F.

43. José María Paredes to Ramón Abreu, México, Feb. 11, 1830, SANM, I, no. 1369. Domingo Fernández et al. to the jefe político, Santa Fe, May 7, 1829, SANM, I, no. 288. All the grantees of the 1825 Rafael Benavides grant joined with Fernández in the protest. See SANM, I, nos. 284-87, for Fernández grants.

44. The preceding paragraphs are a rather cursory treatment of Pecos lands up into the Mexican Period. Attorney Em Hall, a resident of the village of Pecos since 1970, is currently at work on a complete study of the subject.

45. Manuel Durán to Melgares, El Vado, Jan. 3, 1821, SANM, II, no. 2954.

46. Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, ed. Moorhead (Norman, 1954), pp. 13-16, 331-32n. In a privately printed, seven-page pamphlet Marc Simmons takes issue with Gregg, arguing that Beckell's purpose right from the start was trade with Santa Fe. Opening the Santa Fe Trail, One Hundred and Fifty Years, 1821-1971 (Cerrillos, N.M., 1971).

47. Thomas James, Three Years among the Indians and Mexicans (Philadelphia and New York, 1962), pp. 80-90. As an antidote to the biased James account, take the equally biased account by Governor Melgares in David J. Weber, ed., "An Unforgettable Day: Facundo Melgares on Independence," NMHR, vol. 48 (1973), pp. 27-44.

48.

49. Narbona to Caballero, Santa Fe, Apr. 17, 1827, and Vigil to Caballero, San Miguel del Vado, Apr. 17, 1827, AASF, 1827, nos. 24 and 25, also nos. 11-12, and 22-23.

50. Caballero's last entry in the Pecos-San Miguel books was for a baptism on March 4, 1828. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22). Armijo, Santa Fe, Mar. 3, 1828, AASF, 1828, no. 13. Inventario de los utencilios y alajas, San Miguel del Vado, Feb. 28, 1828, ibid., no. 12. It would seem that Chávez, Archives, p. 98, who says that San Miguel was still "a chapel under Pecos mission," misread the document. Certain items borrowed from the mission belonged to Pecos, not the chapel itself.

51. Nomina de los religiosos, June 28, 1803, and Estado general de esta Santa Custodia, 1817, BNM, leg. 10, nos. 77 and 80. Chávez, Archives, pp. 196, 237.

52. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22), M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a), Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a). A search of the San Miguel books turned up the baptism at San Miguel of a baby girl "from the pueblo of Pecos" as late as March 21, 1835. The priest was Rafael Ortiz, the infant's parents "unknown."

53. Notice of Bishop Zubiria's visitation, San Miguel del Vado, Sept. 29, 1833, AASF, B-1, San Miguel del Vado (Box 40).

54. Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 66. Actually it was Adolph F. Bandelier who first commented on this "path of ruin" during his visit to the site in 1880. "This decay is the same in both houses [i.e., Kidder's South Pueblo and Quadrangle]; the path of ruin from S.S.E. to N.N.W. indicates its progress. It shows clearly that, as section after section had been originally added as the tribe increased in number, so cell after cell (or section after section) was successively vacated and left to ruin as their numbers waned, till at last the northern end of the building alone sheltered the poor survivors." Bandelier, "A Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins in the Valley of the Rio Pecos," Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series, Vol. 1 (Boston, 1881), p. 133.

55. Charles Fletcher Lummis, The Man Who Married the Moon and Other Pueblo Indian Folk-stories (New York, 1894), pp. 137-46.

56. See Bloom, Early Vaccination in New Mexico, Publications of the Historical Society of New Mexico, no. 27 (Santa Fe, 1924). AASF, Bur-9, Galisteo (Box 6a), and Bur-1, San Miguel del Vado (Box 18). Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 313.

57. Kenner, New Mexican-Plains Indian Relations, p. 75. Juan Esteban Pino to Juan José Arocha, Canon de Pecos, June 17, 1828, Mexican Archives of New Mexico, State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe (MANM).

58. James H. Simpson, Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Navajo Country (Philadelphia, 1852), p. 21. Revista de armas, Primer Compañía de Milicias, Manuel Baca, El Vado, Sept. 9, 1821, SANM, II, no 3028. AASF, B-20, Pecos (Box 22), and M-10, Galisteo (Box 6a). I have extracted the vital data from every extant baptismal, marriage, and burial entry in the Pecos books down to 1810. By then entries for El Vado residents had inundated the natives. A careful study of these books to the end, to 1829, and the San Miguel books after that, would probably turn up other Pecos emigrants, as well as basic data on settlement patterns in the valley.

59. Tradition in support of a second evacuation, involving only five persons, is strong. In 1880 Adolph Bandelier heard from E. Vigil that the last fourteen Pecos had appeared before Gov. Manuel Armijo in 1840 and declared that they could no longer maintain themselves at their own pueblo. As a consequence, they wished to accept the invitation of the Jémez, tendered in 1838. Juan Esteban Pino had bought most of their lands. The rest they had given to Maríano Ruiz, who had come from Jémez to Pecos in 1837. Ruiz told Bandelier that the last five Pecos, "Antonio (gobernador, and still living at Jémez), Gregorio, Goya, Juan Domingo, and Francisco," were removed to Jémez by Jémez officials in 1840. Bandelier, "Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins," pp. 124-25, and The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier, 1880-1882, eds. Lange and Riley (Albuquerque, 196), pp. 77, 84. Kidder, Pecos, New Mexico, p. 317. Harrington, "Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians," pp. 477-78. Lummis, The Man Who Married the Moon, pp. 143-45. Among surviving documents for 1840 in the MANM there seems to be no record of the Pecos appearing before Armijo.

60. Simpson, Journal, pp. 22-23.

61. Edgar L. Hewett, "Studies on the Extinct Pueblo of Pecos," American Anthropologist, vol. 6 (1904), pp. 426-39, provided a list of the names in the Pecos dialect of the seven men, seven women, and three children who vacated the pueblo in 1838. Elsie Clews Parsons, The Pueblo of Jémez (New Haven, 1925), pp. 130-35, working at Jémez a couple of decades later, brought the list up to twenty and supplied some of the refugees' Spanish names. Unfortunately the Jémez books of baptisms, marriages, and burials for the 1830s and 1840s, which might aid in fixing the date of the Pecos immigration, are missing. A crude draft of some baptismal entries (AASF, no. 8) reveals two sons born to Juan Antonio Toya and Juana María at Jémez—Juan Pablo, baptized on June 30, 1840, and José San Juan, baptized Christmas Eve 1841. Francisco and Guadalupe were listed as the paternal grandparents, with Maríano San Juan and María the maternal set. María of Jémez served as the godparent of both infants.

62. John E. Sunder, ed., Matt Field on the Santa Fe Trail (Norman, 1960), pp. 50-51, 247-51. Gregg, Commerce, pp. 188-90. In the Quadrangle, at the southwest corner of the northern house block, Bandelier thought he had found the room where the sacred fire was kept. "Great interest attaches to this apartment, from the fact that, according to Sr. Maríano Ruiz, the sacred embers ("braza") were kept here until 1840, in which year the five last remaining families of Pecos Indians removed to their cognates at Jémez, and the 'sacred fire' disappeared with them. Sr. Ruiz is good authority on that point, since, as a member of the tribe ("hijo del pueblo"), he was asked to perform his duty by attending to the embers one year. He refused, for reasons which I shall hereafter state. The facts—that the fire was kept in a sort of closed oven, and that the front opening existed—made it unnecessary to search for any other conduit for smoke and ventilation. The fire was kept covered, and not permitted to flame." Bandelier, "Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins," p. 82.

63. For a summary of the Montezuma and sacred snake legends of Pecos, see Simmons, Witchcraft in the Southwest: Spanish and Indian Supernaturalism on the Rio Grande (Flagstaff, Ariz., 1974), pp. 127-34. Also Bandelier, "Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins," pp. 125-26; Edward S. Curtis, The North American Indian, vol. 17 (Norwood, Mass., 1926), pp. 19-21; and Helen H. Roberts, "The Reason for the Departure of the Pecos Indians for Jémez Pueblo," American Anthropologist, vol. 34 (1932), pp. 359-60.