Contents
Foreword
Preface
Jesuit Foundations
Gray Robes for Black 1767-68
The Archreformer Backs Down 1768-72
Tumacácori or Troy? 1772-74
The Course of Empire 1774-76
The Promise and Default of the Provincias Internas 1776-81
The Challenge of a Reforming Bishop 1781-95
A Quarrel Among Friars 1795-1808
"Corruption Has Come Among Us" 1808-20
A Trampled Guarantee 1820-28
Hanging On 1828-56
Epilogue
Abbreviations
Notes
Bibliography
|

If the Yumas continue constant in their docile
reduction, it will not be many years before the banks of the Colorado
River will be covered with grain fields, fruits, and herds, and settled
with faithful vassals of the king.
Commandant General Teodoro de Croix,
General Report,
1781
As to what happened on the Colorado River, both
with regard to the new experiment in mission management and with regard
to the frightful disaster that followed, what can I say? All we can do
is offer our sympathy . . . and bow before the inscrutable will of
God.
Fray Junípero Serra to Fray Fermín Francisco de Lasuén,
San Carlos, December 8, 1781
CONCURRENT EVENTS
December, 1776 | Washington crosses
the Delaware. Congress flees Philadelphia. Don Hugo O'Conor concludes
his second general campaign against the Western Apaches. |
October, 1777 | General Burgoyne and
5,700 British troops surrender at Saratoga. |
December | Texas, Coahuila, Nuevo
Santander, and Nuevo León are created a new northern diocese.
American envoys in Paris are informed that France has decided to
recognize the independence of the United States. |
February, 1779 | Capt. James Cook,
R.N., killed by natives on the Island of Hawaii. George Rogers Clark
surprises and captures the British garrison at Vincennes. |
June | Spain enters the war against
England as an ally of France. |
September | Gov. Juan Bautista de Anza
of New Mexico defeats Comanches under Cuerno Verde in present-day
southeastern Colorado. Spaniards seize British posts on the
Mississippi. |
April, 1781 | Gov. Bernardo de
Gálvez of Spanish Louisiana takes Pensacola, capturing British
General Campbell. |
September | The allied siege of
Yorktown begins. Los Angeles, second civil settlement in Alta
California, founded. |
IN JULY, 1776, while the Second Continental Congress
sweltered in Philadelphia three thousand miles northeast of San Miguel
de Horcasitas, Governor Crespo received official word that former
Visitor General José de Gálvez had been named minister of
the Indies at the court in Spain. [1]
If the governor offered a toast, he did so stiffly.
Although he cannot have known then how profoundly the promotion of
Gálvez would affect him and the province, to say nothing of
Bucareli and the entire viceroyalty, Crespo must have been apprehensive.
What would the archreformer do first? The answer came almost before the
governor set down his glass.
The Comandancia General de las Provincias Internas
del Norte de Nueva España, almost but not quite a separate
viceroyalty, was no new idea. It had been discussed since at least
mid-century. Gálvez urged it in 1768, a northern jurisdiction
independent of the viceroy of Mexico devoted to pacifying, expanding,
and strengthening New Spain's most exposed frontier. By the mid-1770s
the impending clash with Great Britain dictated that Spain put her
entire colonial house in order.
The six northern governors, from Texas to California,
as well as the comandante-inspector, all would answer to the commandant
general. He in turn would communicate directly with the king through
Gálvez. Like a viceroy, he would be general superintendent of the
treasury and vice patron of the church in the Provincias Internas.
Though the main object of the new entity was understood to be defense,
the royal instructions as usual suggested a higher goal"the
conversion of the numerous heathen Indian tribes of northern North
America."
The choice of Arizpe on the Río Sonora, only a
hundred miles or so south and east of Tumacácori, as capital of
the new general command reflected Gálvez' preoccupation with the
northwest. Through a hand-picked commandant general the new minister
intended to consummate his earlier reforms in Sonora, "all my
resolutions and arrangements made in 1768 and 1769." [2] Instead, he nearly saw the province lost.
The Fleming Teodoro de Croix, caballero of the
Teutonic Knights, had worked for Gálvez before. Together with his
uncle, the Viceroy Marqués de Croix, he and the visitor had
managed the Jesuit expulsion with Machiavellian effectiveness. As first
commandant general of the Provincias Internas, he would set the
precedents. He would do the bidding of José de Gálvez.
That fall as don Teodoro de Croix recrossed the
Atlantic aboard the man-of-war Nuestra Señora del Rosario,
Viceroy Bucareli, who wanted more than anything to go home to Spain,
scowled. Rightly or not, removal of so large an area from his command
would be interpreted by some as a vote of no confidence. Moreover,
Gálvez had failed to define precisely the respective authority of
viceroy and commandant general. The former, for example, was to provide
supplies and aid as requested by the latter. But to what extent? Did
Croix have carte blanche in Mexico City? The commandant general must
keep the viceroy "informed." Did that imply a check on his independence?
Such questions presaged a fight. [3]
| El Caballero de
Croix. From Thomas, Teodoro de Croix |
Though Croix would not see his inglorious mud capital
until late in 1779, the long arm of Gálvez reached out to Sonora
well in advance. In July, 1776, the minister of the Indies had appointed
as intendant-governor of Sonora another loyal servant and relative of
the deceased Marqués de Croix. Pedro Corbalán had been
serving as intendant of Sonora, a Gálvez innovation. For a time
in the early 1770s he had been interim governor as well. Now with the
accession of Gálvez, Corbalán would again exercise dual
authority over the political and economic affairs of the province.
Military affairs, at least initially, would be put in the hands of
Colonel Anza.
Governor Crespo, Bucareli's appointee, asked to be
relieved, claiming ill health. Comandante-Inspector Hugo O'Conor also
pled illness. He had given his all, spent months in the saddle, and
finally begged for a less strenuous post. After a second general
campaign, lasting from September to December, 1776, the ailing Irishman
left the north for his new assignment in the bush as governor of
Yucatan. [4]
Even in 1776, a pivotal year for the northern
frontier, the daily round at Tumacácori, the sowing and reaping,
the burial of a Pápago baby, catechism, a feast day, the reports
of Apache tracks on the mesa, these things changed little. But when
affairs of the larger world did intrude to touch the lives of the
friars, Indians, and settlers in the valley, one thing they could be
certain ofonce again it was the iron José de Gálvez
calling the tune. And once again the reformers danced.
On January 21, 1777, the Caballero de Croix entered
Mexico City. Four weeks later he sent formal notice of his appointment
as commandant general to the Father Guardian of the Querétaro
college. He expressed his desire to bring peace and progress to the
Provincias Internas, and he exhorted the friars to contribute through
love and care of the Indians. [5] The
missions of Sonora were now under Croix's jurisdiction.
The friars viewed the Provincias Internas with
guarded optimism. The promise of an end to the Apache scourge and the
vision of missions on the Gila and the Colorado appealed. But what else
Gálvez and Croix had in mind they could only guess.
Several months before Croix reached Mexico City the
college of Querétaro successfully negotiated the transfer of the
eight despised Pimería Baja missions. When the bishop of Durango
refused to take them, the Franciscan province of Jalisco did. At each
the Queretaran in charge signed over to his blue-robed replacement a
census of the populace and an inventory of the mission's material
resources, including what improvements he and his brethren had made. [6]
The relieved grayrobes departed for Pimería
Alta, where they arrived in October. They would be ready when word came
to occupy the Gila and the Colorado. In the meantime they had to be
farmed out among the eight missions. No wonder, commented Father Pedro
Font, that they were not received with universal rejoicing by their
brother missionaries, "either because they doubt that they can support
themselves even without such a burden or for other very good reasons."
[7]
A long, tall Basque with black hair and grayish eyes,
ojos gatos as the Spaniards said, took refuge at
Tumacácori. At least he and Pedro Arriquibar vere paisanos. Only
twenty-nine, Fray Juan Bautista de Velderrain was from Cizúrquil
just off the heavily traveled highway leading down from the north coast
port of San Sebastián. In the port city he had taken his first
vows in 1763, and not six years after at the convento grande in Vitoria
volunteered, though still a subdeacon, for the mission of 1769 to the
college of Querétaro. [8] By 1773 he
was missionary to the problem Pimas Bajos of Tecoripa and Suaquai, where
three years had made him a veteran.
He had faced down drunken Indians, and more than once
talked them out of deserting, but more than that he had built a church.
Before Father Velderrain's time, the Pimas Bajos known as Sibubapas had
revolted and joined the Seris in the Cerro Prieto. When these rebels
surrendered, the Spaniards consented to build them a new church at royal
expense to replace the ruin at Suaqui. This Velderrain had accomplished
in the face of a thousand adversities. [9]
By early 1777 the lanky friar would move north to San
Xavier del Bac and apply himself to learning Piman under Father
Garcés. Not long after Garcés departed, Velderrain would
begin construction at Bac of the soaring White Dove of the Desert. Well
before its completion however, Fray Juan Bautista would die suddenly May
2, 1790, vomiting blood. At Tumacácori, Velderrain, builder
friar, stayed only a couple of months. [10]
A seventy-percent drop in baptisms at
Tumacácori, from twenty in 1775 six in 1776, told the tale. The
soldiers had left Tubac. When the viceroy proved, don Hugo O'Conor had
written the order, evidently in December, 1775. He expected, wrongly,
that construction at Tucson would proceed apace with Indian laborers
earning three reales per day. [11]
Anza, after his second triumph, was sitting for a
portrait in Mexico City. Since his replacement, the harsh Spaniard don
Pedro de Allande y Saavedra, did not assume command until June, 1777,
the task of moving the garrison fell on scarred old Lieutenant Juan
María de Oliva, a poor administrator at best. It went badly.
Five days after he first dismounted at what was
supposed to be the new royal presidio of San Agustín de Tucson,
Captain Allande reported to Comandante General Croix what a mess he had
found. He reviewed the troops and was disgusted at their utter lack of
"even the necessities of life." Two of the four outer walls were barely
three and a half feet high, the others only footings. Worse, he found no
funds to continue building. The Indian laborers had not been paid. Many,
he pointed out, were Pápagos whose good will was essential to
keep open the road to the Gila and Colorado. No funds, no archive, no
inventory of what belonged to the presidio, no way to identify the
guilty partiesAllande fumed. He implored Croix to send an
inspector from headquarters. And just for good measure he locked up
Brevet Captain Oliva who only shrugged. [12]
| Juan Bautista de
Anza. From Bolton, Outpost of Empire |
Not everyone had abandoned Tubac. Some of the
settlers remained and organized a militia unit. Old Juan
Crisóstomo Ramírez, father of Tumacácori
Interpreter Juan Joseph Ramírez, served as captain and presided
over such musters as his poor company managed. Allande gave them powder.
Most Tubaqueños thought, with some justification, that the army
would come to its senses, see Tucson for the bad scene it was, and move
the garrison back.
While Father Velderrain did what he could to earn his
keep at Tumacácori, a half dozen of his deposed Pimería
Baja brothers huddled at Ímuris, a small visita of San Ignacio,
and begged for military protection. Only by the barest escape was the
glib Father Font among them. Fray Francisco Sánchez
Zúñiga of San Ignacio had been extremely kind "even in the
middle of his troubles with construction of his fallen church." He had
let Fray Baltasar Carrillo stay there with him and given five of the
others lodging at Ímuris. To Pedro Font he had entrusted his
second visita, Santa María Magdalena.
About eight o'clock Saturday morning, November 16,
1776, the stocky Font was walking across the plaza from the church after
Mass. In an instant this tranquil scene changed. The air was suddenly
full of whooping and screaming. The pueblo was under attack.
As the hostiles, "Piatos cimarrones, Seris, and some
Apaches," seemingly about forty strong, drove away the stock and began
firing the dwellings, the women and children ran for Font's quarters.
The attackers set fire to the roof and went on to ravage the church.
Frenzied, they ripped paintings from the walls, poured out the holy
oils, grabbed for vestments and chalice, smashed the baptismal font,
tore up the missal, and dragged the richly dressed reclining statue of
San Francisco Xavier out onto the floor.
In a final rush they broke open the door behind which
Font and the men and children were jammed. The three defenders inside
shot their last arrows. The only question now was whether to die inside
in the flames or outside on the lances of the enemy.
At that moment a party from San Ignacio galloped into
the plaza and the raiders scattered. After a seige of two hours Font and
the others emerged grimy and choking. "My agony was great," the friar
remembered two weeks later,
to find myself in the middle of the patio of the
house, seeing on the one side the pueblo and dwellings burning, on the
other the Indian women crying, and at my feet a poor pregnant woman whom
the enemy had caught and lanced repeatedly on the ground . . . and a
little child of hers with its intestines spilled out just expiring. [13]
Word of the attack, but not of the rescue, reached
Ímuris that morning. Fray Matías Gallo dashed off a note
to Fray Francisco Roche at Cocóspera. He had it before noon.
Roche, who eight years before, almost to the day, had lived through the
sack of Soamca, wrote an urgent note to Captain Francisco Ignacio
Trespalacios at Terrenate and sent it by some Cocóspera Indians.
The captain knew by ten that night. He rode with thirty men at 1:00
A.M.
By six or seven Sunday morning the column clattered
into Cocóspera. Roche had heard nothing more. By the time the
soldiers reined up at Ímuris, the friars had the full story. The
enemy reportedly had fled west, the direction from which they had
come.
Rather than pursue them on spent horses, Trespalacios
decided to return to his presidio by a different route. The friars
wondered if that were truly the reason. The captain's predecessor,
Francisco Tovar, and his entire detachment of twenty-five men had been
massacred while pursuing hostiles in the west not six months before.
When the Franciscans asked for protection the captain replied that he
could not station even two men at Ímuristhat would require
orders from higher up. [14]
The Indians were still digging around in the ashes of
Magdalena when the same mixed band of Piato, Seri, and Apache marauders
brutally assaulted Sáric a week later. Father President Ramos
buried ten victims there. Widely dispersed raids followed.
Tumacácori's turn came three days before
Christmas. The hostiles rode in hell-bent, stole all the stock, and
"that meager pueblo," in Font's words, "saw itself in great danger of
being wiped out." [15] Even more devastating
was the onslaught at Calabazas on June 10, 1777the day Captain
Allande reached Tucson. Commandant General Croix, from the city of
Querétaro, relayed an account of it to José de
Gálvez:
They sacked and set fire to it [Calabazas], burning
all the houses, the church, and the granary with more than a hundred
fanegas of maize. The mission Indians put up a stiff defense killing
thirteen of the enemy at a cost of seven of ours gravely wounded with
little hope of survival.
Three days later they struck again, to the west,
scattering a party from Altar who were rounding up strays at the rancho
of Ocuca. Eight settlers died there. [16]
With the death toll mounting daily, with fresh Seri
and Piato revolts threatening to set off a general native uprising, with
even the loyal Ópatas charging missionary brutality and
non-payment for service as auxiliaries, the plight of Sonora set Croix
raging. If indeed, as letter after letter proclaimed, the province was
about to fall, then Viceroy Bucareli's progress reports and the alleged
results achieved by O'Conor were gross distortions. How could O'Conor
have been so stupid as to order the Sonora presidios moved out beyond
the defensible frontier?
The Caballero, taking his own sweet time getting to
the frontier, all but demanded of Bucareli two thousand men to reinforce
the Provincias Internas, an absurd request in view of the economy
imposed on the viceroy. More wisely, Croix named Juan Bautista de Anza
comandante de armas for Sonora, in effect military governor, and told
him to save the province. [17]
Again the toast of México, Anza this time had
brought stately Chief Palma of the Yumas to court. He had presented him
to capital society at a dazzling reception in the viceregal palace. And
he had stood as godfather as the Indian received baptism in the
cathedral of México. The viceroy had requested for Anza a full
colonelcy: at the same time in Spain the Sonora criollo was being
considered for the governorship of New Mexico.
On his triumphal march north Anza presented Palma for
confirmation in the cathedral at Durango. Near Culiacán he met
and conferred with dejected ex-governor Crespo. The province was in
shambles. Undaunted, Comandante Anza took charge at Horcasitas in May,
1777. Even though he would soon learn of his confirmation as governor of
New Mexico, his new superior, the Caballero de Croix, would keep him in
Sonora for nearly a year. [18]
In June, Anza reviewed the plight of his old command.
Since its transfer to Tucson, he reported to Croix, it and the other two
garrisons moved northTerrenate and Fronterashad all but lost
contact with the province they were meant to protect. A third of their
troops were constantly engaged in fighting provisions. Add to that
another quarter, or perhaps third, escorting the payroll and
replacements for the horses and mules incessantly run off by the enemy,
and it was no wonder the isolated and undermanned posts served for
naught. No wonder the hostiles had it all their own way.
Construction lagged, particularly at Tucson where the
building fund had been woefully mismanaged. As for moving that garrison
beyond to the confluence of the Gila and San PedroGarcés'
old ideathat would be heaping folly on folly. Advancing the
presidios had been a grave mistake. "In sum, because of the miserable
state to which the said cruel barbarians have reduced them, [the
inhabitants of Sonora] cannot proclaim themselves possessors of the
richest and most fertile province, which the beneficent and supreme
Deity destined for them, much less vassals of the best King on earth."
[19]
Croix tossed the problem back to Anza. He might do as
he saw fit about the presidios, even to transferring the garrison of
Tucson back to Tubac "since very little will be lost in abandoning the
construction of Tucson, which lacking funds is little more than
foundations, and since by this measure the restoration of the pueblo of
Calabazas and the preservation of those of Tumacácori and others
nearby may be assured." [20]
That was precisely what the people of
Tumacácori and Tubac had in mind. In November, 1777, Captain
Allande y Saavedra invited them to a hearing. Led by don Manuel
Barragán, a three-man citizens' committee appeared n Tucson
before the captain to plead their cause. "We trust in God that by the
numerous petitions of the poor people this presidio will be restored to
its old site." There were good reasons, they alleged, why it should
be.
In the valley about Tubac there was plenty of fertile
cropland. With a third of it lying fallow the community raised annually
six hundred or more fanegas of wheat and maize. If the system of
irrigation determined by former Captain Anza and continued under Allande
remained in force there would be water for all, one week for the Indians
of Tumacácori, the next for the settlers of Tubac. Grazing land
abounded. Wood too was plentiful, cottonwood and willow along the river
and excellent pine in the Sierra de Santa Rita.
Three mines to the west near Arivaca yielding
high-grade silver ore could be reached easily from Tubac. Beyond lay
fine gold placers. From three recent prospecting forays, the
Tubaqueños had in fact brought back two hundred pesos in gold,
which they promptly spent with two traders who still had it. Five silver
mines in the Sierra de Santa Rita to the east had been worked but with
small yield, two with fire and three with quicksilver. But there as
elsewhere the Apaches held sway, and few miners cared to risk their
scalps.
As the captain knew only too well, he had been
obliged to threaten the people of Tubac with heavy penalties to keep
them from fleeing. Beset by almost constant raiding and violence,
defenseless since the garrison had left, they wanted to break up their
homes and get out while they could.
Only the month before, Apaches had run off the last
of their cattle and horses, laid waste their fields, and carried away as
much maize as they could. And what about the burning of Calabazas? That
had never happened before. All that remained at Tubac were their very
persons and their families. "We humbly beseech you, in the name of the
whole community, to take pity on us for our misfortunes and listen to
our petition . . . for we live in continual expec tation of our total
destruction." [21]
The day after he summoned the Tubac delegation,
Captain Allande requested "as a Christian and a soldier" that Fray
Francisco Garcés comment on whether the presidio should remain at
Tucson or move back to its former site, leaving ten or twelve men for
the protection of San Xavier. "I regret immensely," he wrote
apologetically, "to put you to this trouble; but he who is in the dark
begs illumination where he knows it exists in abundance." He wanted the
report in two days. [22]
Father Garcés' response is missing. As
principal advocate of missions for the Gila River Pimas, he would have
fought a retreat from Tucson. He expected friars for the new missions
any day. [23] Tucson guarded the gateway to
the Gila. It must be held.
The scared residents of Tubac did not get the
presidio back. Colonel Anza, who had at least reinforced the Tucson
garrison with men from the moribund Yaqui River presidio of Buenavista
and with more Ópata scouts, left Sonora in March, 1778, to assume
the governorship of New Mexico. The best Captain Allande could do was
assign a detachment of a dozen to fourteen men to protect "the old
presidio of Tubac and the missions of Tumacácori, Calabazas, and
San Xavier del Bac." [24] No one felt
secure.
What the friars had long dreaded happened suddenly in
April, 1778. Fray Felipe Guillén, the red-faced, balding
missionary of Tubutama, rode down the Altar Valley to his visita of
Santa Teresa as he had done a hundred times before. After Mass and
catechism he proceeded on downriver to call on Fray Juan Gorgoll at Ati.
Halfway there he ran into seven hostiles fleeing from Ati where they had
just killed four persons. Before he could wheel his horse, a lance
caught the friar square in the chest. He toppled off dead. In Chihuahua,
Commandant General Croix's personal chaplain, Fray Juan Agustín
de Morfi, heard that the assailants had quartered Father
Guillén's body and hung the pieces in four trees. He also noted
in his diary, "Anza writes that the Apaches did damage in Old Tubac, in
the pueblo of Calabazas, Pimeríaseven dead."
The day after Guillén's death, Fathers
Gorgoll, Eixarch, and Barbastro laid their martyred brother to rest at
Ati before "all the Indians of Tubutama, Santa Teresa, Oquitoa, and
Ati." [25] Croix was not exactly
sympathetic. The friars again were begging for mission guards
for the consolation of the missionaries intimidated
by the death of Tubutama's Fray Felipe Guillén, a lamentable
occurrence but hardly surprising. After all, the Father was traveling
through a most dangerous stretch with a small escort of but three
Indians from his mission. The Apaches do not respect the priestly state,
nor do they understand the sacrilege of killing a priest. [26]
For most of his last three years at Tumacácori
the rotund Fray Pedro Arriquibar had a compañero. Joaquín
Antonio Belarde, thirty-two years old, about 5 feet 6 inches, blue-eyed
with brown hair, was a city boy from Vitoria, still another Basque. He
had become a Franciscan at the order's imposing convento grande in
Vitoria in 1764, the same year as Gaspar de Clemente and one year after
Félix de Gamarra.
When the mission for the Querétaro college was
announced in the chapter room of this palatial convent, said to have had
its origin in a chapel dedicated in 1214 by Saint Francis himself,
Belarde volunteered straightaway. But because he thought his loving
parents, who lived in Vitoria, might try to dissuade him, Fray
Joaquín asked that his license to join the missionary group be
sent secretly. It was, and he set out with the others for the Puerto de
Santa María. While they waited for passage Belarde reached the
age for the priesthood, twenty-four. At the request of Comisario Juan
Domingo Arricivita, the bishop of Cádiz ordained the young friar
before they sailed.
He had come to Sonora in 1773, full of hope and zeal.
As compañero to Matías Gallo, he shared the frustration of
ministering to the Seris at Pitic. He had substituted for Font at San
José de Pimas. In the fall of 1776, he was among the displaced
friars at Ímuris. When for their own safety Father President
Ramos scattered them throughout Pimería Alta, Father Belarde drew
San Xavier del Bac. And from there he moved down to Tumacácori,
at least as early as September, 1777. [27]
The Indians of eighteenth-century
Tumacácorilike those of twentieth-century San
Xavierdoubtless had descriptive, earthy names for their friars.
Among themselves they could have called Arriquibar Swollen Belly, Fat
Butt, or worse: in the blue-eyed Belarde's case they were probably just
as inventive. From the entries the two men wrote in the book of
baptisms, marriages, and burials, one occasionally glimpses
personality.
Arriquibar, it would seem, was rather careless, not
at all systematic. When, for example, he baptized María
Escolástica Morales, a Pima baby, he forgot to make an entry in
the mission register. Seventeen years later María appeared before
one of Arriquibar's successors with Gaspar Carrillo, a Yuma lad. They
wanted to get married. The friar then discovered the book contained no
record of her baptism. Fortunately Arriquibar was at Tucson. He said he
remembered, the couple was married, and the missionary at
Tumacácori rectified the omission, generously attributing it to
Arriquibar's "muchas ocupaciones."
The two Basques worked together through the spring of
1779. Belarde left first, apparently again for San Xavier. He died "of a
fever" at Cieneguilla, March 5, 1781, at the age of thirty-five.
Arriquibar carried on another ten months, and seemingly was overjoyed to
leave. When he married an Indian couple March 27, 1780, he wrote the
entry with a grand flourish, taking up a whole valuable page of the
book. Beneath his signature and title, a full four inches tall, he added
in jubilation: "This was my last entry!" [28]
When Pedro de Arriquibar left Tumacácori, he
took the Ramírez family with him. During his five years at the
mission he had grown particularly close to Interpeter Juan Joseph
Ramírez and his wife Manuela Sosa. He had baptized two of their
children and had buried Juan Joseph's father, Tubac Militia Captain Juan
Crisóstomo Ramírez, in the Tumacácori church.
At San Ignacio, where the bulky Basque endured
through 1794, and afterward at Tucson, he provided for the
Ramírez clan. After Juan Joseph died, he reared the children. In
the Franciscan's dotage, Teodoro, one of Juan Joseph's younger sons,
looked after him. Finally in 1820 when the venerable friar died, he left
everything he had acquired as a military chaplain to Teodoro
Ramírez, who for fifty years thereafter enjoyed rico
status in Tucson. [29]
|
Arizpe in the
late eighteenth century. Courtesy Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico
|
No one at Tumacácori, or anywhere else in
Sonora for that matter, felt any safer in November, 1779, when
Commandant General Teodoro de Croix and his staff finally made their
grand entry into forlorn Arizpe. Certainly the Apaches were not
intimidated. Croix admitted as much in his monthly summaries from
headquarters.
One dark night in early January, 1780, while Father
Arriquibar was still at Tumacácori, four Apaches with three of
their captives as accomplices tried to steal a flock of sheep from the
mission. When the mayordomo discovered them in the act, they fled. At
first light next day one of the captives was found hiding in the corral.
Subdued, he was marched off to the presidio of Tucson for trial. His
case was not unique. Disenchanted mission Indians and mix-bloods,
especially from the large element of drifters and vagabonds in Sonora,
sometimes fell in with Apache raiders, guiding and spying for them and
sharing in the spoils.
In the same report Croix told how a dozen Apaches had
brought down Brevet Captain Miguel de Urrea, son of the deceased
Bernardo de Urrea, jumping him from ambush as he surveyed some of his
holdings near Altar. He died after receiving the sacraments. [30]
Early that summer, only four leagues from Arizpe, an
Apache war party estimated at no more than thirty rode down on Fray
Francisco Perdigón and eight armed settlers returning from San
Juan's Day festivities in Bacanuchi. Perdigón, chaplain of the
Tucson garrison, had carried on a running feud with the imperious
Captain Allande and had requested a transfer. It came too late. The
screaming assault was too much for the members of his escort, who dashed
pell-mell for their lives abandoning the chaplain to capture, torture,
and death. His body, wrote Croix, the hostiles "covered with wounds from
head to foot." [31]
In the Tumacácori cemetery on a muggy July
day, a new missionary consigned to a grave Juan Ignacio Mesa,
twenty-eight-year-old mission Indian, killed by Apaches in the fields
beyond the walls. [32] Light-skinned with
hazel brown hair and a scar on his tonsure, the sweating Fray Baltazar
Carrillo would stick it out alone at this insecure mission for the next
fifteen years. In fact, they would bury him there.
The people of Fitero, Carrillo's hometown in southern
Navarre, had a name for the gentle evening breeze that blew down from
the mountains to cut the heat: they called it Favono, the Zephyr.
Baltazar Carrillo was born in Fitero about 1734. The villa, its several
hundred two- and three-story houses jammed together almost ludicrously,
contained an interior labyrinth of narrow, crooked streets. Visitors
swore that from some there was simply no way out. From a distance across
fields and olive groves Fitero resembled a giant, irregular anthill in
the broad plain of the Río Alhama. It was historic country fought
over by the kings of Aragón, Castile, and Navarre.
Young Baltazar took the Franciscan habit in 1752 in
the city of Logroño, some sixty miles northwest of Fitero. After
seventeen years in the order, eight of them as master of novices, he
volunteered from Pamplona for overseas missions. At thirty-five he was
one of the oldest recruits for the college of Querétaro.
When Fray Antonio de los Reyes left Sonora for
greener pastures in May, 1771, Baltazar Carrillo had replaced him at
Cucurpe. With the Queretarans' exit from Pimería Baja five and a
half years later, Carrillo took refuge at San Ignacio with Fray
Francisco Sánchez Zúñiga. There and probably
elsewhere in Pimería Alta he served as a back-up man until early
1780. That year Sánchez Zúñiga departed San Ignacio
for Spain and Fray Pedro de Arriquibar came down from Tumacácori
to take his place. Carrillo went to Tumacácori. [33]
Periodically the Spanish Crown restated its
humanitarian principles regarding the treatment of Indians. [34] Often these dictates of the royal
conscience coincided with economic necessity. Teodoro de Croix
understood that well enoughwar with the British empire was
imminentbut from his vantage point on the northern frontier the
royal order of February 20, 1779, could not have reached him at a worse
time. Just as his offensive along the entire frontier east of Sonora
seemed to be gaining momentum, just as he set out for Arizpe to
galvanize forces in that province, the king through José de
Gálvez told him to try friendly persuasion.
Instead of a war of extermination against the
barbarians of the north the commandant general was to fight only in
defense of the existing Spanish frontier. He must offer the hostiles the
alternative of peaceful coexistence, providing them with gifts to soften
them up and make them dependent on their Spanish suppliers. [35]
With Spain's formal declaration of war on England in
the summer of 1779, military aid that might have buttressed the
Provincias Internas went instead to the Mississippi Valley and Gulf
Coast theaters. Dutifully, Croix dropped his request for two thousand
reinforcements. As for friendly persuasion of the bloody Apaches, that,
he told Gálvez, was out of the question. "There really is no
means other than offensive war for restraining them." [36] Accordingly the Caballero gave first
priority in Sonora to reorganizing the presidios, the bases from which
he would carry war to the enemy.
To the embattled inhabitants of Hispanic Arizona, it
seemed as if the military had forgotten them. Then in May, 1780, a
heavily armed column rode in from Tucson escorting the aging veteran
Jacobo de Ugarte y Loyola, military governor of Sonora, and Lieutenant
Jerónimo de la Rocha of the Army Corps of Engineers. Everyone
agreed that former Commandant-Inspector O'Conor had erred badly in
moving presidios beyond the defensible line. Croix had sent Ugarte and
Rocha to reconnoiter the terrain and tell him what was defensible and
what was not.
The two officers concurred. The Fronteras garrison,
isolated and ineffective in the valley of San Bernardino, must be moved
back to its former site. The old Terrenate garrison transferred north to
Santa Cruz by O'Conor had lost two captains and more than eighty men in
five years. The remnants had fallen back on temporary quarters at Las
Nutrias just east of crumbling Ter renate.
Much as don Manuel Barragán and his Tubac
neighbors urged a return of the soldiers from Tucson, Ugarte and Rocha
recommended against it. Even though that presidio, like Santa Fe in New
Mexico, now lay well north of the line, it guarded the mission pueblos
of San Xavier del Bac and San Agustín de Tucson, and it stood as
a sentinel on the Gila-Colorado River road to California. Still,
Governor Ugarte and Lieutenant Rocha had a plan.
To plug the gap between Las Nutrias and Tucson, to
revitalize the entire valley from Tubac south along the river as far as
abandoned Soamca, they would bid for a new presidio. Rocha found the
spot, a broad mesa adjoining the arroyo of San Antonio, east of the
river and no more than a dozen miles south of the ruins of Guevavi.
Over-optimistically, the governor and the engineer
claimed that their projected presidio of San Rafael de Buenavista,
taking its name from an old estancia, would protect Tubac,
Tumacácori, and Calabazas. It would permit the repeopling of
Sonoita, Guevavi, and Soamca, and the whole fertile big bend, "covering
with livestock the beautiful valleys, ruined haciendas, and ranchos of
Buenavista, San Luis, Ranchito, Santa Bárbara, and San
Lázaro." [37] The old-timers doubted
it.
Croix did pull back Fronteras and Terrenate, and he
left Tucson where it was. No presidio of San Rafael de Buenavista was
ever built. Though Governor Ugarte did raise a company of Pima Indians
known by that name, they spent five years stationed at Mission San
Ignacio and elsewhere before moving to Tubac in 1787.
Meantime the Apaches took pretty much what they
wanted. Father Carrillo struggled to maintain the population of
Calabazas and Tumacácori by recruiting desert Pápagos. As
for Manuel Barragán and some of the other frightened Tubac
settlers, they found a way out. Lured by government subsidies of tools
and seed, animals and free land, they answered the call to settle a rich
new country among friendly Indiansthe Río Colorado of the
Yumas.
The Yuma Salvador Palma had returned to his people
with his head full of what he had seen at the viceroy's court. The
Spaniards had promised him missionaries and gifts and a chance to live
like they did. If indeed all this came to passand he had seen for
himself that it couldhe, Olleyquotequiebe, would ride through the
streets of his capital in a carriage and silks. In the meantime he held
on to his precariously exalted position with some of the Yumas as the
favored one of the Spaniards. But nothing happened. The people began to
mock him. In desperation Palma came in from the Colorado and begged don
Pedro Tueros, captain at Altar and interim military governor of the
province. Where were the gifts? Were Spaniards not men of their word?
[38]
Commandant General Croix had received the royal
orders of February 10 and 14, 1777, approving missionaries and a
presidio for the Yumas and continued gratification of Palma [39] He had acknowledged them but not complied.
He had too much else to worry about. Finally on February 5, 1779, at the
urgent request of Captain Tueros, Croix made a feeble move from his
sickbed at Chihuahua. Until he could get to Sonora and take personal
charge, he wanted Father Garcés and a companion to go to the
Colorado, reassure Palma and his people, and prepare them for baptism.
The Caballero intended to ride out and meet the Yumas himself. But for
now he was gambling.
Dissatisfied and apprehensive, the ruddy-faced Fray
Francisco Antonio Barbastro, president of the Pimería Alta
missions since 1777, summoned Garcés and Juan Díaz to
Tubutama to discuss the risks. It had been three years since Fray
Tomás Eixarch had lived with the Yumas. Everyone knew they were
fickle. Despite his boasts, Chief Palma could speak only for his own
ranchería, a small fraction of the three thousand Yumas.
Certainly no permanent Yuma mission could exist without the support of a
strong garrison. None of the friars liked the makeshift nature of
Croix's proposal.
|
A group of Yuma
Indians. From Hamilton, Resources of Arizona |
But they decided to go ahead. The commandant general
had promised to visit the Colorado personally and make all necessary
arrangements then. He had ordered Intendant-Governor Pedro
Corbalán and Captain Tueros to provision the two friars and give
them an escort. Tueros made it clear that he could spare only a few men,
but Garcés could pick them. [40]
Father Garcés remembered Viceroy Bucareli's
reputation for pious works and his personal interest in the land route
to California. Writing direct in March, 1779, Garcés begged
Bucareli for alms to buy gifts for the Indians. Because there would be
at first only one mission at the Yuma crossing all the tribes of the
area would flock in. But before Garcés' plea reached the capital
Viceroy Bucareli died, and the executors of his estate said no. [41]
The project began to abort almost from the start. The
continuity that Juan Bautista de Anza, Bucareli, or even O'Conor might
have provided was lacking. Croix's late arrival in Sonora, his necessary
preoccupation with rebellious Seris and rampaging Apaches, to say
nothing of the austerity imposed on him by the war with Great
Britainall contributed.
After months of frustrating delay, Garcés,
Díaz, and a dozen soldiers had set out across the desert for Yuma
in the hellish month of August. When the rest turned back, Garcés
and a couple of soldiers pushed on. The Yumas crowded around them, these
jaded, sweaty representatives of what Salvador Palma had seen in the
viceroy's palace. Finally someone had come.
Put off so long, the Yumas were greedy. Palma had
harangued them: there would be gifts, gifts, and more gifts. The meager
stock of tobacco, cloth, and glass beads brought by the friar satisfied
no one. No longer were the Yumas sharing: they wanted something in
exchange for maize or fish. They were more unruly than Garcés
remembered. Palma seemed to have little control. Against the expressed
desire of the Spaniards, the Yumas were making war on neighboring
tribes. The arrival of Díaz and ten more grumbling soldiers early
in October added more mouths to feed but little security.
When the friars got word that Croix was in Arizpe,
Díaz rode all the way in for a hearing. Two unprecedented,
make-do military colony-missions, theoretically able to defend
themselves but costing far less than a single presidio, grew out of
their talks. With bitter hindsight Franciscan chronicler Juan Domingo
Arricivita would condemn the compromise and brand Croix an "Artisan of
Death."
In essence the Caballero was ordering two Spanish
towns of twenty-five families each set down in the midst of three
thousand wrought-up heathens two hundred and fifty miles beyond the last
garrison. The missionaries, divested of all but limited spiritual
authority, were to instruct, baptize, and persuade the Yumas to join the
Spanish settlements. Nothing in three centuries of spiritual conquest,
claimed Arricivita, recommended this aberrant scheme. But the friars
were committed. [42]
Thirty-five-year-old Ensign don Santiago de Islas
would command the new settlements. A native of Italy, Islas had come up
through the ranks of the Dragoon Regiment of Mexico. On the frontier he
had ridden nine times in pursuit of Apaches. But despite the zeal with
which he sought them, he had yet to meet them in battle. His military
record was unblemished. "This officer," reported an inspector, "is fit
for the training and discipline of troops put under his command." [43]
In the fall of 1780 Islas reined up in the depressed
ex-presidio of Tubac with a message of hope. Who would join him and
Señora de Islas in a new start on the broad Río Colorado?
No need to fear the Yumas: they had begged the Spaniards to come.
Already friarsthey all knew Father Garcéswere living
among them. Besides, the commandant general had provided for soldiers,
who were taking their families, twenty men, enough to strike the fear of
God into any pack of heathen Indians.
In addition to land and watermore than they
ever had at Tubacthere were other inducements. Each colonist
family would receive ten pesos a month for the first year. The
government would advance each of them a yoke of oxen, two cows, one
bull, two mares, and tools. A dozen laborers were being enrolled to help
them build new homes and corrals. Who would sign up for ten years?
Don Manuel Barragán, son of Juan Nepomuceno
Barragán and husband of Francisca Olguín, had long been a
prominent citizen of Tubac. He had led his community in its bid to get
the garrison moved back from Tucson. Now he led again. He and dona
Francisca would sign. Joseph Olguín and María Ignacia
Hurtado had three small children to think of. But they would go. Others
came forward.
Packing what they could of their poor possessions,
these refugees from Tubac joined the caravan for the Colorado. What was
there to lose? Most of the families from Tucson they already knew. Some
Tucson recruits had gone ahead to Altar. Some of the soldiers, men like
corporals Pasqual Rivera and Juan Miguel Palomino and trooper Joseph
Ignacio Martínez, had been to Yuma with Anza. They had stories to
tell about the great river, the watermelons, and the free Yuma women.
[44]
As Santiago de Islas prepared his ragbag emigrant
train for the Camino del Diablo, Fray Juan Díaz wrote Croix from
La Purísima Concepción del Río Colorado. All was
not well. Food was critically short. The Yumas had murderously raided a
neighboring tribe. Ignacio, a brother of Palma, was reported exhorting
the youth to rise up and kill the Spaniards. Díaz doubted they
would. But he was cautious. "From the cowardice of these Indians I do
not suppose they would go through with it, but is is always well to
remove such a perverse influence from the tribe." [45]
Two days after Christmas Islas pulled in with men,
women, children, cattle, horses, and bleating sheep. The ensign, eager
to inspire confidence, began shouting orders and laying out the colony.
By mid-January, 1781, the Spaniards had two settlements, both on the
California side, Concepción across from today's Yuma, and San
Pedro y San Pablo de Bicuñer, some four leagues upstream. Two
more friars, Juan Antonio Joaquín de Barreneche and Joseph
Matías Moreno, had joined Garcés and Díaz as
compañeros. [46]
The low budget Colorado River experiment in communal
coexistence, settlers and soldiers and friars and Yumas all living
together, faltered for six months. The Spanish intruders, less than two
hundred among thousands, took Yuma lands, let their stock browse Yuma
crops and mesquite trees, introduced the whipping post, and made no
secret of their contempt.
The friars baptized Yuma children and old people,
cried out against the stupidity of warfare, slaving, and sexual license,
and tried to move their catechumens away from the corrupting influence
of the other Spaniards. Ensign Islas wanted ten pairs of irons and two
cannon in case there was trouble, but he did not bother to post guards.
[47]
As the heat built up on the Río Colorado till
the settlers could hardly stand it, Fray Baltazar Carrillo at
Tumacácori battled the smallpox. Beginning in mid-1779 a raging
epidemic of the disease, with its frightful fever and skin eruptions,
had spread through central New Spain. In Mexico City a physician had set
up a clinic to administer inoculation, but no one camethe people
were afraid. Hundreds died in the Río Grande pueblos of New
Mexico early in 1781. At Tumacácori during one five-week period
between Tuesday, May 29, and Monday, July 2, 1781, the overworked Father
Carrillo buried twenty-two bodies, about one for every ten of his
charges. [48]
In the house he had appropriated in Arizpe,
Commandant General Teodoro de Croix sat working over a draft of his
608-paragraph general report to José de Gálvez. Paragraphs
521 to 534 he devoted to the flourishing Colorado River establishments.
He was proud of the money he had saved. The docile Yumas were responding
favorably to conversion, and Croix could foresee the banks of the
Río Colorado blanketed with crops and herds and securely peopled
by loyal vassals of the crown. Already the new colonies had insured the
road to California.
At this very time, wrote Croix, Captain Fernando
Xavier de Rivera y Moncada was marching via the Colorado with settlers,
soldiers, stock, and supplies for hard-up California. Rivera would send
settlers and supplies ahead while he fattened up hundreds of horses and
mules too weak to cross the river. "In any event the expedition is now
beyond danger of enemies. The worst difficulties have been overcome and
the vital supplies are very close to New California." [49]
Before the commandant general had finished his
report, a rider from Tucson brought incredible news. Croix was stunned.
For days he spoke of "the depressing though unconfirmed news." But as
evidence piled up he held council, dispatched orders, then added a
couple of terse marginal notes to his report.
The friars, settlers, and soldiers on the Colorado
were dead. Rivera and the men who had stayed behind with him slaughtered
like the rest. The Yumas had risen.
The first jumbled word of the massacre, passed from
ranchería to ranchería among the Pápagos and then
to the Gila Pimas, had reached the presidio at Tucson on August 5. Next
day Father Velderrain of San Xavier, who understood Piman, interviewed
the Gila informant and concluded that the reports were false. He
recommended that acting Captain Juan Manuel de Bonilla not alarm the
commandant general until the story could be verified. Bonilla overruled
the friar. He had dispatched the rider to Arizpe that very day. [50]
It was weeks before the grisly details fit together.
The Yumas had struck and overrun both settlements on Tuesday morning,
July 17, 1781. At Concepción, Father Garcés was
celebrating Mass. The Yumas at first spared him and his zealous
compañero Barreneche along with the women and children. Ensign
Islas went down under a rain of war clubs: his mangled body the
attackers jubilantly threw into the river.
Upriver at Bicuñer, Fray Juan Díaz and
Fray Joseph Matías Moreno, the ex-Tumacácori friar who had
been so obsessed with martyrdom as a youth, both died in the initial
onslaught. Someone chopped off Moreno's head with an ax. Next day across
the river a horde of Yumas swarmed over the crude barricades thrown up
by Captain Rivera and his few soldiers. And on Thursday they sought out
and at the urging of a former servant and interpreter killed Father
Barreneche and Father Garcés, the one missionary no one thought
the Yumas would harm.
Croix ordered competent Lieutenant Colonel don Pedro
Fages of the Catalonian Volunteers to the Colorado with an expedition
hastily marshaled in Sonora. If the Yumas met them in peace only Palma
and the other instigators were to be seized: if they wanted more war,
Fages was to give it to them. The commandant general decreed the ransom
of the Christian survivors at any price, but once the captives were
safe, the soldiers should take back everything given, as well as all the
booty they could recover, since these negotiations had "no other end
than saving the lives of the king's vassals who are in the Indians'
power." [51]
|
Fray Francisco Garcés and Fray
Juan Antonio Barreneche, Yuma martyrs. Courtesy Museo Municipal,
Querétaro |
Fages failed to humble the Yumas, or even to take the
rebel leaders, but he did parley. For tobacco and other goods he
ransomed seventy-four captives, mostly women and children. He compiled
another list of the dead, in all one hundred and four.
The Spaniards at Tumacácori had known many of
the victimsnot only the friars and the Tucson soldiers but also
their compadres Manuel Barragán and his wife Francisca
Olguín; Joseph Olguín; Francisco Castro, whose wife and
eight-year-old son survived; and Juan Romero, whose wife and three
children perished with him. [52]
The remains of the four slain missionaries, packed in
a couple of empty cigarette crates found near Bicuñer, rode on
muleback to Tubutama. Depressed and embittered, Father President
Barbastro buried them under the sanctuary floor on the gospel side.
Later they were dug up and returned to the college, where the entire
community joined in funeral rites on July 19, 1794, the thir teenth
anniversary of their murder. [53]
In February, 1782, Barbastro solicited from
Lieutenant Colonel Fages an account of the Yuma tragedy based on the
sworn declarations of survivors. According to Fages' statement, the four
friars had lived and died on the Río Colorado in an exemplary
manner. They were, he testified, absolutely blameless. They had died
gloriously in the eyes of the Lord. For several years the Father
President continued to collect supporting testimony, including that of
dona María Ana Montiel, widow of Santiago de Islas. [54]
In California, Fray Junípero Serra, who had
known both Garcés and Díaz, wondered if the four dead
Queretarans lacked anything, canonically speaking, to be hailed as
martyrs. "It is worth contemplating," wrote Juan Domingo Arricivita, the
recruiter who had brought Fray Joseph Matías Moreno from Spain a
dozen years earlier,
that the barbarians did not cut off the heads of the
other three missionaries, only that of Father Moreno. Although it has
been impossible to learn if it occurred while he was alive or after
death, what is certain, since beheading is the epitome of all other
forms of martyrdom, is that the Lord wished thereby to fulfill the
ardent desires the Father had, almost from childhood, to suffer
martyrdom. [55]
Teodoro de Croix blamed Anza and the deceased Father
Garcés. They had misrepresented the Yumas. "I think the pretty
notions they presented to the government about the Yuma nation were more
the products of religious zeal, a desire to serve, and love on the part
of the first for laudable labors and on the part of the second for
apostolic labors, than of reality."
In truth, said Croix, the Yumas were no different
from other Indians on this frontier, "more or less treacherous,
inconstant, stubborn, and wild." Salvador Palma had no more claim to
kingship over his people than any Apache capitancillo. Because
Palma had expected the gifts and special treatment to go on forever, the
uprising was inevitable. Nothing the commandant general could have done
would have sufficed to quench "the extravagant greed of the Yumas." [56]
After a combined Sonora-California punitive
expedition under Fages and California Governor Felipe de Neve failed to
subdue the Yumas in the late summer of 1782, Croix gave up. A presidio
on the Colorado was not only impractical, it was unnecessary. Whenever
supplies or remounts were needed in California, an expedition could
easily force the crossing. The Yumas were not so tough. [57]
The disaster at Yuma in 1781 was a major setback to
José de Gálvez' imperial design. To the friars of the
Querétaro college it was a poignant indication of what they could
expect from the Provincias Internas.
If anything, Indian hostilities in Sonora had
increased since 1776. Father Guillén had died while riding
between two of his pueblos. To the friars, Croix's
achievementspulling back a couple of presidios, the "opening" of
an indirect trail by Anza from New Mexico to Sonora late in 1780, [58] and a pile of recommendations on
paperseemed small consolation for his neglect of their missions
and their proposals for expansion. [59]
They knew that the commandant general had his
problems, that he labored under the burden of wartime austerity, that
his responsibilities extended over two thousand miles of exposed
frontier. But they did not forgive him. They held up Croix's poor
bastard settlements on the Colorado against the proper missions and
presidios proposed by Viceroy Bucarelioverlooking for the time the
ill-supported Seri mission at Carrizal where Father Gil de
Bernabé had died. [60]
The friars never got over the disaster of 1781. Their
disenchantment with the General Command of the Provincias Internas
lasted as long as it did, another forty years. They disputed mightily
with some of Croix's successors, particularly Pedro de Nava and Nemesia
Salcedo. On their knees they begged that Pimería Alta be returned
to the viceroy's jurisdiction, believing that he represented more
perfectly the king's desire to convert the native American than did the
military-minded comandante.
But they never convinced the king.
|