Contents
Foreword
Preface
Jesuit Foundations
Gray Robes for Black 1767-68
The Archreformer Backs Down 1768-72
Tumacácori or Troy? 1772-74
The Course of Empire 1774-76
The Promise and Default of the Provincias Internas 1776-81
The Challenge of a Reforming Bishop 1781-95
A Quarrel Among Friars 1795-1808
"Corruption Has Come Among Us" 1808-20
A Trampled Guarantee 1820-28
Hanging On 1828-56
Epilogue
Abbreviations
Notes
Bibliography
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The early discoverers won a great part of the
kingdom because the zeal, devotion, and valor of the troops were of a
different sort. In the beginning one Spaniard was a match for twenty or
thirty Indians. Now one Indian is a match for ten and twenty
soldiers.
Fray Joseph Soler to Fray Romualdo Cartagena,
Pitiquito, August 12, 1773
With regard to the advancement of these heathens
and of those previously reduced I say that the surest way to attain the
worthy goals expressed by the Fiscal is to destroy and reform as useless
and prejudicial the system up to now observed in the missions.
Captain Juan Bautista de Anza to Viceroy
Antonio María Bucareli,
Tubac, December 15, 1772
CONCURRENT EVENTS
August 5, 1772 | Catherine the Great,
Frederick the Great, and Empress Maria Theresa join in the first
partition of Poland. |
September 1 | Fray Junípero
Serra founds San Luis Obispo, fifth mission in Alta
California. |
June 1, 1773 | A treaty with the Creek
Indians moves Georgia's boundary farther west. |
July 21 | Under pressure from Charles
III of Spain, Pope Clement XIV issues Dominus ac redemptor noster
dissolving the Society of Jesus. In October the viceroy of New Spain
warns the Franciscans not to "speak, write, or debate about its
suppression, or about the reasons that motivated it." |
December 16 | The Boston Tea
Party. |
June 10, 1774 | Gov. Dunmore of
Virginia declares war on the Shawnee Indians to clear Kentucky for
settlement. |
August 15 | In New Mexico, Comanches
attack Pecos pueblo. |
September 5 | The First Continental
Congress convenes in Carpenters Hall, Philadelphia. |
EARLY IN JANUARY, 1768, while the friars bound for
Sonora still bided their time in Tepic, Father Guardian Romualdo
Cartagena had led a small delegation of their brethren from the college
of Querétaro four or five blocks downtown to the massive gray
Convento de San Francisco to see a man about replacements. They had an
appointment with Fray Manuel de Nájera, the order's commissary
general for New Spain. Nájera, at the insistence of José
de Gálvez and the Marqués de Croix, had planned the
substitute Franciscan ministry to the Jesuit northwest.
In terms of manpower, expelling the Jesuits from New
Spain all but depleted the Franciscans. Suddenly called upon to provide
scores of missionaries, the friars had hurried every available man into
the field. Spokesmen for the missionary colleges, where only the aged
and infirm were left rattling about, begged for reinforcements from
Spain. Because of the distance and the slow-moving government
bureaucracy, the process took years.
Father Nájera agreed that the college of
Querétaro should apply to the viceroy for permission to send
forty-eight-year-old Juan Domingo Arricivita, a Mexican-born veteran of
the Texas missions, to Spain as a recruiter. Six weeks later the
Marqués de Croix wrote to the minister of the Indies in the
college's behalf, just as he had done several months earlier for the
college of San Fernando in Mexico City. In June the Council of the
Indies, sitting in Madrid, approved, and Arricivita, having secured the
clearance of the Inquisition to take along his servant Gregorio de
Acosta, boarded a ship at Veracruz.
At the court of Madrid in October the native of
Toluca formally petitioned the king for authority to recruit, equip, and
transport to Querétaro at royal expense a mission of forty
friars. In October the matter was taken up routinely by the Council of
the Indies and submitted for an opinion to the fiscal, or crown
attorney. The fiscal found several things wrong. First, Arricivita had
failed to stipulate how many of the forty were to be priests.
Furthermore, Law I, Title 14, Book I of the Recopilación de
Indias required recruiters to document the need for missionary
recruits with reports from the viceroy, the audiencia or governor
of the district, and the local bishop. Fray Juan had nothing from the
audiencia of Guadalajara, the archbishop of Mexico, or the bishop of
Durango.
In Arricivita's case the fiscal recognized certain
extenuating circumstances. The college had only recently taken on the
burden of the Sonora missions, sending its last fifteen able-bodied
friars to the frontier. More were needed. "Canon and royal law, as well
as the constitutions of the Franciscan order," required that the friars
not live alone. In Sonora where a missionary could get lost or killed
between mission pueblos, this rule took on added urgency. When a friar
fell ill he should have a companion to nurse him and to prevent his
neophytes from backsliding. Though the Council chose to overlook the
irregularities this time, it admonished the Franciscan commissary
general of the Indies. Henceforth, recruiters would be expected to
comply with the law.
The royal order authorizing forty Franciscan priests
for the Querétaro college, dated November 7, 1768, was three
weeks old by the time it reached Arricivita. The friar began recruiting
at once. Two and a half months later, on February 20, 1769, he again
made application to the king. Even though he had "sent out into the
provinces the licenses or summons to awaken the religious such a
momentous opportunity," he had succeeded in getting commitments from
only twenty suitable priests. Spain, it seemed, was overrun by
recruiters from America.
If he could enlist seminarians, subdeacons and
deacons who had completed or nearly completed their studies, and a lay
brother or two, Arricivita knew he could fill his quota. Not only would
the younger men pick up Indian languages more readily and respond more
favorably to discipline, but they could serve longer. Although the
request circulated only within the court at Madrid, favorable action on
it required a monthfrom the king to Minister of the Indies
Julián de Arriaga, to the Council, to the fiscal, and then back
up the line.
By June, 1769, Fray Juan had his forty. The list he
submitted for approval included thirty-two priests, six deacons and
subdeacons, and two lay brothers. They had already assembled in a rented
house at Puerto de Santa María just across the bay from
Cádiz. Since no further irregularities showed up, Arricivita
could now prepare to sail. [1] That took five
months.
Certification of travel expenses, per diem, supplies;
clearance from the Inquisition; booking passage and compiling the
passenger liststhere were a thousand details. All the while Fray
Juan tried to maintain harmony in a group of forty impatient men. Had
they been permitted to talk to the ex-Jesuit missionaries from Sonora
being held under house arrest in the same town, the friars' months of
waiting might have been more productively spent. A few of them sickened
and had second thoughts. Eventually thirty-eight sailed.
Their ship, the San Francisco de Paula alias
Matamoros, a brand new seventy-four-gun man-of-war constructed in
Havana, stood out to sea November 25, 1769. After ninety-five
interminable days, including a howling storm within sight of shore, she
raised tropical, pestilence-ridden Veracruz. [2] One friar died there. The others traveled up
to Mexico City and then northwest to Querétaro where they were
welcomed April 4, 1770, on the feast of Saint Isidore of Seville. Fray
Juan Domingo Arricivita, best known to history as the chronicler of the
college, was exhausted.
The mission of 1769 proved a disappointment. After
only six months, five of the priests petitioned the Father Guardian to
release them. They simply could not, they said, "endure or conform to
the regular and rigid life led in this college both day and night." They
were willing to be scattered about the provinces and to suffer
punishment for having left a missionary college before their ten years
expired. To keep peace in the community, the discretory sorrow fully let
them go. The following year, 1771, one priest died. Another was
disaffiliated when a doctor testified that he would go out of his mind
if he stayed, as was one of the lay brothers who claimed to be "utterly
depressed." [3]
|
Morata del Conde (Jalón), south
of Zaragoza, birthplace of Fray Francisco Garcés.
|
Twenty-nine members of the mission of 1769 stayed. In
mid-1772 fourteen still resided at the college, nine were in the
missions of Sonora, and six in the Coahuila and Texas establishments.
[4] Over the years eight of them would serve
at Tumacácori. [5] Francisco
Sánchez Zúñiga who had substituted for Fray Juan
Gil in the summer of 1771 was the first. The second, a swarthy
thirty-year-old of average height with a mole on his cheek, arrived a
year later. [6]
During those first muggy hot days when the sweat ran
down his face and the gnats got in his eyes and ears, Fray
Bartolomé Ximeno may have remembered the summer breeze in the
hills south of Zaragoza, those hills dotted with pin and turkey oak and
full of the smell of Spanish broom, furze, and rosemary. His village,
Santa Cruz de Tobed on the Río Grio, was nothing to boast about,
just a poor farming community described by a later traveler as composed
of "fifty ill-constructed houses." The climate was somewhat cold but
healthful. Still, some of the residents "suffered pneumonia and
intermittent fevers." [7]
Even if Ximeno was not of a nostalgic bent, his
reunion with Father Garcés in the summer of 1772 probably set the
two grayrobes reminiscing. Morata del Conde, Garcés' hometown,
lay no more than a short morning's walk from Ximeno's. As teenagers both
of them, Garcés in 1754 and Ximeno five years later, had entered
the Franciscan order at the same place, the castle-like convento of San
Cristóbal de Alpartir. They had met in the city of Calatayud:
while Garcés studied theology, Ximeno made his novitiate. [8] Now eight thousand miles from home the two
sons of Aragón were neighbors once again.
While Bartolomé Ximeno took the measure of the
Pimas and Pápagos of Tumacácori for himself, Fray Antonio
María de los Reyes in Mexico City wound up an eighty-two-page
description of the Sonora missions. Reyes, like former Father President
Buena, disparaged these Indians of Pimería Alta. "They are," he
wrote,
generally corpulent, of over average height, and
ferocious in countenance and appearance. They paint their temples, eyes,
and lips with black stripes. They know neither modesty nor shame. They
go about completely naked except for a loincloth. They use large bows
and flint-tipped reed arrows. These are their only property, household
goods, and implements. Some of the women paint their hands, arms, and
breasts. They cover themselves with short skirts or aprons of deer and
other animal skins. They are very dirty, animal-like, and horrible to
behold. From this generality an exception should be made for one or
another Indian who assists and serves the Father missionary. These the
Father provides with some clothing. [9]
From their correspondence it is obvious that the
friars held a variety of opinions about their native charges. Almost all
viewed the mission Indians as children. The missionary, said Father
Guardian Cartagena, must have all the qualities of the paterfamilias:
solicitude, affability, firmness. Some of them, like Buena, seemed to
doubt their children's capacity to grow, to achieve cultural and
spiritual maturity, considering the Indian almost less than human. Their
feelings manifested themselves in various ways, such as a reluctance to
administer to Indians the sacrament of the Eucharist.
Other friars, like Francisco Garcés, saw
Indians as earthy and deprived, but human and capable. Fray Francisco
Antonio Barbastro, soon to arrive on the Sonora frontier, would become a
champion of Indian aptitude. If they did not learn, it was not their
fault, he maintained, but their teachers'. They possessed, in his
opinion, "at least as much talent, I would say more, than these gente de
razón." [10]
Whatever their individual feelings about the Indians,
all of the missionaries were committed to instructing them in the
Christian faith. At Tumacácori and elsewhere they relied on a
proven daily routine. Father Reyes described it:
Every day at sunrise the bells are rung announcing
Mass. An old Indian commonly called the mador and two fiscales go
through the whole village obliging the children and all the unmarried
persons to gather at the church to attend the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass
in devotion and silence. When this is over, all recite with the Father
missionary in Spanish the prayers and the catechism. In the evening at
sunset this exercise is repeated before the door of the church. It is
concluded with the praying of the Rosary and the singing of the
Salve or the Alabado.
On Sundays and feast days the mador and fiscales are
ordered to see that allmen, women, and childrenare obliged
to attend Mass, with their meager clothing washed and everyone bathed
and hair combed. On these days Mass is sung, accompanied by harps,
violins, and with four or six male and female Indian singers.
During the holy season of Lent, everyone is obliged
to attend Mass daily and recite the prayers in Spanish. The Father
explains to them the necessity, circumstances, and method of making a
good confession, and every Sunday afternoon they are given a clear and
substantial explanation of the Four Last Things [Death, Judgment,
Heaven, and Hell].
During Holy Week at the mission cabeceras the
ceremonies of those holy days are conducted, with a replica of Christ's
tomb, processions, sermons, and explanations of those supreme mysteries.
After Easter the lists or censuses of the villages are examined to find
out how many have fulfilled their Easter duty [penance and holy
communion].
|
A Piman woman. Courtesy National Park
Service
|
To excite the interest and attention of their
neophytes the friars used music, processions, and feasts, bringing into
play at once all the natives' senses. They were enjoined by their
superiors to make a particular display of exultation at the baptism of
an adult, at marriages, and at the burial of baptized infants, God's
angelitos. All these occasions served as object lessons.
Their superiors also affirmed the desirability of
knowing the Indian language, but admitted that many of the friars did
not. Instead they relied on interpreters, some of whom were sadly
deficient in both languages. Reyes said that the younger Indians, and
some of the older people as well, had taken to confessing in Spanish,
which few of them understood. Moreover, because the concept of
confession was so foreign to their own way of thinking, they often told
the priest whatever they thought he wanted to hear. Or they tried to
shock him: "Mujeres . . . si, Padre, tengo tres."
The missionaries attempted to draw the line between
what they considered wholesome Christian rejoicing and anything that
suggested paganism. On some feast days, according to Reyes, "proper
dances, amusements, or games are permitted. But because the missionaries
try to prohibit and keep the Indians from their superstitious dances,
and their scalp dances, they have had to endure bitter opposition from
the authorities of those provinces who for their own entertainment and
amusement want and encourage the Indians to persist in these inane
ways." [11] With the troopers and settlers at
Tubac to egg them on, Father Ximeno's charges doubtless exceeded at
times what he judged fitting and proper.
Life for the mission Indian was intended to be a
continuous civilizing experience. The friars stressed
externalspersonal hygiene, trousers, houses with doors, civil
forms of address. "In our missions," Father Cartagena wrote, "they are
instructed in the respect they should show one another, removing their
hat, greeting one another with the gentle words 'Hail Mary!' Those
greeted respond, 'Conceived in grace!'" [12]
Sixteenth-century missionaries and civil authorities
had planted "civilized" Tlaxcalans as teachers and inspirations among
the wild Chichimecas. As the Jesuits moved up the west coast in the
following century, they had employed the same technique, settling in
their missions a few families of more advanced or acculturated Indians.
In Pimería Alta they used Ópatas or Yaquis, whom the
Franciscans inherited. The friars, already familiar with the system from
their Coahuila and Texas missions, encouraged these model families to
enter into ceremonial kinship with the neophytes, serving as godparents
and becoming compadres. It helped stabilize the community.
In each mission there existed a standard form of
local government dominated traditionally by the missionary. Through it
he ordered the daily life of the community. In 1767, with the expulsion
of the Jesuits, the reformers had told the Indian to govern himself.
Then they brought in more missionaries. Once Gálvez returned the
management of mission economics to the friars, they too began to
exercise de facto the old paternalism, while at the same time pressing
their case with Viceroy Bucareli for legal sanction.
The annual mission "election" was never intended to
be free and open. The missionary provided close supervision, seeing to
it that indios ladinos, the most hispanicized of his neophytes, were
chosen. At Tumacácori cooperative Indians were elected over and
over. As mission justicias, they maintained order and assisted
the Father in his relations with the people. In turn they learned
something of how civilized men governed themselves. "The missionaries
must . . . teach and make the justicias understand the obligation, love,
and veneration they owe our beloved Sovereign, and that in his name they
must punish the bad in moderation and serve as protectors of the good."
[13]
A native governor, alcalde, alguacil, and
topil served in each cabecera and visita. Apparently the old
mador, or herald, and the "fiscales," who assisted the missionary as
catechists, were not elected but like the interpreters, sacristans,
tortilla makers, cooks, house boys, foremen, vaqueros, shepherds, ox and
goatherds, orchard keepers, and the like, part of the mission's
specialized work force. To elevate the justicias the Father granted them
certain prerogatives: in church, for example, they seated themselves on
a bench while the rest of the congregation stood or sat on the floor.
[14]
By trial and error Father Ximeno learned to get
things done around Tumacácori through Governor Miguel Antonio
Becerra, Alcalde Joseph, and the others. Joseph the cook knew enough
Spanish to help him with the thousand and one petty crises around the
housethe disappearance of the book of sermons the Father was
reading or the entire supply of lard; the chicken droppings on the
Father's table; the broken decanter or dirty dishes or the plague of
mice.
In his dealings with his charges, Fray
Bartolomé found himself relying heavily on the mission's paid
interpreter, Juan Joseph Ramírez, a young español de la
tierra who had grown up in the valley. A son of Juan
Crisóstomo Ramírez and Bartola de la Peña, both of
Tubac, Juan Joseph later married Francisca Manuela Sosa at
Tumacácori and began raising a family at the mission while
serving a succession of missionaries. [15]
Back at the college the Father Guardian did not know
where Bartolomé Ximeno was. In listing for the viceroy his friars
and their duty stations, as he did annually, the Franciscan superior
admitted that he had received no word about the five who left the
college the previous year for the missions of Sonora: Pedro Muth, Juan
Gorgoll, Bartolomé Ximeno, Matías Gallo, and Gaspar
Francisco de Clemente. By November 1772 Clemente had joined Ximeno at
Tumacácori. For the first time the mission had two friars, but
still only one stipend. [16]
The youthful Father Clemente stood more than two
varas tall, probably 5'8" or 9". His face was ruddy, his hair chestnut.
He came from the far north, the villa of Pancorvo whose red tile roofs
huddled at the foot of a great tiered granite cliff. Through Pancorvo
passed the highway from Burgos to Vitoria. In 1764 Clemente had taken
that highway and the habit of a Franciscan in the order's convento in
Vitoria. Five years later while a deacon at Santander on the north
coast, he enlisted in the mission of 1769. [17] Of all the friars who served at
Tumacácori over the years, Gaspar de Clemente, just turned
twenty-seven, was the youngest.
Together the two missionaries set about improving
living conditions at Tumacácori. Makeshift mud and brush huts
with no doors, no partitions between families, nothing but the dirt
floor on which to sleep were to their way of thinking conducive only to
barbarism. Some animals lived better. So they began tearing down the
hovels and building proper adobe dwellings. Father Gil de Bernabé
may have initiated the renewal project; Ximeno and Clemente evidently
carried on. They or their successors refurbished the incommodious
Tumacácori church. Around the entire complex they built a wall
and hoped it would dissuade Apache marauders. At Calabazas they roofed
and put into service the church and consecrated a cemetery. [18]
While Ximeno and Clemente shared the burdens at
Tumacácori, Father President Juan Cris&ocaute;stomo Gil fought to
maintain his saintly composure. As the superior of twenty-odd
missionaries in the field, the penitential Gil found it difficult to
discipline others. Evidently he allowed some of the friars to take
advantage of him. He was beset by unbrotherly factionalism. "It was the
friars," Francisco Garcés observed several years later, "more
than the Indians, who crucified and martyred him." [19]
A friar's call for help could drag the Father
President into profane disputes with laymen. Take the case of Fray
Francisco Roche, Gil's former shipmate and neighbor. Ever since that
frightful day when the Apaches sacked Soamca, Roche had lived in
constant dread that the same thing would happen at Cocóspera. A
near-fatal ambush heightened his fear. Now in 1772 the imperious,
hot-headed Captain Joseph Antonio de Vildósola of nearby
Terrenate, who had quarreled with the presidio's chaplain, was demanding
that Roche take over spiritual responsibility for the entire garrison
and all the settlers in the area. Moreover, some of the locals who were
abusing Indians had tried to intimidate the friar.
Roche complained to his Father President. Gil
considered the matter so critical that he wrote directly to Viceroy
Bucareli. When Captain Vildósola asked that Father Roche be
assigned as chaplain, Gil refused, and, apparently reminding the officer
of his own shortcomings, told him to leave the poor friar alone. That
made Vildósola mad. In a most intemperate reply he all but called
the Father President a liar and blackmailer. Scandalized, Gil presented
the captain's letter to Governor Mateo Sastre. He wanted a formal
apology. Finally, in November, 1772, Viceroy Bucareli ordered
Vildósola to press the chaplain back into service and to stop
bullying the missionary at Cocóspera. [20]
Though he resided at Ures, Father Gil was a familiar
figure on the dirt streets of San Miguel de Horcasitas, Sonora's
uncourtly adobe capital. Almost everyone knew him. On his frequent
visits he waged a one-man campaign against sin, and the motley
mixed-blood populace flocked to the presidial chapel to hear him. He
spent long afternoons hearing confessions. The sacristan recalled some
years later how the Father President would sit unperturbed for hours as
he and his helpers chased about the church with long poles knocking down
bats, some of which fell on the friar.
When he was in town Fray Juan Gil stayed at the home
of don Manuel Bernardo de Monteagudo, business agent for the
Franciscans. By chance one day don Manuel found in the friar's room some
blood-soaked cilicios, bands of bristles or sharp netted wire
worn in mortification of the flesh. "Without mortification," Gil told
him, "there is no salvation." [21]
As Father President, Gil had to work closely with
Governor Sastre, a man of limp moral fiber. Their strained relationship
became a favorite topic in the cantinas. Once when Sastre invited Gil to
lodge in the governor's house, don Mateo's conduct so offended the
scrupulous Franciscan that he walked out in disgust. [22]
Still, Gil had to carry on negotiations with the
governor. Father Garcés had requested permission through the
Father President to return to the Colorado River "to see if
communication can be opened between Pimería Alta and Monterey."
The friars needed the support of Sastre and the Bucareli administration
for the three Pápago and five Gila River missions they still
hoped to found. [23] But no issue weighed
heavier, or generated more controversy, than the Seri question.
The big offensives of 1768 and 1769 had failed to
exterminate the Seris. The war had degenerated into a harrying,
search-and-destroy, guerrilla operation. In the enemy's camps it turned
on hunger, smallpox, and timely offers of government rations. By the
summer of 1771 a couple of hundred Seri refugees had been interned in a
concentration camp at Pitic, within the bounds of modern Hermosillo.
Colonel Elizondo and his veterans had already with drawn. The government
had begun an irrigation project at the site. Citing the Seris' total
aversion to work, their lack of respect for property, and their casual
sex, as well as the government's obligation to build a church, Father
Buena, Gil's predecessor, had refused to send a missionary to Pitic.
Now, in the fall of 1772, as the irrigation canal neared Seri fields,
the pressure was on Father President Gil.
Negotiations with Governor Sastre resulted in no
immediate aid, so Gil made the rounds begging. In mid-November he went
to Pitic, forty miles down-river from Horcasitas. There with the
governor in attendance he founded a mission, entrusting it to a
thin-faced young friar named Matias Gallo. He himself had a harsher
commitment.
The Tiburones, a Seri subgroup who lived on and
opposite jagged Tiburón Island, had asked for a
missionaryin their own territory. Gil, always the penitent, always
the ascetic, had promised to come. It was a risk he never should have
taken.
Late in November at Carrizal, an isolated and meager
desert waterhole surrounded by sand, he dignified a small cluster of
brush huts as Mission Dulcísimo Nombre de Jesús. He hoped
to develop a salt works and fishing as mission industries, but the
supplies he requested never came. He said he was content laboring alone
for the Lord among the least of his creatures. All he wanted, he wrote
in a letter to Governor Sastre, was to die among the Tiburones. Early in
the spring of 1773 that wish and the nearly forgotten prophecy of the
woman of Querétaro came together in tragedy on the barren sands
of Carrizal. [24]
Meanwhile, the jesuitical Antonio María de los
Reyes, who had had his fill of the missionary's life, sought a higher
station. No one ever accused Fray Antonio of lacking ambition. The tall,
fair Franciscan had deliberately kept his name before governors,
colonels, and especially José de Gálvez. In Sonora he had
corresponded with the visitor general. He knew of Gálvez' plan to
create a new bishopric in the northwest. When the college of
Querétaro named Father Reyes its procurador, its resident
agent and lobbyist at the court of México, the high-flying
religious rejoiced. By the spring of 1772 he had begun the political
maneuvering that would within a decade bring him a miter and staff, and
cause his brothers at the college to rue the day they ever heard his
name.
Viceroy Bucareli was no fool. He knew that because of
the great distance between Mexico City and Horcasitas "the facts
regularly arrive distorted." [25] Therefore he
sought the advice of persons at court who had been to the frontier. Fray
Antonio de los Reyes had just returned from three years in the missions
of Sonora. In April, 1772, Reyes was willing, even eager, to report to
the viceroy on frontier conditions. He was no fool either. Here was his
chance.
"One may say without hyperbole," the friar began,
"that all Sonora's terrain is one continuous mine of silver and fields
of gold commonly called placers." As a promoter, Reyes ranks with New
Mexico's Fray Alonso de Benavides. Having set before the viceroy the
potential value of Sonora, Fray Antonio went on to describe the pitiful
current state of the province. "But," he asked, "why the disparity?" God
had not abandoned Sonora; nor had the Spaniard lost his courage, zeal,
or spirit; rather, "by current mission and presidio policy, we have
adulterated and altered completely the system of our forebears."
Two great consequences had resulted. These explained
the decadence of Sonora's mission frontierthe failure to stem
Indian hostility and the transience of the population. Reyes,
friar-turned-reformer, offered a solution, a blueprint dividing the
human resources of Sonora into units in three categories: heathen
missions, established Indian towns, and Spanish villas. [26] He elaborated on each, but left a number of
questions unanswered.
It was all too neat. How, for example, were a hundred
vagabond families settled in a villa to be kept from dispersing when the
next gold strike occurred over the hill? Such practical considerations
never seemed to bother Reyes. With social planners like him, and like
Gálvez, the plan was the important thing, not people.
As procurador of the Querétaro college, Father
Reyes was supposed to be working at court on the college's business,
namely the withdrawal from Pimería Baja. From the beginning the
friars had wanted to get rid of these establishments. Queretaran
missionaries should not be relegated to administering "pueblos without
heathens." Viceroy Bucareli was not so sure. He denied the college's bid
to withdraw on the grounds that not enough information about the
spiritual and temporal state of the Pimería Baja missions was
available. [27] That gave Reyes another
opening.
This time in the letter transmitting his damning
eighty-two-page report of July 6, 1772, Reyes the reformer called for
nothing less than
a new method and administration, spiritual as well as
temporal, conducive to the restoration of the missions, the relief and
tranquility of those wretched neophytes, and the promotion of new
conversions; to the advance of Our Holy Faith, the honor of the Nation,
and the expansion and vitality of the dominions of the King Our Lord.
[28]
Who could oppose such worthy goals? Just how he would
attain them, Father Reyes did not say. Instead, by dwelling in his
report on the alleged wretched state of the missions, he aimed to
demonstrate at one stroke the need for change.
Reyes' apparent candor pleased the viceroy. It
shocked his superiors. They had their own plan. Straightaway they wrote
Bucareli protesting and disavowing certain offensive passages "as
foreign to our way of thinking and purpose as they are to the authority
and instructions this discretory conferred upon the said Father." The
irrepressible friar had clearly exceeded his authority.
The superiors at Querétaro could not condone
Reyes' blatant attacks on the bishops of Durango or on His Majesty's
officials. It was the bishops' fault, Reyes had written, that "the
churches and faithful of Sonora are in a worse state than the churches
of Greece." "It would seem," he claimed elsewhere, "that the lawmakers
of Sonora wanted to emulate in civil administration the confusion and
disorder of the spiritual." If the viceroy would please return the
report, the friars at the college would expunge the slander; if not,
they asked that their protest be appended to it.
Bucareli smiled. He appreciated the friars'
demonstration of respect for episcopal dignity. He also appreciated
Reyes' frankness. He would append the college's statement. For Fray
Antonio, recalled to Querétaro, the gamble had paid off. [29]
Evidently Father Reyes had access to Crown Attorney
José Antonio de Areche. One week after the friar signed his
report, Areche endorsed it without reservation. He recommended that
Bucareli "listen with the utmost regard" to Reyes' plea. To formulate
the new method he suggested that the guardian of the Querétaro
college, and all other superiors with missionaries in the field, consult
their most experienced men. They must consider "everything necessary for
proper administration of the Indians, for instilling in them good,
rational, and decent habits, a knowledge of right, humanity, society,
and whatever requisite virtues should comprise or open the way to
religion and enable them to confess and love God as our civilized and
Catholic provinces confess and know him." On September 2, 1772, Bucareli
sent Areche's statement to nine religious superiors and twenty-five
governors, captains, and other officials: let there be in the missions a
new method. [30]
On Friday evening, March 5, 1773, Bartolomé
Ximeno sat at the table in his quarters at Tumacácori writing
furiously. He would tell them back at the college how it was in the
missions; he would give them his comments on a new method. He was beside
himself. That very morning about ten o'clock Apaches had ridden right up
to the edge of the pueblo and driven off nine of the mission's eleven
mares, crippling another with a lance thrust. "We were grateful they
spared us our lives."
Unless something were done to stop the Apaches, all
the new methods in the world could not save the missions.
As long as the government fails to provide more
prompt, active, and efficacious measures to contain the Apaches, not
only will the missions not be advanced, but neither will it be possible
to promote new conversions and just expansion of His Majesty's
dominions. Even what is already conquered will be lost, so that in a few
short days the Pimería will be done with. All that will be said
is, Here was Troy: over there once stood a mission called
Tumacácori; at the foot of the Santa Catalinas was another called
San Xavier, and so on with all the restbut all were destroyed by
Apaches.
Tumacácori or Troy? To Father Ximeno it was as
clear as that. For his superiors' benefit he reiterated how the
Sobáipuris to the east in the San Pedro Valley once held back
marauding Apaches, how their removal had opened the flood gates. He
damned the military. "I think that on these frontiers gunpowder has lost
all the power and effectiveness the Author of Nature bestowed upon it.
In so many murders, robberies, and atrocities committed by Apaches since
I have been at this mission, I have never heard it said that our men
killed a single Apache." [31]
The presidials could not even protect their own
horses. At noon on October 16, 1772, Apaches had hit the Tubac herd, run
off more than a hundred head, and left one soldier dead. The pursuit
party caught up, but could neither take back the horses nor do the enemy
appreciable harm. Several weeks later Apaches had fallen on Terrenate's
caballada "under the nose" of Captain Joseph Antonio
Vildósola. Killing a soldier, they got away with 257 head. The
presidials who gave chase succeeded only in losing seven more horses
fully saddled. [32]
|
A Seri youth. From McGee, "The Seri
Indians"
|
No wonder the Pápagos were afraid to settle in
the missions. On their own they scored an occasional impressive victory
over the hated Apache enemies. The previous October a Pápago
governor had presented to Captain Bernardo de Urrea of Altar "in the
name of all the governors of the Pápago nation" a tally-stick on
which were recorded the deaths of ten Apache men and twenty-one women.
His people had captured six little girls as well. Yet they considered
"the greatest triumph of their victory having killed the two parrots the
Apaches had with them." [33] In the missions,
said the Pápagos, the Apaches kill us.
As for the state of his own mission, Ximeno told it
like it was. His cabecera, Tumacácori, had twenty-three families.
Even though water from the river, which they shared with the residents
of Tubac, was less than abundant, at least the people of
Tumacácori had their fields close at hand. At the three visitas
the fields lay a league or more away and workers ran the risk of
surprise attack. Eighteen families lived at Calabazas. Only nine hung on
at Guevavi. The twenty-six families at Sonoita included only eleven
women, so many had been killed by Apaches.
The mission had hardly any livestock left: two mares
of the twenty-five to thirty bands it once owned; eight horses
"including lame and mistreated ones"; forty-six head of cattle of a herd
that had numbered two thousand. "As for sheep and goats ... I no longer
take account . . . they are at Calabazas where the miserable inhabitants
who have not a bite of meat to eat are finishing them off one after the
other."
With the mission's population scattered as it was,
not even two missionaries "though we worked indefatigably to cultivate
these neophytes . . . could give them the instruction and teaching they
need." When a minister sent word to one of his visitas that he would be
there on a certain day, the people answered that he might as well not
waste his time: they would be busy in their fields on that particular
day plowing or hoeing or harvesting. They customarily moved to where
their work was, "carrying their chickens and all the poor furnishings
from their huts." If the friar followed he might be killed. After all,
he could hardly be expected in event of Apache attack to do as his
charges didbeat it into the chaparral.
Ximeno suggested consolidation. The natives of
distant and defenseless Guevavi and Sonoita could be brought in to form
a larger pueblo at a place called Agua Fría, some six miles south
of Tumacácori on the river flats. "Permanent and abundant water"
made the site a natural. If the mission were reduced to only two
pueblos, the people of Guevavi and Calabazas could be relocated at Agua
Fría, while Sonoita's mostly male population could move to
Tumacácori. Since, according to Ximeno, seventy-five percent of
all those then living in the visitas were "recently converted"
Pápagosa candid statement of how far the process of
replacing the dying river Pimas with Pápagos had gone by
1773closer congregation would make it less difficult to instruct
them in the faith.
The question of friars managing the business end of
mission administration confounded Fray Bartolomé, and he said so.
Certainly temporal involvement caused "distraction and plenty of
headaches." Yet what alternative was there? If the mission Indians saw
that the Father had nothing to give them, they quickly lost interest.
The natives themselves were incapable of taking over. "Surely in their
hands nothing will bear fruit." Agents appointed from the gente de
razón abused the Indians and made them work for nothing. "I
simply do not have it in me to resolve the matter," admitted Ximeno.
He concluded with a prayer. "May God in His infinite
goodness and mercy move the hearts of those who can remedy so much
adversity." [34]
Later that March, Ximeno and Clemente received
shocking news. Father President Juan Gil was dead. He had died violently
among the Tiburones.
On his last day, Saturday, March 6, Fray Juan Gil had
led his neophytes away from Carrizal. The opposition, it seemed, had
planted the rumor that a band of rebel Pimas was on the way to kill
everyone in the mission. That night from a distance they saw Carrizal
burn. Next morning Gil and his young acolyte started for the charred
ruins. Four renegade Tiburón youths blocked their path. Gil
yelled at his helper to run. A rock hit the friar in the chest, knocking
him to his knees. The acolyte watched helplessly. The assailants kept
pounding the body even after the Father was dead.
When soldiers arrived they found that the people of
Carrizal had buried the missionary and set up an army surplus tent over
the grave. They had cut off the heads of two of the murderers and
captured the alleged ringleader. They wept for the Father. Said Viceroy
Bucareli in his letter of condolence to the college: Fray Juan Gil,
"tenderly filled with love for his neophytes, was resolved to end his
days among them. . . . Our realization of this will not lay to rest the
sadness we feel as human beings at his loss, only our submission at the
same time to the will of God." [35]
The friars had their first Sonora martyr. Even those
who had criticized him most bitterly as a superior now joined in eulogy.
Fray Joseph Antonio Caxa, named to succeed Gil as Father President,
designated March 8, 1774, as a day to honor the memory of his slain
predecessor. Eight missionaries assembled at Ures for the solemn rite. A
year later Gil's bones were exhumed and carried back to the college in a
box. Fray Francisco Antonio Barbastro kept as relics the former
presidente's rosary, medals, and the broken crucifix he had been wearing
the day they stoned him to death. [36]
His brethren gathered together his writings, removing
them from the archives of the missions, the college, and elsewhere. [37] They began documenting his reputation for
saintliness. The interpreter who had served him at Tumacácori
confessed outright that Fray Juan Cris&ocaute;stomo was a saint. The
people at Tubac reportedly wept at the mere mention of his name. Stories
of an alleged miracle began to circulate.
The flaccid Governor Mateo Sastre had died a few days
after Gil. As he neared the end he was seized with fear for his soul. He
ranted about Father Gil coming to absolve him. Deliriums, his attendants
had said. Then, in the light of the friar's glorious death, they changed
their mindsthe martyr on his way to Heaven had indeed appeared to
console his dying adversary. [38]
In 1782 Father Barbastro formally opened in Sonora
Gil's cause for canonization. On September 22 an announcement was read
from the pulpit in Horcasitas urging those who could testify to the
buen olor of Padre Gil to appear Mondays, Thursdays, or Saturdays
in the morning. "Almighty God," intoned the minister,
whose divine providence and inconceivable wisdom are
beyond the grasp of mortals, wondrously has disposed in these times so
fraught with corruption, that there be revealed, like a moon shining
brilliantly amid the clouds and darkness of sin, the Venerable Servant
of God and Very Reverend Father fray Juan Cris&ocaute;stomo Gil de
Bernabé whom we have known in our lifetime. [39]
Though witnesses did come forward, somewhere between
Horcasitas and Rome the cause of Father Gil, the compassionate,
self-denying Franciscan protomartyr of Sonora, was lost in the process.
[40]
Father Bartolomé Ximeno left Tumacácori
late in the summer of 1773 after little over a year. From mid-1774 until
mid-1776 he labored at the frustrating, precarious mission of Pitic
where he and his compañero "found their hands tied, without
authority to punish, reprimand, or even say anything to the Seris,
because that was the way the government chiefs and superiors had
recommended, almost commanded, they do it." [41] On a 1775 list of Querétaro friars,
someone later wrote accidentado, afflicted, next to Ximeno's
name. He was back at the college during the late seventies, but not
listed in 1781. [42] He had served his ten
years.
Father Clemente stayed on at Tumacácori. By
October he had a new compañero, Fray Joseph Matías Moreno,
about 5' 6", pallid, pock-marked, and very eager. A year older than
Clemente, Moreno was almost three years his senior as a Franciscan. He
too came from the north of Spain.
Born in the village of Almarza on the Río
Tera, four hours' walk north of Soria, Moreno apparently considered
himself a native of Logroño. His parents, Matías Moreno
and María Catalina Gil, had moved to that city, where on June 21,
1761, seventeen-year-old Joseph Matías entered the Franciscan
order. He excelled in his studies and could have had a university
career. Instead, when the appeal from recruiter Juan Domingo Arricivita
reached the convento in Burgos where he was living, "the flame leapt in
Fray Joseph Matías' heart" and he joined the mission of 1769.
From Madrid he wrote his devoted and pious sister exulting in his call
to the college:
Think how many opportunities to spread the Faith of
Jesus Christ and suffer martyrdom . . . there must be in the college's
twenty-eight missions in barbarous and remote regions of Texas and
Sonora, where many have died with the stamp of martyrs and great has
been the number of conversions. It is true that the travail of hunger,
thirst, intolerable heat, and the roads is great; but what is this
compared to what those souls cost Christ (those souls who would fall
inevitably into the grasp of Satan if there were not persons dedicated
to their spiritual conquest), compared to the blessings I owe Him? And
so commend me to God that He give me the strength to bear all this plus
the hardships of the voyage, that it be calm, and that He give me the
health and grace necessary for so holy a calling. Console my parents . .
. and tell them . . . to write me. [43]
Moreno seemed almost obsessed with martyrdom. Eight
years hence he would win his crown. The Yumas would strike off his head
with an ax.
The call for a new method in the missions had
generated more smoke than fire. The friars in the field blamed their
tribulations on the Apaches, the ineffective military, epidemics,
plagues of low-life traders and vagabonds, lack of financial support,
and a dozen other factorsnot the old system. Some of Father Reyes'
fellow missionaries accused him of arrantly deceiving the fiscal and the
viceroy. It simply was not true, for example, that the Indians of
Pimería Alta were still living wild and insubordinate in their
native rancherías. [44]
The governors and captains responded with a
miscellany of diverse views. Some of them evaded the issue, making
instead bland observations or suggestions, like settling the natives in
formal pueblos with streets, teaching them respect for law and order,
and instilling in them love of country. [45] A
few, like Captain Bernardo de Urrea of Altar, had the courage to laud
the friars and their method. [46] Others,
taking their cue from the negative tone of the fiscal's opinion,
attacked the mission system head on, but none more vehemently than Juan
Bautista de Anza. [47]
Anza, baptized, taught, and married by Jesuits and a
lay affiliate of the Franciscans, had observed missions and missionaries
all his life. He knew his subject well. But why did he damn the system
with such gusto? Perhaps he had taken to heart the Enlightenment
proclaimings of the reformers: perhaps he had more faith in the Indians
than their missionaries did. More likely he resented the friars' hold
over such a large part of the frontier labor force. Whatever his other
motives, the able and ambitious career officer saw an opportunity to
ingratiate himself at court. Two months earlier Fiscal Areche had whole
heartedly recommended Anza's proposed overland trek to California. [48] The captain of Tubac was repaying the
favor.
The Indians of Pimería Alta "who used to
number thousands," Anza alleged, had been reduced in the missions to a
few hundred.
With the exception of praying in Spanish, which they
now do but not all understand; the somewhat more decent clothing they
have acquired around here in the last five years at the prodding of
their present missionaries; and the measures taken by royal officials in
observance of what his Majesty and the Most Excellent Señor
Marqués de Croix have decreed in this regard, I cannot see that
they are any different from the very barbarians to whom my deceased
father (who was captain of the presidio of Fronteras) brought the first
missionaries in 1736 [sic]. [49]
At the heart of the problem, as Captain Anza saw it,
lay the "excessive domination and work these people are subjected to
from the time they are reduced, men by their nature roving and
disinclined to work they do not do of their own will." Not only did this
oppressive system cause a drastic decline in native population and
periodic revolts against God and king, but it scared off the heathens.
Anza recalled the case of the Sobáipuris of the San Pedro Valley
who had asked for missionaries in 1756.
On seeing them arrive with molds for making adobes,
many axes, hoes, and other tools which foretold great toil they repelled
them so that no matter how the same missionaries tried to conceal the
purpose they did not succeed in establishing themselves. Thereby a
battle was lost that never will cease to be regretted on these
frontiers.
The present system, said Anza, should be abolished.
Never would the mission Indian be drawn into the mainstream of imperial
life if kept in "a corner of their wretched pueblos." Furthermore these
pueblos and rancherías, many pathetically small, were strewn over
the countryside making proper administration and defense impossible.
The king had decreed that these Indians enjoy their
rightful civil liberties, and that they speak Spanish. Therefore schools
must be established for the children and the adults encouraged to
mingle, trade, and work with the Spaniards. "It is well known," Anza
went on, "how much the contact of certain peoples with others advances
them no matter how stupid they are. . . . By means of this commerce they
will become Spanish-speaking and will aspire to imitate us in
everything."
The Indians must not be made to work long hours for
the community or the traditional three days a week for the
missiona practice the captain had seen sadly abused. [50] They should instead work for themselves,
experience the profit motive, and earn a stake in the community. "When
they realize that they have real property, we shall be free of uprisings
or fears of them." Under the new system the Indians would contribute
voluntarily to the maintenance of church and priest. The friars would
lay down the burden of temporal affairs. Rich missions would share with
poor. Instead of a multitude of scattered villages, formal towns would
rise, each with eighty to one hundred families. Fewer missionaries would
be needed; and the surplus could advance into heathendom "to win
countless souls for God and King." [51]
Fiscal Areche was confused. There simply was no way
to construct a logical program of mission reform from the farrago of
conflicting reports piling up in his office. That gave the friars of the
Querétaro college another chance.
Fray Diego Ximénez, a twenty-year veteran of
the missions distinguished by the scar of an old wound on the left side
of his forehead, had replaced the scheming Reyes as procurador at court.
He had successfully negotiated the transfer of the college's four Texas
missions to the missionary college of Zacatecas and its two on the
Río Grande in Coahuila to the Jalisco province. Now the
Queretarans could devote full attention to Sonorato getting rid of
Pimería Baja, to gaining internal control of the eight missions
in Pimería Alta, and to pushing on to the Río Gila and the
Colorado. [52]
On March 30, 1773, Ximénez presented to
Viceroy Bucareli a thirteen-point plan for the missions of Sonora.
Citing the decrees of previous viceroys, law codes, and the resolutions
of church councils, the Franciscan sought to show how the woes of Sonora
could be overcome not by innovations or reforms but by traditional
methods proven in Texas.
First, a guard of two or three soldiers, chosen by
the missionaries but paid by the military, should be assigned to every
mission. Because it took time to learn to handle Indians, these soldiers
must serve on a long-term basis. They would escort the missionary on his
rounds; pursue up to twenty leagues and return, but not punish, Indian
runaways; oblige attendance at catechism and services; and oversee farm
work, herding, and carting of building materials. Under no circumstances
were the soldiers to traffic with the Indians without the expressed
consent of the missionary.
Father Ximénez bid next to reinstate the
missionary as master of his own house. As the Indians' spiritual and
temporal father the missionary must have authority to punish them. For
transgressions against the church this paternal discipline should be
meted out by the mission fiscales, otherwise by the pueblo's elected
native officials, always under the missionary's supervision. Serious
offenses should be taken before a presidial captain or the governor of
the province. Speaking of captains, Ximénez added, these
officials had made life miserable for the missionaries in Sonora by
encouraging disrespect and insubordination among mission Indians.
The Sonora missionary must have the authority, as he
did in Texas and Coahuila, to supervise the work of his Indians. No one
must be allowed to take Indian laborers from the missions. How, asked
the friar, were churches and houses to be built and the missions
maintained if the Indians were scattered over the province working for
others? Work in the missions when divided among many was not oppressive,
he asserted. In Texas the missionaries had also encouraged the Indians
to work for themselves and to trade with Spaniards, thereby learning
Spanish, respect for others, and self-reliance. All such intercourse,
Ximénez was quick to add, must be overseen by the missionary: if
not, the Spaniard cheated the Indian.
Spaniards must not live with mission Indians.
Integration before the latter were thoroughly Christianized and
civilized resulted in grave consequences. Consolidation of cabeceras and
visitas on the most suitable sites, with Spaniards settling the
unoccupied landsas Viceroy Bucareli had suggestedwas in the
opinion of Father Ximénez a worthy goal. At least then the
missionary would have all his charges in view every day.
Again Ximénez begged that the government
provide stipends for two missionaries in every mission. He requested
that captains not be permitted to influence the election of native
officials. To avoid disputes over land and water he urged that each
mission be granted what the law stipulated. If this were not enough,
additional grants should be made, the boundaries marked, and deeds
issued. Lastly, the Querétaro procurador asked that captains be
forbidden to use Indian auxiliaries and scouts for extra duty as though
they were unpaid soldiers or lackeys. If it pleased the viceroy to grant
these requests the friars would serve God and king as both intended. [53]
Fiscal Areche objected to only two of the thirteen
points, the two that would cost the government money. Mission guards
were unnecessary, he held, because the presidios could take care of any
emergency, and two missionaries should only be provided for in missions
so far apart that the missionaries could not get together with some
frequency. As for the rest of what Father Ximénez
wantedsandwiched, perhaps by design, between the two costly
itemsAreche saw no objections. Thus Bucareli decreed on August 14,
1773. [54]
The friars had won. It had taken six years but their
initial burden, the instructions dictated by the Marqués de Croix
in 1767, the hopeful Enlightenment reforms meant to liberate and elevate
the Indianat the same time stripping the missionary of his
traditional authorityhad finally been lifted by decree of
Bucareli. The Queretaran friars could rule their Sonora missions in the
old way, with the viceroy's sanction. The reformers be damned. Again the
Jesuits would have smiled.
Pleased as he must have been with his victory, Father
Ximénez was of no mind to concede the guards or two missionaries
permission without appeal. He asked for a copy of Areche's opinion,
studied it, and on September 18 petitioned the viceroy again.
The great distances between missions, which the friar
gave one by one, in an enormous province harassed by Apaches certainly
dictated the doubling of missionaries. To drive home the need for
mission guards the friar stressed at length the ineffectiveness of the
presidios, citing the reports of Reyes and that of Father Ximeno from
Tumacácori. Not only would the guard serve to rally mission
Indians against hostiles but also to protect the missionary from both.
Soldiers at Carrizal, for example, might have prevented the murder of
Father Gil. The presidial reforms set forth in the new Reglamento
of 1772, Ximénez pointed out, would take years. In the meantime,
if soldiers"the missionaries' spur"were not stationed in the
missions, the Indians would "continue in the unhappy state that has
prevailed till now, with the resultant miscarriage of their souls." [55]
Areche would have none of it. He advised Bucareli
that no simple listing of distances shed enough light on conditions in
Sonora to justify the expenditure. Therefore the Querétaro
college should conduct an on-site inspection, a visitation of the
missions to determine 1) which ones could be consolidated or suppressed,
2) their populations and racial makeup, 3) the distances between them,
and 4) whatever else seemed pertinent. With the familiar "As the fiscal
says," the viceroy decreed the visita. The college had to comply. [56]
The last months of 1773 Father Ximénez spent
on details: a military escort for the Father Visitor and his secretary;
authority for provincial officials to move a mission, found a town of
gente de razón or a mission of heathens, and provide the
necessary land, missionary, and soldiers.
Late in November the college nominated Ximénez
himself visitor and begged Bucareli to help with the expenses of the
long trip. Ximénez left the capital for Querétaro. At the
college he suffered severe pain, diagnosed as rheumatism, and collapsed.
In his stead the friars chose a man already on the scene, the tall,
slender, eagle-faced Fray Antonio Ramos, a veteran of the Texas missions
who had just been named Father President of both Pimerías. [57]
Hot and dusty, Father President Ramos and his escort
reined up at Tumacácori early in June, 1774. For weeks they had
known he was coming. In mid-April he had sent out a circular letter from
Tubutama announcing the visitation. Later that month he had begun his
formal inspection at Caborca, proceeding then to Ati, Tubutama,
Sáric, San Ignacio, and Cocóspera, spending several days
at each. At Cocóspera Fray Manuel Carrasco, secretary of the
visita, must have sickened. When the visitor reached Tumacácori,
he deputized Father Moreno. On the third they got down to business.
The inspection began when Ramos formally ordered
Father Clemente, under holy obligation, to comply with the following
five demands: 1) Present a census (exhibiting the Indians so that the
visitor can verify the numbers) with a breakdown of neophytes,
Christians, and heathens, their tribes, marital status, and sex. 2) Give
the rank or racial makeup of non-Indians. 3) State the distance to the
nearest mission and presidio and to the pueblos de visita; and if the
country is dangerous or not. 4) If there is any obstacle to joining the
pueblos de visita to the cabecera, or the entire mission to another, as
the viceroy orders for economy's sake, state it. 5) Declare whatever
more may be pertinent. With Moreno as witness, Clemente bound himself to
do so. [58]
The 1774 Tumacácori census told a sad
storyhow in a year's time the mission had been forced by the
Apaches to contract. Only two of the four pueblos remained. Guevavi and
Sonoita lay deserted. Among the Indians at Tumacácori and
Calabazas were refugees "born in pueblos that have been abandoned."
Father Clemente made no distinction between Pimas and
Pápagos. Ninety-eight Pimas "baptized in childhood" lived in
Tumacácori (21 married couples, 5 widowers, 7 widows, 14 boys
twelve and older, and 21 boys and 9 girls under twelve). On June 4
Father Ramos verified a total of one hundred thirty-eight "Pimas" at
Calabazas "baptized in childhood, except for two or three" (34 married
couples, 17 widowers, 4 widows, 18 boys twelve and over, 17 younger
boys, 4 girls twelve and over, and 10 younger). The only non-Indians,
five families (nineteen individuals) listed as "Spaniards," lived at
Tumacácori, enjoyed the use of mission lands, and boasted no more
assets than a single horse. [59] Still,
Tumacácori's meager total of 236 Indians and 19 Spaniards made it
the third most populous mission in Pimería Alta, after Caborca
(535 and 33) and San Xavier del Bac (399 and 0). [60]
Clemente estimated the distance to San Xavier at
seventeen leagues and stressed the extreme danger of the road because of
the heathen Apaches. The four leagues, more or less, south to Calabazas
were no safer. A league from Tumacácori stood the presidio of
Tubac, for all the good it did. As for joining Calabazas and
Tumacácori, two obstacles stood in the waythe Indians'
reluctance to move, and the lack at either place of sufficient irrigated
land. At Tumacácori, the friar admitted, enough land could be
cleared and irrigated to support the mission's entire population, were
it not for "the continuous hostility of the Apache." He had nothing
further to add.
The Father Visitor must have noticed that most of the
refugees were camped at Calabazas. They had not moved in with Calabazas
families but instead maintained their old pueblo identities, the people
from Guevavi in one ranchería and those of Sonoita in another,
each with its own officials. Evidently they hoped to return home one
day. [61] In the meantime the mission's three
visitas were one, not by design but of necessity.
When he had satisfied himself at Tumacácori,
Father Ramos departed for San Xavier, along with Moreno and an escort. A
week later they were back. The visitor had inspected the eight missions
of Pimería Alta. But he could not go on. Afflicted and hardly
able to ride, he called in Fray Juan Díaz, who two weeks earlier
had returned to Tubac from California with Captain Anza. Then and there
he named Fray Juan acting president of the missions in Pimería
Baja and commissioned him to continue the visitation. In two months
Díaz, having made legal copies for the college and for the
archivo de las misiones, turned over the entire record to Sonora
Governor Francisco Antonio Crespo at Horcasitas. The governor forwarded
it to Viceroy Bucareli with comments.
Crespo had little charity for the friars. Only four
problem missions in Pimería Baja deserved temporary double
stipends: a single síodo was enough to support missionaries in
each of the rest, and actually superfluous in some. Since they had not
asked him for mission guards he did not think they really needed
them.
On only one point did Governor Crespo concur with the
missionariesconsolidation of mission pueblos, no matter how
economical, was not feasible. [62] As one
sympathetic friar had observed the year before:
The Indian is so attached and so passionately devoted
to his land and his country that to take him from the place of his
birtheven if it is no more than the shade of a mezquiteis to
take his life or at the least his most cherished possession. [63]
For the friars, the 1770s were years of paradox, of
victory in the shadow of impending defeat. They had shed the Texas and
Coahuila missions and won the right to administer the Sonora missions in
the old way. The full-scale investigation touched off by Bishop-to-be
Reyes failed to produce a new and better method. Despite the damning by
Juan Bautista de Anza, Fathers Ximeno, Clemente, and Moreno could
againas the Jesuits haddiscipline their wards, make them
work for the mission, and exercise over them the old paternalism. Yet
all the while they were in imminent danger of losing Tumacácori
to the fury of the Apache.
They cried out for mission guards and for money to
support two friars in every mission, and a government bent on economy
and preparedness for war against England denied them.
Tumacácori's population declined and huddled in two villages.
Despite the push for missions on the Gila and Colorado and a land route
to California, the fundamental question raised by Bartolomé
Ximeno remained ominously unansweredliving missions or ruins,
Tumacácori or Troy?
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